Loay Auda: From a closed cell to the jail of exile

by Silvia Todeschini

26 November 2011  | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

Released prisoners make their way into Gaza

Loay Auda, in Israeli prisons since 2002, was released in the last prisoner swap exchange. Native of Jerusalem, he was of the many deported to Gaza. In an interview with International Solidarity Movement, Loay and his mother describe the night of his arrest, the solidity of prisoners in the face of abusive tactics, and the meaning of freedom despite the many who still wait in the shadows of Israel’s industrial colonial complex.

The words of Umm Izrod, mother of an exiled prisoner

“It was April 5, 2002, during the second intifada. My son called me saying that we could finally meet, I could embrace him again, see how he was. He was hidden for 9 days in Ramallah, where there was a curfew, because he was wanted by the Zionist occupation forces. During those interminable nine days I did not hear from him, so we menaged to meet in the house of my sister, which she did not use because she had gone to live elsewhere. We sat, we cooked potato chips and drank coffee, then Loay had to take a shower, because for nine days he could not do it, then we were tired and went to sleep.”

“At two in the morning I heard a noise. I thought they were the patrols that monitor compliance with the curfew, but then I heard the soldiers who called us by our names. ‘Come out with your hands up!’ they said.

“I tried to wake my son, ‘Get up, get up, they are coming to get you!’ And he did not wake up; who knows how many days he did not sleep well. From the outside they continued to call our names and surnames. I woke him up with more energy. We were completely surrounded, we would never be able to escape. Soldiers were throwing stones at the windows. They continued to call us and we did not respond. We started talking about the arrest, and we told each other, ‘We must be strong and do not talk, do not say anything. Even if they torture us, we must resist.’

“At some point in that chaos we were even joking and kidding … Around us, the Zionists had a large deployment of vehicles, helicopters, tanks, bulldozers … It seemed that we were going to be bombed!

“At 6.30 we heard the door open. They went to my sister’s house to pick up the keys, and had used her children as human shields to open the door. I came out, and I tried to keep the soldiers busy, they told me to call my son. I did not want to come because I was convinced that if he would come, he would be shot.”

When he got out, his mother, terrified, tried to protect him from the soldiers with her body.

“They took my son and put him on the sidewalk for questioning. I’ve brought the shoes first and then the cigarettes, and the soldiers insulted me. It was completely dark, in the streets there were only the occupation forces because of the curfew, but I could see neighbors peering from the windows.

“I told my son, ‘You are the greatest. You see all these dogs around you? Not as good as the sole of your shoe. Remain strong and you will be released.”

Her son replied, “I will be released only when old,” and his mother recounts when a soldier said, “I hope you die before being released.”

The mother continued to describe her son’s arrest.  “They blindfolded him and called me to kiss him one last time, and then they loaded him onto the jeep and left.”

The treatment that was answered with strike

On his way to prison, the jeep stopped, explained Loay. They peppered him with a barrage of questions, and threatened to take revenge on his mother if he  did not cooperate.

The first period of detention, the so-called “investigation” is probably the worst time for each prisoner. Psychological and physical tortures are applied to try to get information on the activities of the prisoners themselves and on other people. The interrogation of Loay lasted 55 days and was held in the Russian Compound, a former Russian church occupied and used for interrogations.

“They were questioning about my own activities but also about my comrades. The torture was more psychological than physical. The Zionists had learned that if they physically torture the evidence remains, yet psychological torture is more difficult to prove. They threatened to arrest members of our family. We were tied to a chair for consecutive days. We were bound in rooms that played loud music.”

Loay was transferred many times. Initially he was confined to Askelon prison, then prisons in Bir Seb’a, then Nive Tirtza, then back to Ashkelon, then Gilbo’a to Shatta and finally back to Gilbo’a.

“In prison, we organize,” said Loay. “The members of each party choose a spokesman, and the spokesman discusses the strategy to ensure unity. Nobody was allowed to talk to the guards except the one whom we collectively gave that position.”

He continued to describe the conditions prisoners had to endure, like the violence of the police, humiliating searches, collective punishment, and days of isolation. There was only an hour or two of outdoor time per day, and  family visits were often forbidden. The food was cheap, and the diet was not healthy.

Loay participated in the last hunger strike.

“Our main demand was about the end of isolation. People in solitary confinement were locked in a small cell by themselves. And when given outdoor time, it was at odd hours and away from other prisoners, while still being chained. After two years in this situation, the psychological effects on prisoners begin to get really serious. At that time more than 30 prisoners were in solitary confinement for periods ranging from one year to 13 years. 10to 15 prisoners were in solitary confinement for longer periods. Ahmad Sa’adat was at his third year of isolation, and his psychological and physical health was deteriorating. We did some short strikes previously, a couple of days at most, but it was time to go through with something larger.

