Category: Reports

Israeli military profiling and assaulting international observers in Hebron

5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank

For over a week now, ISM activists have been continually harassed, and on one occasion assaulted, by Israeli soldiers who have frequently demanded that internationals to hand over possessions of their passports. This ongoing situation has occurred within the ‘H2’ zone in the city of Hebron, which is notorious for its intense and illegal Israeli military presence due to a small number of Israeli citizens who have illegally invaded and occupied a historically significant part of the city.

Harassment of international observers at checkpoint - Click here for more information

According to Israeli law, soldiers have limited jurisdiction over internationals as internationals are governed by civil law (unlike the Palestinians who suffer under unjust military rule) and therefore only the Israeli police have the legal authority to demand an international or Israeli citizen to provide their passport for inspection. Despite this, the soldiers have continued to attempt to abuse their power, generally using tactics of intimidation and threats, in a vain hope that they will force the internationals to submit to their inflated sense of power.

This recent change of approach from the Israeli military towards internationals appears to have coincided with a strong international presence at a olive harvest within the ‘H2’ zone during which Israeli soldiers refused Palestinians’ their inherent right to harvest their own land. It also appears that the arrival of a new commander, who infamously boasted, “I am the law, I am god” has also contributed to what incredibly may be a deterioration in the treatment Palestinians and internationals. In his short period in charge the commander has revoked a long established agreement that teachers; pregnant women and others with health issues do not have to pass through the radiation emitting checkpoint and must instead submit to being searched every time. It appears this commander has ambitions of promotion beyond the rank of, “god” and recognises that the path to this within the Israeli army is inhumane treatment of Palestinians and any who dare support them.

ISM activists have remained firm in their support of Palestinians and compliance with Israeli law, recognising that as internationals they are able to resist elements of the occupation that Palestinians are simply unable to; also and perhaps most importantly, if internationals allow the soldiers to abuse their power with internationals, it will weaken their ability to support Palestinians in their struggle and potentially open the floodgates for further abuses of power against the Palestinians. Consequently over the last week to ten days it has been a daily occurrence that internationals are refused entry into the ‘H2’ and even at times out (via checkpoint 56).

On occasions ISM activists have chosen to take the longer route into the ‘H2′ zone when they have been refused entry through checkpoint 56 and at times even avoided the checkpoint completely similar to many of the teachers and Palestinians’ with health issues. This longer route is significantly less convenient for many, and ISM activists have been informed that it can add as much as forty five minutes onto a teacher’s travel time to and from work, which has some of them considering whether they can continue to provide their invaluable service to the children of Qordoba school.

When ISM activists have refused to take an alternative route into ‘H2’ they are frequently delayed for long periods of time until the police arrive to resolve what is an unlawful situation. Reports from ISM activists indicate that the police officers who arrive at the scene are also aware of the illegality of the soldiers request, and while they are eager not to explicitly state this in front of international activists, it is clear from their gestures that they do not believe the soldiers requests are necessary.

Each time the police have arrived to such an incident, ISM activists have handed over their passports without resistance and often their details (i.e. name, nationality, passport number etc.) have been recorded. However, although it has generally been the case that the police officers have shown a lack of support for the soldiers position, clearly both the soldiers and the police form part of a larger illegal and unjust structure within the West Bank, and consequently on some occasions the police have attempted to intimidate ISM activists by claiming that soldiers have the authority to arrest internationals who refuse to show their passports. This is also illegal according to Israeli law. On a couple of occasions the police officers have handed over possession of international’s passports to the soldiers, who have then retained the passports for significant periods of time, illegally and without any genuine explanation.

On Tuesday 1st November the situation reached a new level of illegality and harassment. At approximately 11 AM a lone ISM activist attempted to pass through checkpoint 56 on their way to their apartment where they were staying. This activist appears to have been the attention for much of the soldiers’ harassment particularly when travelling alone, which has led activists to questions whether this is due to the activists ethnicity (Black British). Although the soldiers are aware of the identity of all the ISM activists and have seen their passports and recorded their details on several occasions, once again the soldiers demanded that they be given possession of the ISM activist’s passport, refusing to accept that close inspection (although they do not have the authority to demand this either) was sufficient. The activist denied this illegal request and consequently the two soldiers controlling the checkpoint  refused to allow the activist to travel freely to their destination. In addition the soldiers refused to call the police and suggested that the activist simply would have to exit the checkpoint. Aware that often the only effective weapon against the abuses of Israeli authorities, both committed against internationals activists, but most important Palestinian civilians, is the scrutiny of international eyes via the camera lens, the activist called two of his colleagues to come and record the incident.

