Israeli Apaches and land forces shelled an area east of Beit Hanoun, in the northern Gaza Strip, on Wednesday morning, January 18 2012.
Two young men were killed and another was injured. As we hurried to the scene we met an ambulance driving at high speed. Upon arriving we heard immediately that one of the young men, 20 year old Mohammed Shaker Abu Auda, had died instantly, while the other man was rushed to the hospital.
We went to the Beit Hanoun hospital morgue, and we saw the massacred body of Mohammed. While we were at the morgue we heard that the other young man was in critical condition at Kamal Adwan Hospital. While we were moving to that hospital, we learned that Ahmed Khaled Abu Murad Al-Zaaneen, 17 years-old, had also died.
We waited for his funeral.
Mohammed Shaker Abu Auda, martyred at the age of 20
Family members and friends told us that the two young men went near the border to find building materials to sell. The poorest youth of Gaza frequently go to the border, in the so-called no go zone of 300 meters imposed by Israel, to find building material to sell.
They also told us that the two young men were catching birds.
The body of Ahmed was at about 300-400 meters from the border.
Saber Zaaneen of the Beit Hanoun Local Initiative told us that Ahmed was losing blood from his head but that “he was still alive, he was breathing heavily” when he found him.
The ambulance could not reach the body of Ahmed immediately because tanks and soldiers were continuing to shoot and it was too dangerous to approach the area.
The ambulance was forced to back away because of the continuous fire.
The entire time the father of Ahmed was crying, “I want to see my son! I want to see my son!”
Ahmed was still alive when he reached the ambulance.
The day after, we went to the mourning tent and we met the families of the two victims.
Ahmed’s mother did not stop crying. I remained seated with her and the other women of the family, silently, I was speechless at so much pain.
Then we went to the other mourning tent. Here, the brother of Mohammed, Zahor Abu Auda, told us that the two young men were catching birds to sell them for pets.
If they were lucky, they made 100 shekels from the sale of the birds (100 shekels are equivalent to about 20 euros).
His mother can’t walk, Mohammed took care of her.
Zahor told us, “Let the world know that the Israelis killed a man that was only trying to get money to live. The Israeli forces, supported by the Americans. kill people in Gaza regularly and nobody hears about it, the world is silent.”
Missile fired by an Israeli Apache during the attack
Meanwhile we knew that Israeli spokespersons were spreading the story that the two victims were armed militants and that they were about to place explosives in the area of the border.
These Israeli declarations and their powerful influence on the mass media induce a feeling of powerlessness. Members of the families and friends told us that Mohammed and Ahmed were not part of armed groups.
Mohammed and Ahmed were civilians, they were just workers.
We join the appeal of Zohar, and we will continue to give a voice to the people of Gaza so that the silence will never completely obscure all of this pain over the agony of the mothers and over the bodies massacred.
Rosa Schiano is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement. You can read more of her writing at il Blog di Oliva.
22 January 2012 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank
In an action that appears to have been carried out purely for the entertainment and satisfaction of Israeli settlers, the center of the activist group, Youth Against Settlements, in Tel Rumeida, Al Khalil (also known as Hebron) was stormed by Israeli soldiers at 3pm on the afternoon of Saturday 21st January. Organisation leader Issa Amro was briefly arrested and taken away without reason.
Settlers surrounded the Centre of Steadfastness and Challenge, as soldiers broke in and seized Amro while simultaneously seeming to attempt a search of the building.
Amro was forcefully handcuffed behind his back, despite his having a medical condition which means that this should be prohibited; a fact of which Israeli authorities are well aware having detained him on fifteen different occasions last year. He was then blindfolded and taken away to a military base, where he was beaten. Soldiers also threatened to kill him.
Soldiers then proceeded to assault several other activists who were attempting to document the incident, including Badia Dwaik, Tamer Atrash, Hamad Israir and Sundos Assilay, an eighteen-year old girl.
