7 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza
Nasr Ibrahim Alean was a 23 year old farmer from Beit Lahia. He was murdered on November 3, 2011. He was picking strawberries in his field when he was shot in the leg by the Israeli army. He called his friend Muhammad Abu Helmeyyah, 22 years old, to help him. Muhammed tried to take him to safety, but they were both killed by a missile from an Apache helicopter. Nasr was not the first farmer in Gaza murdered by the IDF, and he will probably not be the last.
When Nasr was killed he was working in a field 500 meters from the border. Outside of the Israeli imposed “buffer zone” which is in reality a 300 meter zone of death that surrounds Gaza. This isn’t uncommon; the high risk area around the border extends as far as one or two kilometers according to the UN. Nasr knew that he risked his life when he went to work, but he had no choice. He needed money to get married, and working on the land was the only work that he could find. Gaza is under siege, and unemployment is rife. Not only are many imports banned, but most exports are banned as well.
We set in the mourning tent talking with Nasr’s family, hearing their stories, seeing their pictures of Nasser. A cousin showed us a video of them picking up the body. There was a giant hole in his head. They tell us that Israel did not allow the Red Cross to pick up the body immediately; it sat for several hours, until finally the ambulances came. Too late, Nasr was already dead. Muhammad was already dead. They told us worse stories, of bodies that no one was allowed to pick up for ups, bodies that the IDF left to rot, everyone forbidden to claim them.
Nasr’s brother was getting married in two days. One of his aunt’s heard the story as she had her eyebrows done in preparation for the wedding. She says of him, “He wasn’t in the resistance, he was just trying to work,” and continues “They don’t even want us to work. If it wasn’t for the United Nations, I don’t know what we would do.” His uncle tells us about how he used to work in Israel. He worked as a driver. One day a woman got in with her young child. She abused him in front of the child. He asks, “How can people who abuse you in front of their children teach their children about peace?” He doesn’t seem to have much hope. They talk of going to human rights organizations to complain about Nasr’s murder, but they do not really believe that they will help. Nasr hadn’t given up though, he went to pick strawberries on Thursday because he wanted to live, because he wanted to get married and have children and a house of his own.
6 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza
In the afternoon, we went to a special Eid children’s fair at a park in Beit Hanoun, in the north of the Gaza Strip. Fifty percent of the population in Gaza is under the age of 18, and as we arrived, that statistic became quite clear. There were kids everywhere. Playing, dancing, singing –riding horses — all in their brand new Eid clothes. Poofy synthetic dahlia barrettes were all the the rage among the girls. Volunteers from the Beit Hanoun Local Initiative, which works with children traumatized by Israeli violence (among other things) were singing and clapping as dozens of kids shrieked with pleasure as we arrived.
Then there was a sort of homemade karaoke where Arabic songs were played over speakers and kids would sing along. Everyone got a prize.
26 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza
Loay Auda, in Israeli prisons since 2002, was released in the last prisoner swap exchange. Native of Jerusalem, he was of the many deported to Gaza. In an interview with International Solidarity Movement, Loay and his mother describe the night of his arrest, the solidity of prisoners in the face of abusive tactics, and the meaning of freedom despite the many who still wait in the shadows of Israel’s industrial colonial complex.
The words of Umm Izrod, mother of an exiled prisoner
“It was April 5, 2002, during the second intifada. My son called me saying that we could finally meet, I could embrace him again, see how he was. He was hidden for 9 days in Ramallah, where there was a curfew, because he was wanted by the Zionist occupation forces. During those interminable nine days I did not hear from him, so we menaged to meet in the house of my sister, which she did not use because she had gone to live elsewhere. We sat, we cooked potato chips and drank coffee, then Loay had to take a shower, because for nine days he could not do it, then we were tired and went to sleep.”
“At two in the morning I heard a noise. I thought they were the patrols that monitor compliance with the curfew, but then I heard the soldiers who called us by our names. ‘Come out with your hands up!’ they said.
“I tried to wake my son, ‘Get up, get up, they are coming to get you!’ And he did not wake up; who knows how many days he did not sleep well. From the outside they continued to call our names and surnames. I woke him up with more energy. We were completely surrounded, we would never be able to escape. Soldiers were throwing stones at the windows. They continued to call us and we did not respond. We started talking about the arrest, and we told each other, ‘We must be strong and do not talk, do not say anything. Even if they torture us, we must resist.’
“At some point in that chaos we were even joking and kidding … Around us, the Zionists had a large deployment of vehicles, helicopters, tanks, bulldozers … It seemed that we were going to be bombed!
“At 6.30 we heard the door open. They went to my sister’s house to pick up the keys, and had used her children as human shields to open the door. I came out, and I tried to keep the soldiers busy, they told me to call my son. I did not want to come because I was convinced that if he would come, he would be shot.”
When he got out, his mother, terrified, tried to protect him from the soldiers with her body.