Once two other ISM activists arrived to the checkpoint (from their apartment within the ‘H2’ zone) with their videos camera aimed, the ISM activist being refused entry again attempted to show the soldiers his passport and valid visa, but the soldiers continued to  deny them entry. The soldiers were then asked to call the police so the situation could be resolved according to Israeli law, but the soldiers also refused this, appearing eager to simply punish the activist for daring to resist their attempt to abuse their power as they feel entitled to do with innocent Palestinians.

Under the gaze of the cameras the ISM activists then attempted to make their way to the apartment, with the soldiers unwilling to resolve the situation legally. At this point the two soldiers began to physically prevent the activists from making progress, with both becoming aggressive and violent as they pushed the activist towards a nearby wall. Under threat  from the soldiers the activist instinctively raised his hands to defend himself and attempt to remove himself from the grip and the force of the two soldiers. Perhaps indicative of the deception used by the Israeli government, the two soldiers who were clearly the aggressors in this situation, attempted to claim that they were under attack and had been assaulted by the lone activist. This type of blatant manipulation of the facts appears to be a common theme through much of the Israeli government propaganda about this illegal occupation.

The soldiers then claimed that they would call the police to report this factious assault and ordered the activist to remain beside the checkpoint until the police arrived. Naively believing that the soldiers were for once being honest the activist followed this instruction without resistance, recognising that soldiers have the right to detain internationals for three hours while the police arrive to an incident. It later emerged that the soldiers had not actually called the police, who on several occasions drove past the incident along with T.I.P.H (temporary international presence in Hebron) who were equally slow and ineffective in their response, which it seems they frequently are.

The police arrived approximately two and a half hours after the incident began, following a call from an ISM activist requesting their presence at the incident. During this period of detainment there was change in the soldiers presence at the checkpoint, with a notoriously hostile and aggressive soldier arriving (one who had previously kicked this activist while he had been travelling alone) and consequently the situation, the harassment and the assault escalated.

One of the first ISM activists who had arrived at the scene to support their colleague eventually had to leave in order go on a school patrol (helping young school children to travel home safely in the face of often vicious settler attacks) and attempted to pass checkpoint 56 and exit ‘H2’. The soldiers are generally less likely to check the ID of Palestinians as they exit ‘H2’ and almost never ask to see the passports of internationals travelling in this direction as they are travelling into the ‘H1’ zone where Israeli citizens have yet to attempt to illegally invade and occupy.

However on this occasion the soldier who is notorious for his hostility towards Palestinians and internationals, decided that he wanted the ISM activists to hand over possession of his passport before he could exit the checkpoint. When he was refused permission, to abuse his power further the soldier became violent and forcibly prevented the ISM activist from progressing into the city; chasing him beyond the checkpoint; screaming with M16 in tow and then pushing the activist against a wall. So as not to further provoke, what can only be described as an unstable and volatile soldier, the activist made his way back through the checkpoint and he too was then detained along with his fellow ISM activist as both waited for the police arrive to the incident. A third ISM activists was also later detained simply for attempting to take a mobile phone from one of their colleagues who had been detained. Both this third ISM activist and another were aggressively pushed as they attempted to make any type of contact with their colleagues.

During this period activists from CPT arrived and attempted to investigate what was occurring. They too were treated with hostility and distain, but remained firm in their determination to document what was occurring, which meant they were frequently assaulted as the soldiers arbitrarily pushed them away and insisted they stand on a particular piece of the road along with other ISM activists who were also now present and recording the incident. As the minutes and hours passed by, another group of internationals who appeared to be having a guided tour of the city also stopped at the incident and were suitably horrified by what was occurring. Despite the fact that they were at least fifteen internationals documenting the incident, the soldiers appeared oblivious and even escalated their violence against the ISM activists detained.