As Amro was taken away, settlers who had gathered for the show cheered triumphantly, spat at him and chanted slogans such as “each Arab dog will have his day.” No reason was given for the arrest and no provocation was made. He was subsequently released without any kind of charge less than half-an-hour later. Many more Jews were visiting the city for Shabbat and the Settler Tour of the old city, and it seems that the army wanted to put on a show for the settlers.
The Youth Against Settlements centre was previously occupied by the Israeli military before being reclaimed for Palestinians in a major victory for the organisation.
Tom is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement (name has been changed).
My lastest drawing of the Palestinians’ determination to find a way to fight injustices by the Israeli Occupation. (Shahd Abusalama)
If you have the power, you can abuse it and no one will say a word in protest. At least this is the case for Israel, which openly violates international law and human rights feeling secure that one will stop it.
But Khader Adnan, a detainee from Jenin, has decided not to stay silent and accept injustices against him and his fellow prisoners. He is battling armed jailers with his only weapon: his empty stomach. Khader started hunger striking the day of his arrest, December 18, to protest the unjust administrative detention he is serving and the indescribable cruelty he has experienced since then.
My father’s experience of being an administrative detainee
It’s worth mentioning that administrative detention is a procedure the Israeli military uses to hold detainees indefinitely on secret evidence without charging them or allowing them to stand trial. Over 300 Palestinian political prisoners are serving this term now, and tens of thousands of Palestinians have experienced administrative detention since 1967.
My father served this term three times. Previously, he had been sentenced to seven lifetimes plus ten years, but released in the 1985 prisoner exchange after serving thirteen. As I read about Khader’s story in a report by Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, stories about Dad’s experiences in Israeli prisons came back to me.
The last time it happened, a month after I was born in 1991, was the hardest. My mother told me how I came into this life where safety, peace, and justice are not guaranteed. ”In the middle of the night, a huge force of armed Israeli soldiers suddenly broke into our home, damaging everything before them. They attacked your father, bound him with chains, and dragged him to the prison, beating him the whole way.” The happiness of a new baby – me – didn’t continue for the whole family. My traumatized mother was able to breastfeed me for a month, but then she couldn’t anymore; her sorrow ended her lactation.
Every Palestinian is convicted to a life of uncertainty without having to commit a crime. Being a Palestinian is our only offense. For Khader, this detention is not his first time in Israeli prisons. It’s actually his eighth, for a total of six years of imprisonment, all under administrative detention. Each one had a different taste, ranging from bitter to bitterer.
Story of Khader’s Adnan’s arrest
This time, the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) raided Khader’s house at 3:00 am using a human shield, Mohammad Mustafa. Mohammad is a taxi driver who always takes Khader’s father to the vegetable market. He was kidnapped by the IOF and forced to knock on Khader’s door while blindfolded. Then the IOF raided Khader’s house, trashing it as they did. Shouting, they aggressively grabbed his father, with no consideration for Khader’s two little daughters, his wife, who could have miscarried her five-month fetus, or his sick mother. But when did IOF have any respect for human values?
Khader was immediately blindfolded, and his hands were tied behind his back with plastic shackles. Afterwards, the soldiers pushed him into a military jeep with non-stop physical torment that continued for the ten-minute drive it took for the jeep to reach Dutan settlement. You can imagine how a short period seemed like forever to Khader, who was unable to move or see while every part of his body was continuously and brutally beaten. To make things even worse, Khader’s face was injured when he smashed in a wall he couldn’t see due to the blindfold wrapping his eyes after he was pushed out of the jeep.
Addamear reported that after Khader’s arrest, he was transferred to different interrogation centers and ended up in Al-jalameh. Upon arriving there, Khader was given a medical exam, where he informed prison doctors of his injuries and told them that he suffered from a gastric illness and disc problems in his back. However, instead of being treated, he was taken to interrogation immediately.
Silence and hunger strike in response to interrogators’ humiliation
The interrogation period, which lasted for ten days, took the form of psychological torture with continuous humiliation using very abusive language about his wife, sister, children, and mother. Throughout the interrogation sessions, his hands were tied behind him on a crooked chair, causing extreme pain to his back. Believing in the power of silence, Khader’s only response was to object to the interrogator’s use of increasingly insulting speech.