“The situation became even worse after the capture of the soldier Shalit. The soldiers attacked us more to try to make more pressure for his release. We could not study, books were not allowed.  We had arranged for an escalation of the protests. Then other people were added to each week. For example, I striked only the last week with the largest group. There were already 420 people and [when we joined] we were 300.”

The strike was not restricted to food, there was also a form of non-cooperation with the Zionists.

We had stopped to assist in the count, we got together no longer standing when it was time, and for that we had deprived at the time of any visit to family or lawyers.” prisoners in Israeli jails are counted more than once a day, when the jailer passes they are forced to stand in front of the entrance of the cell, under normal conditions if they refuse they are punished with beatings or a few days of isolation.

He said that the repression of the strike by prison guards was not a trivial thing.

The Zionists had left us nothing but water, and we were able to hide salt in some of the gaps of the beds. We had on heavy clothing, because one on hunger strike feels colder than usual. During the strike they continued to move us from one cell to another, from one prison to another. Three times a day the soldiers came and searched the cells from top to bottom, leaving all our other personal belongings in the center of the room. Already weakened by hunger, three times a day we had to collect our things and put them back in place. They deprived us of bottles [to drink from], so all we could do to drink was to drink from the same tap. They kept telling us that other prisoners in other prisoners had given up the strike, but we knew that was not true.

He explained that he was in solitary confinement for several days as punishment because he was on strike, and therefore knew nothing of the exchange.

“I came out of isolation and they told me that I was going to be released the next day. I did not believe it. I was shocked, because in a cell with me were people who were there for more time and they would have priority. There were people who were there for 27 yearsand were not included in this statement.”

He continued to speak about the attitude of the Zionists against them in the light of this exchange.

The names of those who were included in the agreement were not clear. The jailers had fun playing with our nerves. One day they came and said somebody was free, and the next day would that we were going to stay in prison. I did not have the certainty that I would be released until 10 minutes before, when they came to pick me up. Even when they were taking people to free them, they amused themselves and did not tell us anything. They passed by a cell and would call out, ‘Come with us,’ without saying where they will take him. Then the would come back, call to another, and say ‘Come with us.’  Until the last moment it was not clear which names were included in the list.

The outlook of an exile

Loay, a native of Jerusalem with 162 others originating in the same city or the West Bank, was deported to Gaza. His mother and another brother were able to visit him because, coming from Jerusalem, they are able to cross the border between Egypt and the Zionist entity. Other people were deported from the West Bank  yet cannot even be visited by family.

Loay explained, “In a year, 18 of us will return to the West Bank… And all the others, including myself, have no date  to return home. Perhaps we can never return. ”

Loay was excited about the fact that 1027 prisoners were released.

“This exchange was a fantastic opportunity. When you are in prison, even 5 comrades freed means a lot for you. Imagine the happiness in knowing that 1,027 will be released! This is a victory even for those inside. My comrades still in prison are glad I’m out.”

In an appeal to those released and the greater community, Loay said, “I ask the men and women who are out of jail to think about the prisoner question in an unitarian way, far from the logic of political parties. I ask, as a human being, to appeal to your humanity to apply pressure for the sake of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.”

Silvia Todeschini is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement.

19 weeks strong: Kufr Qaddoum marches forward despite heavy tear gas and bullets

by Rana H.

5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank

The Israeli army assaulted peaceful protesters in Kufr Qaddoum with tear gas, rubber coated steel bullets, and sound bombs, injuring two and causing severe tear gas suffocation for three families, including five children, and two protesters, including an International Solidarity Movement activist.

Approximately 250 protesters were present, including children, and international and Israeli activists.

One Palestinian broke his foot when a high-velocity tear gas canister hit him, and is currently being transferred to Jordan for special treatment. Another protester was injured when a tear gas canister hit him in the hand. Three families were forced to evacuate their homes when soldiers fired tear gas in between their homes. Five children were witnessed crying and running out of their homes and away from the approaching soldiers. Two protesters were treated with oxygen after severe tear gas inhalation, including a female ISM activist who fell unconscious.

Children lead the protest holding posters praising Mahmoud Abbas and UNESCO, calling Avigdor Lieberman a “racist” and “terrorist.” As the march progressed to where soldiers were stationed, most of the children dispersed and protesters stopped in front of the barbed wire marking, closing the street about 15 metres from the soldiers. The Israeli commander approached and spoke to some of the Palestinians, attempting to set rules but demonstrators refused to recognize these rules without Israel first acknowledging that the road is their legal right to use.