“They took my son and put him on the sidewalk for questioning. I’ve brought the shoes first and then the cigarettes, and the soldiers insulted me. It was completely dark, in the streets there were only the occupation forces because of the curfew, but I could see neighbors peering from the windows.
“I told my son, ‘You are the greatest. You see all these dogs around you? Not as good as the sole of your shoe. Remain strong and you will be released.”
Her son replied, “I will be released only when old,” and his mother recounts when a soldier said, “I hope you die before being released.”
The mother continued to describe her son’s arrest. “They blindfolded him and called me to kiss him one last time, and then they loaded him onto the jeep and left.”
The treatment that was answered with strike
On his way to prison, the jeep stopped, explained Loay. They peppered him with a barrage of questions, and threatened to take revenge on his mother if he did not cooperate.
The first period of detention, the so-called “investigation” is probably the worst time for each prisoner. Psychological and physical tortures are applied to try to get information on the activities of the prisoners themselves and on other people. The interrogation of Loay lasted 55 days and was held in the Russian Compound, a former Russian church occupied and used for interrogations.
“They were questioning about my own activities but also about my comrades. The torture was more psychological than physical. The Zionists had learned that if they physically torture the evidence remains, yet psychological torture is more difficult to prove. They threatened to arrest members of our family. We were tied to a chair for consecutive days. We were bound in rooms that played loud music.”
Loay was transferred many times. Initially he was confined to Askelon prison, then prisons in Bir Seb’a, then Nive Tirtza, then back to Ashkelon, then Gilbo’a to Shatta and finally back to Gilbo’a.
“In prison, we organize,” said Loay. “The members of each party choose a spokesman, and the spokesman discusses the strategy to ensure unity. Nobody was allowed to talk to the guards except the one whom we collectively gave that position.”
He continued to describe the conditions prisoners had to endure, like the violence of the police, humiliating searches, collective punishment, and days of isolation. There was only an hour or two of outdoor time per day, and family visits were often forbidden. The food was cheap, and the diet was not healthy.
Loay participated in the last hunger strike.
“Our main demand was about the end of isolation. People in solitary confinement were locked in a small cell by themselves. And when given outdoor time, it was at odd hours and away from other prisoners, while still being chained. After two years in this situation, the psychological effects on prisoners begin to get really serious. At that time more than 30 prisoners were in solitary confinement for periods ranging from one year to 13 years. 10to 15 prisoners were in solitary confinement for longer periods. Ahmad Sa’adat was at his third year of isolation, and his psychological and physical health was deteriorating. We did some short strikes previously, a couple of days at most, but it was time to go through with something larger.
“The situation became even worse after the capture of the soldier Shalit. The soldiers attacked us more to try to make more pressure for his release. We could not study, books were not allowed. We had arranged for an escalation of the protests. Then other people were added to each week. For example, I striked only the last week with the largest group. There were already 420 people and [when we joined] we were 300.”
The strike was not restricted to food, there was also a form of non-cooperation with the Zionists.
We had stopped to assist in the count, we got together no longer standing when it was time, and for that we had deprived at the time of any visit to family or lawyers.” prisoners in Israeli jails are counted more than once a day, when the jailer passes they are forced to stand in front of the entrance of the cell, under normal conditions if they refuse they are punished with beatings or a few days of isolation.
He said that the repression of the strike by prison guards was not a trivial thing.
The Zionists had left us nothing but water, and we were able to hide salt in some of the gaps of the beds. We had on heavy clothing, because one on hunger strike feels colder than usual. During the strike they continued to move us from one cell to another, from one prison to another. Three times a day the soldiers came and searched the cells from top to bottom, leaving all our other personal belongings in the center of the room. Already weakened by hunger, three times a day we had to collect our things and put them back in place. They deprived us of bottles [to drink from], so all we could do to drink was to drink from the same tap. They kept telling us that other prisoners in other prisoners had given up the strike, but we knew that was not true.
He explained that he was in solitary confinement for several days as punishment because he was on strike, and therefore knew nothing of the exchange.
“I came out of isolation and they told me that I was going to be released the next day. I did not believe it. I was shocked, because in a cell with me were people who were there for more time and they would have priority. There were people who were there for 27 yearsand were not included in this statement.”
He continued to speak about the attitude of the Zionists against them in the light of this exchange.
The names of those who were included in the agreement were not clear. The jailers had fun playing with our nerves. One day they came and said somebody was free, and the next day would that we were going to stay in prison. I did not have the certainty that I would be released until 10 minutes before, when they came to pick me up. Even when they were taking people to free them, they amused themselves and did not tell us anything. They passed by a cell and would call out, ‘Come with us,’ without saying where they will take him. Then the would come back, call to another, and say ‘Come with us.’ Until the last moment it was not clear which names were included in the list.