Because of Khader’s hunger strike against violations of his rights and the terrible treatment used against him, Addameer reported that he was sentenced to a week in isolation by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) on the fourth day of interrogation. Moreover, in order to further punish him without being required to go to court, the IPS also banned him from family visits for three months.
In addition, during the second week of interrogation, Khader experienced further humiliations. One interrogator pulled his beard so hard that it ripped hair out. The same interrogator also took dirt from the bottom of his shoe and rubbed it on Khader’s mustache. But they couldn’t break his dignity, and even after the interrogation ended, Khader continued his hunger strike.
According to Addameer report, on the evening of Friday, 30 December 2011, Khader was transferred to Ramleh prison hospital because of his health deteriorating from the hunger strike. But even there, he lacked medical care. He was placed in isolation in the hospital, where he was subject to cold conditions and cockroaches filled his cell. He refused any medical examinations after 25 December, which was one week after he stopped eating and speaking. The prison director came to speak to Khader, or rather threaten him, commenting that they would “break him” eventually.
I know I mentioned before that there are no trials for Palestinian detainees under administrative detention. But actually, they do get a trial. It’s not for them to challenge the reasons for their detention though. It’s for a military judge to decide the period they are going to serve according to the “secret evidence” that IPS holds against him, none of it shared with the detainee or his lawyer. This is an obvious violation of human rights, leaving Khader and detainees like him with no legitimate means to defend themselves.
On 8 January 2012, at Ofer military court, Khader received a four- month administrative detention order. There, he was threatened by members of the Nahshon, a special intervention unit of the IPS known for particularly brutality in their treatment of prisoners, who told Khader that his head should be exploded.
The need to act
Khader’s health is deteriorating rapidly. He is refusing treatment until he is released, but a prison doctor has threatened to force-feed him if he continues. Cameras in his cell watch him at all times, and if he does not move at night, soldiers knock loudly on his door. This prisoner is at risk, so SUPPORT Addamear campaign to call for his release.
People in Gaza set up a tent in front of the Red Cross last Thursday to join Khader’s protest against his administrative detention and violations of Palestinian detainees’ simplest rights, and demand justice and freedom for them. Something must be done against this unjust system and its conditions of imprisonment. International solidarity is greatly needed. Join Addameer’s campaign to Stop Administrative Detention.ACT NOW!
Shahd Abusalama, 20, is a Palestinian artist, a blogger and an English literature student living in Gaza City. She is interested in conveying the images, experience and emotions of the Palestinian people as well as their strength, determination, struggle and suffering. She blogs at Palestine From my Eyes, and she can always be followed at @shahdabusalama.
21 January 2012 | International Solidarity Movement
On Sunday, the 16th of January, at approximately 2 AM, about fifty settlers, accompanied by Israeli soldiers, entered the Abu Haikal family’s field in the neighborhood of Tel Rumeideh in Hebron. After throwing stones at the family’s house, they savagely burnt the car of Hana Haikal, fifty-three years old.
by Aaron 21 January 2012 | International Solidarity Movement, West Bank
The mood was celebratory following the weekly protest this Friday in Kufr Qaddoum, after demonstrators succeeded in pushing back Israeli soldiers for the second week in a row. The goal of the protest was to open the main road to regional population center of Nablus, closed since 2003 by the Israeli Occupation Force in spite of international and Israeli courts demanding its reopening. Though the soldiers greeted unarmed protesters with scores of tear gas canisters–many at eye-level, an illegal tactic intended to severely injure and kill–no injuries were reported, and in the end soldiers, and not villagers, withdrew.