Soon after, soldiers fired several rounds of tear gas. They continued to shoot tear gas in bunches for the next hour. For the first hour, the progression kept returning after each round of gas. The soldiers then began to advance on the road into the village. They began to fire rubber coated steel bullets and sound bombs as well as tear gas. At this point the three families evacuated their homes.

Protesters continued to come back at them despite the dangerous situation, and eventually the soldiers left the street and the demonstration ended.

The Palestinian-led demonstration has occurred weekly in Kufr Qaddoum for the past 19 weeks. The village was involved in a legal battle for six years concerning the closure of their main road because it runs parallel to the illegal Israeli settlement of Qadumim. During this time there were no protests. The Israeli court finally ruled in their favour, but the road was then closed because it is not “suitable” or “safe” for travel. 5 months ago the protests resumed. Since the road has been closed, Kufr Qaddoum residents must take an indirect road to reach Nablus, which increases transportation from 15 minutes to 40 minutes. This increase has resulted in hardships, particularly because there is no hospital in the village and residents must drive to Nablus for care, and due to the increased price of transport for the many students who study in Nablus.

Rana H. is an activist with International Solidarity Movement.

Palestinians gather in Gaza Seaport to support Freedom Waves flotilla

by Joe Catron

5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

Dozens of Palestinian civil society leaders, fishermen, youth, and international activists gathered in the Gaza Seaport Friday morning to support the Freedom Waves flotilla.

Participants included representatives of the Fishing and Marine Sports Association and the Palestinian NGO Network (PNGO), as well as Palestinian youth activists from Gaza.

Front row, from left to right: Rana Baker, Jehan Alfarra, Hussien Amody, and Mahfouz Kabariti – Click here for more images

Mahfouz Kabariti, president of the Fishing and Marine Sports Association, which hosted the event, greeted attendees and spoke of Freedom Waves participants. “These brave men and women are challenging the same criminal siege that confronts Palestinian fishermen daily,” he said.

“It’s not only a matter of aid, but is more importantly a statement about the ongoing blockade, as well as the lack of freedom of movement between Palestinian territories and the Palestinian people,” said Jehan Alfarra, a 20-year-old English literature student at Islamic University.

“Israel’s inhumane blockade and system of apartheid have for so long kept us, the people of Gaza, away from our relatives in the West Bank; and kept the people of the West Bank away from their relatives in Gaza,” added Rana Baker, a 20-year-old business administration student at Islamic University.

After a brief press conference, attendees launched a boat into the harbor from which they waved Palestinian flags and sang Palestinian national songs like “Unadikum” to symbolically welcome the flotilla to Gaza.

Participants returned to the Seaport Friday afternoon after hearing of Israel’s interception of the flotilla.

“At 2:00, the boats were boarded by Israel in international waters about 48 miles off shore,” announced Hussien Amody, a 19-year-old computer engineering student at Al-Azhar University.

“This is a crime, of course,” he continued. “Why don’t they just open the borders and let supplies enter if they really want us to have them?”

Israeli forces and settlers try to drive away Um Alfagara residents

by Aida Gerard

5  November 2011  | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank

On Thursday November 3rd at dawn, 8 military jeeps with around 25 soldiers and one bulldozer arrived at Um Alfagara. The bulldozer immediately began to demolish six pylons built for bringing electrical wires from the nearby village of Attwani to Um Alfagara. The bulldozer worked a couple of hours, guarded by the Israeli Occupation Forces until the six pylons were torn down and destroyed.

Destruction in South Hebron village – Click here for more images

Um Alfagara is a small village with 150 inhabitants in the South Hebron Hills on the edge to the Jordanian dessert and beside a large area declared to be a permanent closed military area used as a shooting practice range by the Occupation Forces. There is no access to water except from the wells belonging to the villagers and no electricity except from the electricity provided by a small windmill producing just about enough for the villagers to charge their phones.

A new project for bringing electricity is the latest attempt to ease the life for the villagers who mainly stand the poor conditions in their village in order to protect their land against land grab both from the Israeli Occupation Forces and from the settlers in the neighboring settlement Ma’on. The project received the second demolish order on the electric poles around one month ago.

