December 29 | International Solidarity Movement | Al-Khalil
Around 30,000 settlers gathered in Al- Khalil (Hebron) on Saturday, November 19, to celebrate Sarah’s Sabbath and wreaked havoc in the Old City market, attacking Palestinians and their shops, houses and destroying cars. This happened under the watch of the Israeli army who cordoned the area so that settlers could go around “safely” and arrested and injured Palestinians as they tried to defend themselves.
Settlers arrived from all over the West Bank the previous night and slept in tents around the Ibrahimi Mosque and in Shuhada Street, which has been under Israeli control since the mosque massacre in 1994. During the night, settlers went around some Palestinian neighbourhoods, chanting racists slurs and threatening people, under the protection of the Israeli occupation forces (IOF). Ben-Gvir, leader of the far-right Otzmar Yehidit party and now set to be Israel’s national security minister, was also seen in Shuhada St and attended the march the day after.
Early on the Saturday, the army went out of the Shuhada St checkpoint and started putting up fences for the safe passage of settlers in the Old Town. They removed people from the streets and ordered Palestinian shops to close, therefore disrupting one of the busiest days for business. Badee Dweik, from Human Rights Defenders, told the ISM: “Saturday is one of the most important days for shopping and business for Palestinians, because people from ’48 come to shop in here.”
ISM activists in Shuhada St witnessed hundreds of settlers, lots of them armed, allowed out of the checkpoint at the end of the road. On the street, settlers were threatening to break into the few Palestinian homes left in Shuhada St, shouted and threw stones from nearby roofs.
This year, for the first time, settlers marched in the Old Shalala street. Passing through Khalil’s Old Market, they destroyed stalls, threw stones and hurled abuse at Palestinians. Around 20 Palestinians were injured and 9 were arrested. 11 cars were destroyed and many houses were attacked. Around 100 settlers gathered around the house of Imad, a well-known activist, and threw stones at it.
“This time was more violent than other years,” Badee continued. “Settler attacked Palestinian families, broke houses, broke inside the houses, attacked cars, threw stones. Soldiers, instead of controlling them, also invaded some Palestinian houses and arrested people since last night.”
“It is a cooperation between army and settlers. Settlers are just army without uniform, this is the only difference.”
ISM activists also witnessed attacks and abuses in the Jaber neighbourhood, a Palestinian neighbourhood located between the Kiryat Arba Israeli settlement and the Ibrahimi Mosque. Settlers went around shouting racist slurs and threatening local Palestinians or throwing stones, saying that the city and country is theirs and they have the right to move around. IOF also threw sound grenades, scaring the residents.
Alaa Jaber, a resident of the neighbourhood, told the ISM: “Today few settlers stormed this neighbourhood, and we went after them to tell them they were not allowed to come here, it is a Palestinian neighbourhood. They neglected us. They were heading towards my family’s house. Even the soldiers told them they had to leave, but they did not respond.
“Two settlers showed me pepper spray to threaten me. The soldier saw that the settler had the pepper spray, but they didn’t say anything. They only asked me to go inside my house.
“Every time settlers have a ceremony, the Palestinians are forced to stay at home. They steal our moments. They make us stuck at home. If we go out, we are afraid the settlers will attack our home.
We feel like we’re living in a ghetto, isolated from any support.”
The situation has been exacerbated by the newly-elected government in Israel, which saw Ben Gvir leading the third party in government.
“They have a very extremist ideology that Palestinians should not exist here and now the settlers will be more violent because they think they have more protection since they have the third political party who can defend them,” Badee added.
Sarah’s Day or Sabbath is one of the most important holidays held by the Chabad/Hasidim Jews, and it has been used by Israeli settlers to intimidate and antagonise Palestinians living in Al-Khalil.