Whilst being observed by a large crowd of internationals, one of the soldiers decided that they wanted to illegally search the ISM activist that they had originally detained. At this point the activist had been detained for over an hour and had peacefully and calmly remained in the same position, clearly presenting no risk. The activist refused the attempt by the soldier to humiliate him in front of the crowd by searching him, explaining that they had previously passed through the metal detector. The activist attempted to compromise with soldiers by saying that they we were willing for their bag to be searched but would not submit to a full body search until the police arrived, and they had legal authority to perform such a search if the circumstances warranted it. With their authority challenged the soldiers again resorted to violence, attempting to push and pull the activist away from his colleagues to a nearby wall. The activists was able to resist non-violently by holding onto a metal railing, while all present were horrified at what they were witnessing and demanded in vain that it end.

Eventually the soldiers relented, undoubtedly realising that in order for them to exert their will in this situation they would have to use a level of force which they were not comfortable using in front of such a large international audience.

Soon after about six more soldiers arrived on the scene which seemed to frighten many of the internationals who had gathered and they were hurriedly ushered away by their guide, leaving their best wishes with the three activists who were being detained. Perhaps the reduced level of scrutiny encouraged the soldiers to once again behave in manner which can only be described as inhumane. The third ISM activist who had been detained simply for attempting to take a mobile phone from her colleague, after standing directly in the hot midday sun for about thirty minutes, attempted to move less than half a metre to find some shade. As soon as the ISM activist attempted to move she was approached by a soldier he began to aggressively push her back, refusing to listen to her plea to stand in an area with less direct sunlight while she was being detained for a reason hard to comprehend. Anxious about the safety of his colleague who had been suffering from the flu for the last few days, and appeared unsteady under the force of the much larger and stronger soldier, another of the detained activists stood beside his colleague to ensure she was okay. The solider then turned his attention to the male ISM activist and violently grabbed him by the throat and again attempted to aggressively push him backwards.

By the time the police eventually arrived there were four people being detained, three ISM activists and one Palestinian man, who appeared to have been detained simply for daring to speak to the ISM activists as he walked past. On their arrival the police spoke to the soldiers present before asking for the passport of the first international detained. Initially it seemed as though the police officers were suggesting that soldiers would be arresting this international, but eventually after the commander of the soldier’s was called to the incident the international was arrested for allegedly assaulting a soldier and was escorted via a police car to a local police station, with two police officers and two soldiers accompanying him. The three other detainees were released without any further issue, clearly indicating that they were being held without just cause.

After several hours waiting in the police station, with limited information being given to the arrested British activist or his concerned colleagues who spent time outside the station ( unaware of whether the ISM activist was actually being detained there) and also made several phone calls to the police station, the ISM activist was eventually informed he would be spending the night in police custody and would be taken to the immigration authorities to be deported the following morning. The activist was interviewed, had their finger prints and photographs taken and after having many of their belongings removed, locked away in a cell for the night.

The following morning at approximately 8.30am two officers entered the ISM activists cell and after strip searching him and then hand cuffing his wrists and ankles, escorted him to a court in Jerusalem via a high security police van. During the journey the activist shared a small metal compartment with a Palestinian man, who it perhaps wouldn’t be too presumptuous to suggest was be held unjustly and would undoubted receive significantly more severe treatment than the international activist with whom he shared a seat. Once at the court the activist spoke with a lawyer provided by the ISM. The lawyer explained that the prosecutor had initially suggested they would attempt to have the activist deported, but the lawyer was able to effectively argue that there were no legal grounds for this. The lawyer suggested to the activist that he should agree to the new terms demanded by the prosecution, which were that the activist could not return south of Jerusalem for fifteen days. After being informed that although there was video evidence of not only the innocence of the activist, but also the various assaults committed by the soldiers, this was insufficient to stand against the word of a police officer. The ISM activist decided to sign the agreement for fear that the demands would be made even more severe (e.g. a six month ban form the entire West Bank).

Nasr Ibrahim Alean was murdered by Israel Thursday

by Nathan Stuckey

7 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

Nasr Ibrahim Alean

Nasr Ibrahim Alean was a 23 year old farmer from Beit Lahia.  He was murdered on November 3, 2011.  He was picking strawberries in his field when he was shot in the leg by the Israeli army.  He called his friend Muhammad Abu Helmeyyah, 22 years old, to help him.  Muhammed tried to take him to safety, but they were both killed by a missile from an Apache helicopter.  Nasr was not the first farmer in Gaza murdered by the IDF, and he will probably not be the last.