A local coordinator in the area answered when asked why the Occupation forces demolished the pylons, “The occupation has tried for many years to make life as hard as possible for the citizens in the South Hebron Hills in order to force people to move to the major cities so that settlers can steal our land for good. The policy used against the inhabitants in the South Hebron Hills are very similar to the suppression of the Bedouin population”

The Israeli Civil Administration is planning to expel Bedouin communities living in Area C as soon as January 2012, claiming that the Bedouins do not have rights to the land on which they live and that all Bedouin construction has been done without permits. Demolition orders have been issued against most Bedouin structures. Um Alfagara lies in Area C, under full Israeli military and civil control.

Attwani the neighboring village, inhabited by around 300 Palestinians, managed last year in the month of Ramadan to implement electricity and running water. The water is brought in by the neighboring settlement and was finally approved by the District Coordination Office after some months, but the electricity pylons have been destroyed several times. Two pylons on each side of Road 316 have been destroyed many times, but since the villagers of Attwani rebuild the electric pylons every time, it seems that for a while the Occupation Forces stopped harassing the villagers and destroying their pylons until recently.

The electricity villagers seek is not only useful for getting light in night but also for charging phones and cameras that are essential for documenting the violation by settlers and the Occupation Forces. Though attacks by settlers have eased a bit, there is still a high risk factor of settler violence in the area of Um Alfagara and Attwani. The settlers from the outpost Havat Ma’on have a long history of violence. The last severe attack was June 2011.

Aida Gerard is an activist with International Solidarity Movement (name changed).

Hebron copes with self deifying Israeli military and its settlers

by Alistair George

3 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank

The streets of Tel Rumeida are locked-down and divided; physically occupied by a forceful Israeli military.  For the Palestinian community living in this part of H2, Israeli-controlled Hebron, military occupation is an inescapable intrusion into everyday reality. The existence of an estimated 500 Israeli settlers is facilitated by up to 4000 Israeli soldiers stations in Hebron. Grey, austere watchtowers gaze over streets in which Israeli soldiers and military vehicles are stationed at regular intervals, frequently stopping Palestinians as they walk through their own neighbourhood to demand they prove their identity.  Those wishing to travel into H2 from Palestinian-controlled H1 must pass through metal detectors and checkpoints, where they may be arbitrarily harassed or detained by bored Israeli soldiers.

Movement around H2 is severely restricted.  In some streets Palestinians are allowed to walk but not drive, forcing them to manually lug heavy supplies such as gas canisters and food.  Even ambulances are not allowed to drive through certain areas.  Palestinians are forbidden from passing through some streets by car or by foot; the main street linking north and south Hebron has been closed to Palestinians; turning a 5 minute journey into a 45 min trek through alternative roads.

However, despite the enduring hardship in Tel Rumeida, resistance to the Israeli occupation remains strong.  The ‘Study and Challenge Centre’ is located on Palestinian land that is surrounded by four Israeli settlements – the closest of which is only metres from the rear of the building.  It faces south Hebron, overlooking steep, dusty terraces, planted with olive trees and cratered by old archaeological digs of excavated Roman artifacts.  The centre is a hub of nonviolent resistance and its existence is a testament to the spirit that exists in a beleaguered community under occupation.

The ‘Study and Challenge Centre’

The property that houses the centre used to belong to a Palestinian family who were forced to vacate the premises in 2004 by the Israeli authorities, who claimed that the owner’s Jerusalem identity prevented him from living in the area.  The Israeli military took over the property in 2004 and turned the house into a detention centre, fortified with barbed wire.

The campaign to reclaim the house began in 2006.  After local Palestinian activists had gained approval to rent the property from the lawful owner in Jerusalem, dozens of people, including local Palestinians and international activists, started to go to the house to re-occupy the land; maintaining a presence, removing the barbed wire and dismantling a military tent.  The large numbers of people attempting to reclaim the property forced the Israeli military into negotiating and, with the services of an Israeli lawyer, the activists took their claim to court.  After three months, an Israeli court ruled in favour of the protesters and the house was taken back by the Palestinians.

Palestinian control of the house remained perilous as the local Israeli settlers fought back.  Badia Dwaik, the 38-year old Deputy Director of Youth Against Settlements (YAS) explains; “The settlers went crazy, they started to attack the house and us physically.  Groups of 100-200 settlers came and made speeches full of lies”.  The activists arranged a 24-hour presence at the house to protect it from attack or seizure by settlers.  As Dwaik says, “It was tough and exhausting but we didn’t give up.  The home became safer although the settlers still attacked; they burnt a sofa, stole a laptop and broke the gate a couple of times.”

As the Palestinian activists consolidated their control over the house, they started to consider how best to use the property to serve the community.  It was agreed that it would become an educational centre for local people, run by volunteers.