December 1st | International Solidarity Movement | Al Khalil, occupied Palestine
Last Saturday, November 23rd, was ‘Sarah’s day’, a festivity for the Jewish community that gathers Israeli settlers from all around the occupied Palestinian Territories and Jews travelling from abroad, in the Palestinian city of Al Khalil (also known as Hebron). This year in particular, there has been a special effort by the Hebron Fund to bring as many devotees as possible, who converged in the ‘H2’ zone of Al Khalil, including the old city area and all the surrounding illegal Israeli settlements.
A sign on Shuhada Street, Hebron,
In their daily life, Palestinians’ right of movement in this zone is severely restricted, and at times forbidden. The incoming celebrations worsened, if possible, the situation. In response to the huge influx of settlers and people coming from abroad, military involvement was significantly increased.
The outcome of these three different factors -massive presence of zionists, increased military presence and effective closing down of the area for the Palestinian residents – was a situation in which the incoming crowds were legitimated to do any type of action inside a de-facto ‘amusement-park’, with the complicity of the army, whose effective duty is to control and suppress local people and activists. The situation resembled the conditions under which the first settlement in Hebron was created. In 1968, a group of Israeli zionists reserved hotel rooms in the old city during a Jewish holiday. Their stay evolved into a permanent occupation, protected by Israeli soldiers and endorsed by the Israeli government.
Banner put by zionists during Sarah’s day.
What it was possible to witness from the participants in the Sarah’s day celebrations, seemed to be all the frustration and the rage cumulated during the year, crystallized, materialising into the basest actions, and enabled by an unlimited sense of power. These feelings were exemplified by banners such as “Palestine never existed… and never will” [source: Hebron Fund]. They transformed into overt hostility and aggression against the international activists observing the events. They emerged as physically violent attacks with pepper spray against unarmed Palestinian civilians, including children. This culminated with the stoning of a two-years old sleeping child.
A 2 years old kid stoned by the settlers in Tel Rumeida.
This gathering of zionists seems to flush out all the frustration due to the incompleteness of the apartheid process: the Palestinians in Al Khalil are guilty of not being fully subjugated by the racist policies of the state of Israel, and such a gathering is a good opportunity to remind them of the hierarchy that is supposed to be in place.
In view of all this, several questions are raised.
First of all, of course, why? Why such a rage and such a violent spirit? Does Israel not have enough? Illegally occupying a vast majority of Palestinian land seems not to be sufficient. The real occupation and the true oppression is carried out through the routine and persistent humiliation of Palestinians, and the feeling of impotence with which local people are left after every attack. However, it does not take much time for the Palestinians to resume their usual spirit of resistance. Their resilience is stronger than the fascist soul of a bunch of extremist settlers.
Secondly, what is the role of the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) present there? On
Friday afternoon, a group of almost 150 settlers attacked a barber shop on the way to the Kyriat Arba illegal settlement, assaulting the five people inside with pepper spray, wood and furniture. All around, a huge presence of IOF soldiers; did they stop this fascist aggression?
A couple of hours later, a 12 years old child was attacked by a group of settlers, spraying him with pepper spray and kicking him whilst on the ground. Nearby soldiers were stationed at an observation tower 50 meters away; did the soldiers intervene?
A 12 years old Palestinian kid gased and then kicked by the settlers.
In both cases the soldiers did not stop the violence. They observed, and they waited. They waited and watched while the illegal settlers vented their hatred against the Palestinians. At what expense?
A further, even more extreme example, took place on Saturday afternoon. The family of a Palestinian activist living in the Tel Rumeida neighbour (within the ‘H2’ zone) was gathered together in their home, when a group of settlers climbed on the roof and entered their garden. After shouting verbal abuse, the settlers began to throw stones at the house, the family came outside trying, in vain, to convince them to go away. One of the stones passed, not by chance, through a window and hit the two year old nephew of the activist, who was sleeping inside. The soldiers were on the rooftop, “containing” (i.e. observing) the settlers. A Palestinian ambulance could not reach Tel Rumeida: Palestinians are forbidden to drive inside ‘H2’. The only way for the family of the injured child to get him to safety and medical treatment, was to hold him and run, through the throngs of yelling settlers, towards the closest checkpoint. Then they could only hope for the medics to be able to pass the control and take the child. There are at least two past examples this not being possible. In one case, the victim died waiting at the checkpoint. On this occasion, mercifully the child could reach the ambulance, and the medical staff were able to take him to the waiting ambulance.