Kufr Qaddoum gains momentum - For more pictures click here
A Palestinian village in the West Bank existing since biblical times, Kufr Qaddoum (“koo-fur ka-doom”) is hedged in on most sides by Israeli Jewish settlements, illegal according to international law, the 1993 Oslo Accords, and in some cases even Israeli law. Theft of nearly 2/3 of land associated with these settlements (1100 ha of the 1900 ha pre-1967 original), combined with the Apartheid Wall and closures of multiple access points in the last 12 years, have choked the local economy and driven people from the community (according to POICA and the Land Resource Center). During 2003, in the midst of the Second Intifada, the Israeli military closed off the main road leading to the village, doubling the transit time to Nablus. After 6 years of court cases and a ruling supportive of villager’s rights–but still no results–the Popular Committee of Kufr Qaddoum decided to press the issue with a series of weekly protests which began in July, 2011.
The protest began as usual, after the Friday morning prayers, with upbeat music and a crowd of children, teens, adults, and elders from the village waving flags, singing, chanting—along with journalists and at least 20 Israeli and international solidarity activists. As the marchers neared a barbed wire barricade, gas-masked and heavily armed soldiers were visible not only lined up further on the road, but in numerous flanking and sniping positions up the hillside, which is controlled by the Israeli Occupation Forces. As protestors marched closer, without any verbal warning, soldiers began firing tear gas canisters at high velocity towards protesters, which ricocheted off village walls and bounced into yards. Extremely hot, noxious, and dangerous, tear gas canisters typically cause eye pain, respiratory difficulty, and when aimed at people (such as Friday) severe impact injuries or death. Having been fired upon, Palestinian youth and adults took up stones and lit small fires to symbolically hold ground and drive back the soldiers. After numerous volleys back and forth and a Palestinian advance, a warning was made that if protesters continued forward, more soldiers would enter the village from behind, where most of the younger children and women typically remain throughout the protest (a tactic used in other villages like Nabi Saleh and Ni’lin).
After the protesters chose to hold their position the soldiers withdrew, leaving Palestinian youth and adults singing and dancing back to the village, under a bright sun and dissipating clouds of tear gas.
According to Murad, a Palestinian resident and activist of the village, this last demonstration was a definite though incomplete success—in part because of the size (about 350 in a town of 3500) and in part because they were able to continue forward as far as they did without giving up. Although protesters did not continue up the road, Murad did not regret the decision.
“We do not fear anything they do to us,” he said, “but they wanted to enter the village, and we want to keep our people safe.”
Yet asked whether the continued protests would open the road, Murad’s answer was, “we don’t feel anything [has changed].” According to Murad, the Israeli military has told villagers that it is “looking for other solutions.” “But we don’t need any other solutions,” he added, “other than the main road.”
Mahmoud Shaker Kadoumi, another participating resident of Kufr Qaddoum, also saw the protest as a success, but also spoke of its costs to the community.
In the last 6 months, [the demonstrations] have become a habit every Friday…and every Friday—tonight there will be arrests of young people. Two weeks ago, after the protest, at midnight the soldiers knocked on doors, entered houses and arrested two young people. [Soldiers} said they were “throwing stones.” They will be held 4, 6, maybe 8 months.
Although night raids and arrests against Palestinians believed to be activists and/or stone-throwers are common in the West Bank, the regularity of arrests in such a small community takes a certain toll.
But so also does the economic and social damage of an occupation, which like in other parts of Palestine, has led to a large emigration from the village—according to Murad emigrants of Kufr Qaddoum and their children amount to many times the current population of the village—a trend reflected in other villages and occupied Palestine as a whole. According to BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights, 7.1 of 10.1 million Palestinians globally are refugees in 2010 (some internally displaced), and of those, 5.2 million live outside the boundaries of historic Palestine. While specifics of diaspora histories of the Nakba (1948 partition) and 1967 are contested—loss of land, work, accessible roads, and markets, together with military and political repression have driven wave after wave of emigration. While Kafr Qaddoum’s residents may not have ended the Occupation on Friday night or resolved their village’s economic concerns, they did take a little bit more of their road back for a few hours. The message of these protesters was clear: small victories are still victories and must be celebrated.
Aaron is a volunteer with International Solidarity Movement (name has been changed).