When Nasr was killed he was working in a field 500 meters from the border.  Outside of the Israeli imposed “buffer zone” which is in reality a 300 meter zone of death that surrounds Gaza.  This isn’t uncommon; the high risk area around the border extends as far as one or two kilometers according to the UN.  Nasr knew that he risked his life when he went to work, but he had no choice.  He needed money to get married, and working on the land was the only work that he could find.  Gaza is under siege, and unemployment is rife.  Not only are many imports banned, but most exports are banned as well.

We set in the mourning tent talking with Nasr’s family, hearing their stories, seeing their pictures of Nasser.  A cousin showed us a video of them picking up the body.  There was a giant hole in his head.  They tell us that Israel did not allow the Red Cross to pick up the body immediately; it sat for several hours, until finally the ambulances came.  Too late, Nasr was already dead.  Muhammad was already dead.  They told us worse stories, of bodies that no one was allowed to pick up for ups, bodies that the IDF left to rot, everyone forbidden to claim them.

Nasr’s brother was getting married in two days.  One of his aunt’s heard the story as she had her eyebrows done in preparation for the wedding.  She says of him, “He wasn’t in the resistance, he was just trying to work,” and continues “They don’t even want us to work. If it wasn’t for the United Nations, I don’t know what we would do.”  His uncle tells us about how he used to work in Israel.  He worked as a driver.  One day a woman got in with her young child.  She abused him in front of the child.  He asks, “How can people who abuse you in front of their children teach their children about peace?”  He doesn’t seem to have much hope.  They talk of going to human rights organizations to complain about Nasr’s murder, but they do not really believe that they will help.   Nasr hadn’t given up though, he went to pick strawberries on Thursday because he wanted to live, because he wanted to get married and have children and a house of his own.

Eid children’s fair in Beit Hanoun

by Radhika S.

6 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

Photo: Hama Waqum - Click here for more images

In the afternoon, we went to a special Eid children’s fair at a park in Beit Hanoun, in the north of the Gaza Strip.  Fifty percent of the population in Gaza is under the age of 18, and as we arrived, that statistic became quite clear. There were kids everywhere.  Playing, dancing, singing –riding horses — all in their brand new Eid clothes.  Poofy synthetic dahlia barrettes were all the the rage among the girls. Volunteers from the Beit Hanoun Local Initiative, which works with children traumatized by Israeli violence (among other things) were singing and clapping as dozens of kids shrieked with pleasure as we arrived.

Then there was a sort of homemade karaoke where Arabic songs were played over speakers and kids would sing along.  Everyone got a prize.

This report was excerpted from a longer post on Notes from Behind the Blockade.

Loay Auda: From a closed cell to the jail of exile

by Silvia Todeschini

26 November 2011  | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

Released prisoners make their way into Gaza

Loay Auda, in Israeli prisons since 2002, was released in the last prisoner swap exchange. Native of Jerusalem, he was of the many deported to Gaza. In an interview with International Solidarity Movement, Loay and his mother describe the night of his arrest, the solidity of prisoners in the face of abusive tactics, and the meaning of freedom despite the many who still wait in the shadows of Israel’s industrial colonial complex.

The words of Umm Izrod, mother of an exiled prisoner

“It was April 5, 2002, during the second intifada. My son called me saying that we could finally meet, I could embrace him again, see how he was. He was hidden for 9 days in Ramallah, where there was a curfew, because he was wanted by the Zionist occupation forces. During those interminable nine days I did not hear from him, so we menaged to meet in the house of my sister, which she did not use because she had gone to live elsewhere. We sat, we cooked potato chips and drank coffee, then Loay had to take a shower, because for nine days he could not do it, then we were tired and went to sleep.”

“At two in the morning I heard a noise. I thought they were the patrols that monitor compliance with the curfew, but then I heard the soldiers who called us by our names. ‘Come out with your hands up!’ they said.

“I tried to wake my son, ‘Get up, get up, they are coming to get you!’ And he did not wake up; who knows how many days he did not sleep well. From the outside they continued to call our names and surnames. I woke him up with more energy. We were completely surrounded, we would never be able to escape. Soldiers were throwing stones at the windows. They continued to call us and we did not respond. We started talking about the arrest, and we told each other, ‘We must be strong and do not talk, do not say anything. Even if they torture us, we must resist.’

“At some point in that chaos we were even joking and kidding … Around us, the Zionists had a large deployment of vehicles, helicopters, tanks, bulldozers … It seemed that we were going to be bombed!