Palestinian medical staff trying to pass the check point 56 in order to enter Shuada street.
Hence it seems clear that the role of the IOF is not to prevent clashes. Not even to defend the Israelis. Their role is to indulge the settlers, whatever the price to pay for the others. In their amusement-park there is no place for disrupters, such as activists, adult and child Palestinians, who are systematically and brutally repressed.
IOF during Sarah’s day.
In the end, what should Palestinians do in order not just to be spectators of their own everlasting humiliation? The answer is more complicated than ever. As time passes by, the imbalance of power shifts further away from them, as the recent US declaration highlights. Active resistance is undermined by both the continued oppression of the Israeli police and the internal conflicts within the Palestinians factions. The presence of international activists helps in documenting the constant violations of basic rights, but is certainly not enough to change the inertia of the dynamics. While hope for change by pure political means weakens, space is created for more radical, and sometimes more appealing, answers based on the juxtaposition of Islamist ideas to the zionist arguments. The international powers, focused on the pure capitalistic interest of maintaining good relationships with Israel as an ally, are responsible for this radicalisation. They, and all those who turn a blind eye to the injustices happening here lose the right to judge the Palestinian means of resistance, in the face of an oppression in which they are accomplices.
November 27 | International Solidarity Movement | Hebron, occupied Palestine
The Jewish holiday of Shabbat Chayei Sarah (Sarah’s day’) took place in Al Khalil (also known as Hebron) over the weekend of 22-23 November. Over the two days around 50,000 Israeli settlers flocked to the city, to celebrate the festival in the place that Zionists believe is their religious right (despite the fact that it is historically Palestinian and is clearly within the demarcation of Palestinian Territories).
For weeks the area was being adapted and prepared to accommodate the thousands of visitors. Israeli settlers from nearby illegal settlement Kiryat Arba were to be joined by other observant Jews from across Israel, as well as from countries abroad such as France, the UK, and the USA. The mood was set by blatant Zionist propaganda adorning the streets, such as a banner proclaiming “Palestine never existed – and never will”. Whole areas of the old city and surrounding areas were taken over by gazebos, tents and caravans for the weekend. Exclusive and expensive VIP tickets to celebrate ‘Sarah’s day’ were available for hundreds of US dollars, enabling attendees to meet and dine with religious leaders, alongside Knesset members, and IDF commanders.
Extremist and racist propaganda placed around Hebron (H2) ahead of Sarah’s Day, a major Jewish holiday.
By Friday afternoon, thousands of celebrants had arrived in the city and the already extensive Israeli Occupation Force (IOF) presence (normally 4000 IOF soldiers guard the 400 Israeli settlers) was even greater than usual. Enhanced security measures were in place and major roads were blocked off, obstructing Palestinian movement around the city, and forcing Arab shops to close for business in an already suffocated economic environment (due to businesses and areas being closed by military order, and commerce/tourism heavily suppressed by restrictions on movement through checkpoints).
Many of the visiting settlers were visibly armed, with handguns or automated weapons, in stark contrast to Palestinians for whom it is illegal to carry a weapon, tightly enforced at all of the numerous checkpoints.
Each day International Solidarity Movement (ISM) received reports of serious, violent attacks on Palestinians living in or passing through vulnerable areas where settlers filled the streets.
On Friday evening, on the ‘Prayer Road’, leading up to the large settlement of Kiryat Arba, a group of 8 Palestinians were attacked in a barber shop. ISM spoke to one of the victims, Fayed, who reported a large group of settlers forcing entry to his father’s shop. Despite attempts to persuade the settlers to leave, more arrived to join the attack. Up to 100 settlers sprayed pepper spray, threw stones, chairs and pieces of wood, damaging property and injuring Fayed, his brother, his uncle and father. Fayed’s 21 year old cousin suffered a broken hand, whilst he and his uncle and father sustained injuries to the head and arms, resulting in hospitalization. The police eventually moved the settlers on however no arrests were made. Only basic details of the attack were taken down and there has been no further investigation of the crime.