The outlook of an exile
Loay, a native of Jerusalem with 162 others originating in the same city or the West Bank, was deported to Gaza. His mother and another brother were able to visit him because, coming from Jerusalem, they are able to cross the border between Egypt and the Zionist entity. Other people were deported from the West Bank yet cannot even be visited by family.
Loay explained, “In a year, 18 of us will return to the West Bank… And all the others, including myself, have no date to return home. Perhaps we can never return. ”
Loay was excited about the fact that 1027 prisoners were released.
“This exchange was a fantastic opportunity. When you are in prison, even 5 comrades freed means a lot for you. Imagine the happiness in knowing that 1,027 will be released! This is a victory even for those inside. My comrades still in prison are glad I’m out.”
In an appeal to those released and the greater community, Loay said, “I ask the men and women who are out of jail to think about the prisoner question in an unitarian way, far from the logic of political parties. I ask, as a human being, to appeal to your humanity to apply pressure for the sake of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.”
Silvia Todeschini is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement.
5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank
The Israeli army assaulted peaceful protesters in Kufr Qaddoum with tear gas, rubber coated steel bullets, and sound bombs, injuring two and causing severe tear gas suffocation for three families, including five children, and two protesters, including an International Solidarity Movement activist.
Approximately 250 protesters were present, including children, and international and Israeli activists.
One Palestinian broke his foot when a high-velocity tear gas canister hit him, and is currently being transferred to Jordan for special treatment. Another protester was injured when a tear gas canister hit him in the hand. Three families were forced to evacuate their homes when soldiers fired tear gas in between their homes. Five children were witnessed crying and running out of their homes and away from the approaching soldiers. Two protesters were treated with oxygen after severe tear gas inhalation, including a female ISM activist who fell unconscious.
Children lead the protest holding posters praising Mahmoud Abbas and UNESCO, calling Avigdor Lieberman a “racist” and “terrorist.” As the march progressed to where soldiers were stationed, most of the children dispersed and protesters stopped in front of the barbed wire marking, closing the street about 15 metres from the soldiers. The Israeli commander approached and spoke to some of the Palestinians, attempting to set rules but demonstrators refused to recognize these rules without Israel first acknowledging that the road is their legal right to use.
Soon after, soldiers fired several rounds of tear gas. They continued to shoot tear gas in bunches for the next hour. For the first hour, the progression kept returning after each round of gas. The soldiers then began to advance on the road into the village. They began to fire rubber coated steel bullets and sound bombs as well as tear gas. At this point the three families evacuated their homes.
Protesters continued to come back at them despite the dangerous situation, and eventually the soldiers left the street and the demonstration ended.
The Palestinian-led demonstration has occurred weekly in Kufr Qaddoum for the past 19 weeks. The village was involved in a legal battle for six years concerning the closure of their main road because it runs parallel to the illegal Israeli settlement of Qadumim. During this time there were no protests. The Israeli court finally ruled in their favour, but the road was then closed because it is not “suitable” or “safe” for travel. 5 months ago the protests resumed. Since the road has been closed, Kufr Qaddoum residents must take an indirect road to reach Nablus, which increases transportation from 15 minutes to 40 minutes. This increase has resulted in hardships, particularly because there is no hospital in the village and residents must drive to Nablus for care, and due to the increased price of transport for the many students who study in Nablus.
Rana H. is an activist with International Solidarity Movement.
5 November 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza
Dozens of Palestinian civil society leaders, fishermen, youth, and international activists gathered in the Gaza Seaport Friday morning to support the Freedom Waves flotilla.
Participants included representatives of the Fishing and Marine Sports Association and the Palestinian NGO Network (PNGO), as well as Palestinian youth activists from Gaza.
Mahfouz Kabariti, president of the Fishing and Marine Sports Association, which hosted the event, greeted attendees and spoke of Freedom Waves participants. “These brave men and women are challenging the same criminal siege that confronts Palestinian fishermen daily,” he said.
“It’s not only a matter of aid, but is more importantly a statement about the ongoing blockade, as well as the lack of freedom of movement between Palestinian territories and the Palestinian people,” said Jehan Alfarra, a 20-year-old English literature student at Islamic University.
“Israel’s inhumane blockade and system of apartheid have for so long kept us, the people of Gaza, away from our relatives in the West Bank; and kept the people of the West Bank away from their relatives in Gaza,” added Rana Baker, a 20-year-old business administration student at Islamic University.
After a brief press conference, attendees launched a boat into the harbor from which they waved Palestinian flags and sang Palestinian national songs like “Unadikum” to symbolically welcome the flotilla to Gaza.
Participants returned to the Seaport Friday afternoon after hearing of Israel’s interception of the flotilla.
“At 2:00, the boats were boarded by Israel in international waters about 48 miles off shore,” announced Hussien Amody, a 19-year-old computer engineering student at Al-Azhar University.
“This is a crime, of course,” he continued. “Why don’t they just open the borders and let supplies enter if they really want us to have them?”