The centre now trains people in Tel Rumeida to use photography and video cameras to record violence by settlers and the military, as well as documenting their daily lives under occupation.  As local activist Tamer Atrash says, “The camera is our weapon.”  The centre also offers English classes, painting, gardening workshops and shows films.

YAS (Youth Against Settlements)

The property also functions as the base for the Palestinian nonviolent activist group, Youth Against Settlements (YAS).  Badia Dwaik is keen to stress the distinction that exists between the work done by the educational centre and activism by YAS, although both make use of the property.

YAS originated as a response to the repeated attacks by settlers on Palestinians in the area.  As Dwaik says; “The main problem here is the settlements.  They steal land and push us into a corner until we leave.  We had to target them in our work as they use settlements as an excuse to continue the occupation and control the population.  They divided the streets [in Hebron] and broke the social life with checkpoints and gates to protect settlers.”

In 1994 American-born Baruch Goldstein fired on Palestinians in Hebron’s Ibrahimi mosque whilst they prayed, killing 29 and injuring a further 200.  Atrash describes the massacre by Goldstein as a “turning point” in shaping the divided and fearful environment for Palestinians in Tel Rumeida today.  After the attack, the Israeli military closed many of the Palestinian shops in the area and divided the streets. Hebronis now divided into H1 (under Palestinian control) and H2 (in which an estimated 40,000 Palestinians, and 500 Israeli settlers, live under Israeli control).  As Atrash says,  “The victims were punished.”

Dwaik continues; “It is an apartheid situation – the electronic gates, the checkpoints, the security – all happened after the massacre.”  The Ibrahimi mosque now has separate spaces for Muslims and Jews; the Jewish section is the only synagogue in the world containing a Qu’ran.

YAS organize demonstrations against the checkpoints and the Israeli presence in the area.  They run a program hosting internationals, who stay with local families that live close to Israeli settlements, to show them the impacts of occupation in Tel Rumeida.  The group also organizes olive harvesting in the area, which is not just about economic necessity but is also a form of political defiance as settlers and the military attempt to disrupt Palestinian attempts to tend their own land.  Crucially, YAS stages events protesting against the closure ofShuhuda street, the principal thoroughfare and shopping district in the area.     .

Although YAS originated in Hebron, it now has groups and actions in Ramallah and Nablus.  Overall the YAS has around 70 members and attracts hundreds to its demonstrations and actions.  Dwaik says that older people are involved in the group’s activism, however they “focus on the youth as they have energy and they are the future.”  The organization says that they welcome activists from all Palestinian political parties.

YAS adopts a strictly nonviolent approach to its activities and provides training in nonviolent resistance.  “Nonviolence is more difficult to deal with than violence.  You have to control yourself, it is not easy.  We are already surrounded and occupied, it is not possible to carry guns.  Nonviolence is difficult and may take a long time but violence would create a violent community” said Dwaik.  Nonviolent tactics help to recruit Israeli and international peace activists to their cause and the strict adherence to nonviolent principles combats the Israeli narrative that Palestinians resisting occupation are ‘terrorists’.

Dwaik also points to several examples of successful nonviolent resistance in other countries such as Egypt, South Africa andSerbia- in which Otpor!, a nonviolent youth movement, played a significant role in the peaceful overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic’s regime in 2003.  YAS has established links with Otpor!, with the latter providing training to YAS activists in nonviolent resistance tactics.

Despite the work done by the educational centre and YAS, intimidation and harassment by the Israeli military and settlers continues.  Attempts to pick olives on Palestinian land in the area a few days ago were disrupted by the Israeli security forces, who detained a group of Palestinians, confiscated their identity cards and filmed them for around 20 minutes.  Soldiers pushed and shoved Palestinians and international observers and then unlawfully forced people who had been picking olives to leave the area.

On the same day, settlers walked onto the land and attempted to intimidate Palestinians as they picked olives.  Baruch Marzel, a prominent extremist Israeli settler, provoked outrage by standing on a Palestinian flag in the olive groves.  A recently painted-over Star of David and anti-Palestinian graffiti remains visible on the rear walls of the building and the property’s water supply was deliberately cut earlier.

However, Dwaik claims that the work done in reclaiming the house and the subsequent success of the educational centre and YAS has helped reinvigorate the once divided Palestinian community in Tel Rumeida – “Now we have created a life here”. Atrash continues;, “We want our rights, we will never give up and we don’t use violence.  We can prevent Israeli expansion in this way.  The house is a living example.”

Alistair George is an activist with International Solidarity Movement (name has been changed).