Later that night there were further reports of violent attacks by groups of settlers in the same area, including an assault on a young old child, who was kicked and sprayed with pepper spray, requiring him to be taken to hospital. A Palestinian bride was also harassed and attacked by settlers as she celebrated her wedding day.
Despite the heaviness of occupation pressing down on them, the brutal and unprovoked attacks from the settlers, and frustration at the lack of protection from the authorities, Fayed and his family are quietly resistant. “Our life here is hard, but we have to resist. We try to be nice to everyone… to treat them nice, we don’t want any violence. Violence is not the solution….the settlers carry M16 guns. It’s normal for us and our situation here – to be attacked, arrested, killed. We grew up like this. What can we do? We don’t have a lot of power or support. We can’t fight with guns or knives, this is not the solution. How many Palestinians have been killed? Guns and knives are not free, they do not make Palestine free. We are not against Jews, we are against Zionists and settlers, and those that occupy our houses. ”
Israeli forces harass Palestinian photographers and journalists on Sarah’s Day in Hebron, November 22nd.
The following day, the entire old city plus large swathes of the normally unrestricted area (known as ‘H1’) was locked down, making way for thousands of settlers to be given religious tours of the city. Many were intoxicated, chanting provocative anti-Palestinian songs, shouting abuse, and urinating on Palestinian property. As the day progressed, their behavior became increasingly violent, with numerous incidents of settlers throwing rocks, bottles and other items at Palestinian people and homes, as well as unlawfully entering or climbing on Palestinian property. IOF remained passive, merely supervising the passage of the crowds through Palestinian areas.
In one shocking incident, a group of settlers attacked the home of a known Palestinian activist, Imad, who has been frequently targeted since speaking out against the murder of a Palestinian by the IOF several years ago.
Imad and his family are some of the few Palestinians brave enough to continue living in Tel Rumeida, part of an area in the heart of the old city which has been designated a restricted military zone (known as ‘H2’). Since 1968 Al Khalil has been subject to the establishment of illegal Jewish settlements, and over the last 20 years, the area has seen a huge influx of hardcore settlers who believe for religious reasons they have a right to occupy the land. These are some of the most extreme settlers in Israel, who routinely perpetrate abuse and violence against Palestinian residents, including children going to school. Many Palestinians have been forced out of their homes and for those who remain, living in this area is extremely dangerous for Palestinians. There is a daily threat to life and limb.
On Saturday, as the streets of Tel Rumeida were inundated with thousands more armed settlers, the violence and intimidation escalated. There were multiple reports of attacks on Palestinian people and property. Footage was recorded of large groups of drunk settlers climbing on the roofs of Palestinian homes, and abusing and intimidating residents.
On Saturday Imad remained confined at home with his grandchildren, due to the large numbers of settlers who had been marching and congregating in the streets outside, making it unsafe for Palestinians to leave the house. Imad heard settlers climbing on his roof, and trying to enter his home through the entrance way. He called friends to come and help. and unsuccessfully tried to convince the settlers to leave. The large group were shouting abuse, spitting and throwing stones at bottles. Moments later Imad heard crying from where his 18 month old grandson was sleeping. As he ran into the room he discovered that a settler had thrown a stone through the open window, striking the child on the head and wounding him.
Due to the closed and restricted nature of this part of the city, an ambulance was unable to reach the house to attend to the child. The child had to be carried through the streets, protected by a circle of local people from the settlers who continued to try to attack the group as they tried to reach the ambulance.
Imad explains that the IOF soldiers arrived at the house during the attack, however they only stood watching, and failed to intervene to stop the violence. When local Palestinian’s arrived to provide support, the soldiers pushed and held them back, threatening to arrest them. The IOF also failed to provide any first aid or show concern for the injured child.