“At 6.30 we heard the door open. They went to my sister’s house to pick up the keys, and had used her children as human shields to open the door. I came out, and I tried to keep the soldiers busy, they told me to call my son. I did not want to come because I was convinced that if he would come, he would be shot.”

When he got out, his mother, terrified, tried to protect him from the soldiers with her body.

“They took my son and put him on the sidewalk for questioning. I’ve brought the shoes first and then the cigarettes, and the soldiers insulted me. It was completely dark, in the streets there were only the occupation forces because of the curfew, but I could see neighbors peering from the windows.

“I told my son, ‘You are the greatest. You see all these dogs around you? Not as good as the sole of your shoe. Remain strong and you will be released.”

Her son replied, “I will be released only when old,” and his mother recounts when a soldier said, “I hope you die before being released.”

The mother continued to describe her son’s arrest.  “They blindfolded him and called me to kiss him one last time, and then they loaded him onto the jeep and left.”

The treatment that was answered with strike

On his way to prison, the jeep stopped, explained Loay. They peppered him with a barrage of questions, and threatened to take revenge on his mother if he  did not cooperate.

The first period of detention, the so-called “investigation” is probably the worst time for each prisoner. Psychological and physical tortures are applied to try to get information on the activities of the prisoners themselves and on other people. The interrogation of Loay lasted 55 days and was held in the Russian Compound, a former Russian church occupied and used for interrogations.

“They were questioning about my own activities but also about my comrades. The torture was more psychological than physical. The Zionists had learned that if they physically torture the evidence remains, yet psychological torture is more difficult to prove. They threatened to arrest members of our family. We were tied to a chair for consecutive days. We were bound in rooms that played loud music.”

Loay was transferred many times. Initially he was confined to Askelon prison, then prisons in Bir Seb’a, then Nive Tirtza, then back to Ashkelon, then Gilbo’a to Shatta and finally back to Gilbo’a.

“In prison, we organize,” said Loay. “The members of each party choose a spokesman, and the spokesman discusses the strategy to ensure unity. Nobody was allowed to talk to the guards except the one whom we collectively gave that position.”

He continued to describe the conditions prisoners had to endure, like the violence of the police, humiliating searches, collective punishment, and days of isolation. There was only an hour or two of outdoor time per day, and  family visits were often forbidden. The food was cheap, and the diet was not healthy.

Loay participated in the last hunger strike.

“Our main demand was about the end of isolation. People in solitary confinement were locked in a small cell by themselves. And when given outdoor time, it was at odd hours and away from other prisoners, while still being chained. After two years in this situation, the psychological effects on prisoners begin to get really serious. At that time more than 30 prisoners were in solitary confinement for periods ranging from one year to 13 years. 10to 15 prisoners were in solitary confinement for longer periods. Ahmad Sa’adat was at his third year of isolation, and his psychological and physical health was deteriorating. We did some short strikes previously, a couple of days at most, but it was time to go through with something larger.

“The situation became even worse after the capture of the soldier Shalit. The soldiers attacked us more to try to make more pressure for his release. We could not study, books were not allowed.  We had arranged for an escalation of the protests. Then other people were added to each week. For example, I striked only the last week with the largest group. There were already 420 people and [when we joined] we were 300.”

The strike was not restricted to food, there was also a form of non-cooperation with the Zionists.

We had stopped to assist in the count, we got together no longer standing when it was time, and for that we had deprived at the time of any visit to family or lawyers.” prisoners in Israeli jails are counted more than once a day, when the jailer passes they are forced to stand in front of the entrance of the cell, under normal conditions if they refuse they are punished with beatings or a few days of isolation.

He said that the repression of the strike by prison guards was not a trivial thing.

The Zionists had left us nothing but water, and we were able to hide salt in some of the gaps of the beds. We had on heavy clothing, because one on hunger strike feels colder than usual. During the strike they continued to move us from one cell to another, from one prison to another. Three times a day the soldiers came and searched the cells from top to bottom, leaving all our other personal belongings in the center of the room. Already weakened by hunger, three times a day we had to collect our things and put them back in place. They deprived us of bottles [to drink from], so all we could do to drink was to drink from the same tap. They kept telling us that other prisoners in other prisoners had given up the strike, but we knew that was not true.