A sign on Shuhada Street, Hebron. The Israeli government has sealed off the houses of Palestinians living on Shuhada Street and prohibits them from walking on the street, which is reserved for Israelis.
Despite the heavy IOF and Israeli police presence throughout the city during this weekend, it was abundantly clear that they were there to protect the settlers, and not the Palestinian residents. There was a complete failure to protect the Palestinians under attack. Police also failed to undertake any investigation into the various incidents, or attempt to bring to justice those settlers engaging in violence against Palestinians.
This raises concerns that the IOF are turning a blind eye to the violence, sanctioning and enabling it to occur, or alternatively that they simply have no power or authority to control the settlers’ violence. The risk for Palestinians trying to resist the occupation and violence, such as Imad, is to be punished, singly or collectively, for their defiance in the face of the creeping genocide of the Palestinian land and people.
Whilst trying to document and observe violence and abuse, ISM experienced hostility and aggression from both settlers and the IOF, incuding physical and verbal threats, restriction of movement as well as having our passports photographed by police and threatened arrest, in a clear attempt to deter us from our work. Pro-Palestinian activists in Israel risk deportation, including a 10 year ban from the country, serving to silence and prevent the documenting of human rights violations in Palestine.
November 3 | International Solidarity Movement | Hebron, occupied Palestine
Ash-Shuhada street in al-Khalil full of Israeli flags welcoming Netanyahu. Less welcome are the Palestinians living there: they are not even allowed to access their houses through their main entrances.
This is what normality in al-Khalil looks like
I was somewhere between excited and afraid the night before the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to al-Khalil (Hebron) on September 4 this year as part of his re-election campaign and timed with a ceremony commemorating the 1929 Hebron massacre, a central element of the justification narrative employed by the Israeli settlers in al-Khalil. I was afraid that the Israeli military and police would use excessive violence against the Palestinian residents during the occasion. The last few days had already been marked by extra army patrols through the streets, more frequent ID checks, night raids and arrests of political activists. However, there was also a feeling of excitement that the controversial visit could draw attention to the various human rights violations inflicted on Palestinians and the specific border(zone) management that made them possible. Serious restrictions of movement and different forms of violence have been part of Palestinian Khalilis’ everyday lives for decades. The latter include settlers attacking their houses and assaulting them in the streets; families getting woken up in the middle of the night by soldiers smashing down their front doors to search their homes and arrest fathers and sons (no matter their age); children getting teargassed on their way from school and sometimes even while sitting in their classrooms. I could go on. As shocking as this may all sound, for Palestinians living in the Israeli controlled part of al-Khalil, called H2, this is normality. And for everyone coming from outside it quickly becomes it too. This summer, I spent a month in the West Bank, occupied Palestinian territories, to volunteer with the International Solidarity Movement (ISM). And I had to realise that even the events surrounding Netanyahu’s visit just became another dat – part of al-Khalili normality.
Al-Khalil – the occupation in a nutshell
Al-Khalil is the Israeli occupation in a nutshell. The West Bank has been occupied by Israel since 1967 and gradually transformed into a disintegrated territory dotted by Israeli settlements which are deemed illegal under international law. The order chosen by the Israeli regime to handle the presence of two different populations – Israeli settlers and Palestinians – in the same territory is based on borders. Borders essentially regulate who is able to move freely where, when and under which circumstances. As the two groups inhabit the same space, bordering results in a system of segregation that traces through society instead of geographical fixed points. This manifests itself in a segregated road system throughout the West Bank and – less visible by eye but even more far-reaching – in two different legal systems leading to drastically unequal treatment for Israelis and Palestinians. While Israeli civil law is applied to the settlers, Palestinians are subjected to military law. In the old city centre of al-Khalil this order reaches its peak.
Al-Khalil is divided into two areas: H1 which comprises 80% of the city and is formally under control of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and H2 in which Israel retains responsibility for security matters. Al-Khalil’s old city is part of the latter and through the restrictions imposed on it over the last 20 years it has transformed from a bustling market area into a ghost town. These restrictions are part of the security measures taken by the Israeli military in order to ensure the protection of about 700 settlers living amidst approximately 7,000 Palestinians. For the latter, lives have transformed into one big restricted zone (see grey area on the map).
In the grey-coloured area of H2 Palestinian movement is restricted by checkpoints and various road blocks. To some roads (indicated in red) Palestinians are completely denied access.
OCHA counts 121 obstacles (walls, slabs, fences and barriers) limiting free movement in this area including 20 checkpoints, 6 of which are fortified, equipped with face-recognition technology and metal detectors. For the Palestinian residents this means that going about any simple daily activity can become a lengthy and uncertain process. The Israeli security policies in al-Khalil do not only restrict their access to health, education, housing and work but also deeply affect their family lives and social fabric. As a result of the difficult living conditions in H2 the number of Palestinian residents has considerably dropped over the years. The existence of a restricted area is based on the Hebron protocol from 1997 that lead to the division of the city and called for a buffer zone between H1 and H2. However, the function of this buffer zone doesn’t correspond to its initial idea. Rather than preventing violence between Palestinians and Israeli settlers it has become a tool for the Israeli military to exercise violence against the local Palestinian population and effect their forcible transfer. Israel thus uses the buffer zone to solidify its colonial practices under the guise of security concerns.
Another example of who draws the borders around Khalil
Back to Netanyahu’s visit: After mid-day, H2 was under near complete lockdown. There was a massive police and army presence in the streets, several of them stationed on the roofs of Palestinian houses. 3 of the major checkpoints accessing the restricted area of H2 were closed for the whole afternoon. Whoever happened to be out at the wrong time, would spend their afternoon waiting in front of a closed gate.
And life stands still – Palestinians waiting in front of a checkpoint that stayed closed for more than 6 hours the day Netanyahu visited al-Khalil.
In the neighbourhood where the memorial ceremony took place, the Palestinian residents were put under curfew. A small demonstration took place close to the restricted area but within H1, which is formally under Palestinian control. The Israeli military didn’t hesitate to enter the area though as well as use cars and their Palestinian occupants as shields for their operations. Two demonstrators were arrested. In the evening, I thought to myself: “It could have been a lot worse.” It took me some time to realise how normalised the situation in al-Khalil had become for me in order to come to such a conclusion. Night raids, closed check-points, curfews and arrests. All of this has been happening for decades and so the 4th of September 2019 was nothing new. It was just another example showing who draws and manages the borders around the lives of Khalilis. Whom those borders protect, and whom they hurt.
At the first annual Hebron Festival, an event organized by the Hebron Municipality to celebrate the culture and history of Palestinians in Hebron, students from across the West Bank put on a theatrical performance, telling of life and history in Palestine through a play combined with music and dabke.
Dabke is a native Levantine folk dance popular in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Palestine and Iraq. Dabke combines circle dance and line dancing and is widely performed at weddings, festivals, and other joyous occasions, sometimes even at protests like the Great March of Return in Gaza . Dabke in Palestine is thought to date back to ancient Canaan or Phoenicia, and involves a variety of footwork.
On September 22nd, Palestinian youth at the Happiness of Childhood Centre, Hebron, put on a moving dabke performance, depicting various aspects of life in Palestine, such as weddings, coming of age, protests, as well as historical events that shaped their lives, such as Al Nakba and the first Intifada, all woven together through the tale of a young boy and his sister growing up in Palestine in the 20th century.
The play’s protagonists — a young boy and his sister.
The opening dabke performance.
Nakba — the ethnic cleansing of millions of Palestinians from their homes by Israeli forces in 1948.
Life (and dabke!) in the refugee camps after Nakba.
Seeking fatherly advice.
The first Intifada: a child shot and killed at a protest.