He explained that he was in solitary confinement for several days as punishment because he was on strike, and therefore knew nothing of the exchange.

“I came out of isolation and they told me that I was going to be released the next day. I did not believe it. I was shocked, because in a cell with me were people who were there for more time and they would have priority. There were people who were there for 27 yearsand were not included in this statement.”

He continued to speak about the attitude of the Zionists against them in the light of this exchange.

The names of those who were included in the agreement were not clear. The jailers had fun playing with our nerves. One day they came and said somebody was free, and the next day would that we were going to stay in prison. I did not have the certainty that I would be released until 10 minutes before, when they came to pick me up. Even when they were taking people to free them, they amused themselves and did not tell us anything. They passed by a cell and would call out, ‘Come with us,’ without saying where they will take him. Then the would come back, call to another, and say ‘Come with us.’  Until the last moment it was not clear which names were included in the list.

The outlook of an exile

Loay, a native of Jerusalem with 162 others originating in the same city or the West Bank, was deported to Gaza. His mother and another brother were able to visit him because, coming from Jerusalem, they are able to cross the border between Egypt and the Zionist entity. Other people were deported from the West Bank  yet cannot even be visited by family.

Loay explained, “In a year, 18 of us will return to the West Bank… And all the others, including myself, have no date  to return home. Perhaps we can never return. ”

Loay was excited about the fact that 1027 prisoners were released.

“This exchange was a fantastic opportunity. When you are in prison, even 5 comrades freed means a lot for you. Imagine the happiness in knowing that 1,027 will be released! This is a victory even for those inside. My comrades still in prison are glad I’m out.”

In an appeal to those released and the greater community, Loay said, “I ask the men and women who are out of jail to think about the prisoner question in an unitarian way, far from the logic of political parties. I ask, as a human being, to appeal to your humanity to apply pressure for the sake of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.”

Silvia Todeschini is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement.

19 weeks strong: Kufr Qaddoum marches forward despite heavy tear gas and bullets

by Rana H.

5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank

The Israeli army assaulted peaceful protesters in Kufr Qaddoum with tear gas, rubber coated steel bullets, and sound bombs, injuring two and causing severe tear gas suffocation for three families, including five children, and two protesters, including an International Solidarity Movement activist.

Approximately 250 protesters were present, including children, and international and Israeli activists.

One Palestinian broke his foot when a high-velocity tear gas canister hit him, and is currently being transferred to Jordan for special treatment. Another protester was injured when a tear gas canister hit him in the hand. Three families were forced to evacuate their homes when soldiers fired tear gas in between their homes. Five children were witnessed crying and running out of their homes and away from the approaching soldiers. Two protesters were treated with oxygen after severe tear gas inhalation, including a female ISM activist who fell unconscious.

Children lead the protest holding posters praising Mahmoud Abbas and UNESCO, calling Avigdor Lieberman a “racist” and “terrorist.” As the march progressed to where soldiers were stationed, most of the children dispersed and protesters stopped in front of the barbed wire marking, closing the street about 15 metres from the soldiers. The Israeli commander approached and spoke to some of the Palestinians, attempting to set rules but demonstrators refused to recognize these rules without Israel first acknowledging that the road is their legal right to use.

Soon after, soldiers fired several rounds of tear gas. They continued to shoot tear gas in bunches for the next hour. For the first hour, the progression kept returning after each round of gas. The soldiers then began to advance on the road into the village. They began to fire rubber coated steel bullets and sound bombs as well as tear gas. At this point the three families evacuated their homes.

Protesters continued to come back at them despite the dangerous situation, and eventually the soldiers left the street and the demonstration ended.

The Palestinian-led demonstration has occurred weekly in Kufr Qaddoum for the past 19 weeks. The village was involved in a legal battle for six years concerning the closure of their main road because it runs parallel to the illegal Israeli settlement of Qadumim. During this time there were no protests. The Israeli court finally ruled in their favour, but the road was then closed because it is not “suitable” or “safe” for travel. 5 months ago the protests resumed. Since the road has been closed, Kufr Qaddoum residents must take an indirect road to reach Nablus, which increases transportation from 15 minutes to 40 minutes. This increase has resulted in hardships, particularly because there is no hospital in the village and residents must drive to Nablus for care, and due to the increased price of transport for the many students who study in Nablus.

Rana H. is an activist with International Solidarity Movement.