Bil’in: A village in mourning

9 January 2011 | Al Jazeera, Renee Lewis

One West Bank family has paid the highest price for their village’s peaceful pursuit of justice.

Bassem Abu Rahmah, a pillar of non-violence in the village of Bil’in, was shot in the chest with a high-velocity teargas canister and died on his way to hospital in 2009. Picture credit: Lazar Simeonov.
People say that time heals, but the Abu Rahmah family feels as though it is living in a recurring nightmare from which there is no respite. Their nightmare is set in the West Bank village of Bil’in, which has been cut into pieces by Israel’s “separation” wall.

It is a unique village: On the front lines of the conflict with Israel, it has also been the site of weekly non-violent protests since the wall was constructed 2005. It even has its own website, which describes “a Palestinian village that is struggling to exist” and “fighting to safeguard its land, its olive trees, its resources … its liberty”.

But what really makes the village stand out is the people that inhabit it – in particular, the Abu Rahmahs, whose misfortunes really began about three years ago.

All six Abu Rahmah siblings were non-violent activists – only four of them are left.

Their tale begins in July 2008, when one of them, Ashraf, was detained by Israeli soldiers in the nearby village of Ni’lin. The soldiers tied him up, blindfolded him and, as their commander watched, shot him in the foot at close range with a rubber-coated steel bullet.

The term “rubber-coated” can be misleading; this type of ammunition is consistently mislabelled as ‘rubber’ bullets by the army, leading people to think that it is relatively harmless. But the rubber coating is, in fact, paper-thin and encases a marble-sized steel ball that can break bones or even kill.

The whole incident was captured on video, making it impossible for the Israeli military to deny responsibility.

Ashraf’s case went to the Israeli Supreme Court where a strong indictment against the commander was unanimously ordered. The soldier who committed the deed was put under investigation, but just two weeks later the charges against him were dropped and he resumed duty.

Bassem’s story

On April 17, 2009, Bassem Abu Rahmah, another of the siblings, made his way to the front of the weekly protest as he did every Friday. Reaching the wall, he stood before dozens of Israeli soldiers, who have a reputation for regularly using violent means of “crowd dispersal” against non-violent protesters.

On this occasion, the Israeli military used a new type of high-velocity teargas canister – the sheer velocity of which, unlike the normal canisters, made it nearly impossible for the protesters to evade them.

Several Israeli activists had become trapped between two fences and, disorientated by the teargas, were unable to escape. Bassem shouted in Hebrew at the soldiers that they were shooting teargas at their own people and should stop for a minute to allow the Israeli activists to get out from between the fences.

One of the Israeli soldiers responded to Bassem’s request by shooting a high-velocity teargas canister directly at his chest from a distance of about 40 metres.

By this point, many of the protesters and media had been driven away by the billowing teargas, but those still present heard a desperate call for an ambulance. There was no ambulance in the village that day and, after, a few drawn out minutes, a small, beat-up car sped down the road to the spot where Bassem lay. As it approached, the soldiers shot at it with teargas canisters. Bassem’s limp body, his chest covered with blood, was carried to the car and driven the 30 minutes to the nearest hospital.

He died before reaching it.

It was the first time that somebody had been killed at one of Bil’in’s weekly demonstrations and it soon became clear that Bassem had left a considerable mark not just on his family, but on the entire village.

Over coffee at her home, I told Bassem’s mother in my broken Arabic that my own family in the US had heard about what had happened to Bassem on the news and that people all over the world knew of his story. It seemed to offer her little comfort.

I remembered how Bassem had been the first person in the village to introduce himself to me, how he seemed to know everyone and was always going from one place to another, helping people and spending time with his friends.

He worked with the Bil’in Popular Committee, which espouses non-violent and creative ways to attract attention to their cause, was deeply committed to non-violence and always spoke peacefully to the Israeli soldiers.

Who will look out for them?

I also recalled how on that fateful afternoon, Bassem had joined the other villagers and activists at the centre of Bil’in as they chanted slogans and began to walk towards the village’s annexed land.

As always, Bassem was initially at the back of the crowd, trying to finish a conversation before the march began. But he had a long stride and, with his mobile phone blasting Arabic music, he had passed everyone by the time we reached the wall.

As he walked past me, told me, as he always did, to be careful and warned my friend to look out for me during the protest. But who was looking out for him?

Bassem’s family were devastated by his death, so when I heard about the death of his sister, Jawaher, a few days ago, I immediately thought of them.

Jawaher died on New Year’s Eve as a result of inhaling teargas at the village’s weekly protest.

There has been some speculation over the type of teargas used on that day, with other activists emphasising the large quantity and unusually strong effect it had on them.

The Abu Rahmah family has been left to deal with yet more injustice, grief and loss.

Waiting for justice

Israel began building settlements on the village’s land during the 1980s. Gradually more and more land was confiscated, until, in late 2004, the Israeli army ordered the construction of the “separation” wall, which would annex almost 60 per cent of Bil’in’s land. The land, which was mostly agricultural, was essential to the economy of the village.

Soon after the decision to build the wall was announced, the Bil’in Committee of Popular Resistance Against the Wall and Settlements (Bil’in Popular Committee) was formed and in February 2005, the weekly non-violent demonstrations against the wall began. The have continued ever since, despite the harsh reactions of the Israeli military, which has, among other things, raided the homes of and arrested protest organisers in the middle of the night.

The village has had some success in its legal battle to get its land back. At one point, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that construction on the nearby settlement of Matityahu had to be stopped and ordered the path of the wall to be moved back – returning almost half of its land to the village.

But, like many court orders impacting the occupied territories, this was never carried out. Construction continued on the nearby settlements and the Supreme Court reached a new decision, whereby only about 10 per cent of the land would be returned to the people of Bil’in.

Even this ruling, however, has not been carried out and for the people of Bil’in the struggle continues in the hope that the deaths of Bassem and Jawaher Abu Rahmah will not have been in vain.

“Soldiers, settlers, and the police are the occupation”: Hani Abu Haikal’s life inside the Tel Rumeida settlement

9 January 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Ramona

Hani Abu Haikal and his family live in Hebron’s H2, which is under Israeli control. They are part of the 30,000 Palestinians that live among 500 settlers in this part of the city. Life for Palestinians inside H2 is extremely difficult, with many of them facing settler harassment, movement constraints, and a large military and police presence serving settlers’ interests, even if most attacks are directed at Palestinians.

Hani and his family have to deal with all these issues, in addition to the fact that they live deep inside the Tel Rumeida settlement, surrounded by settlers on all sides. Only around five Palestinian families remain inside, while many have left because of the troubles they faced. The situation got especially bad during the second Intifada, in 2000, when there was a curfew imposed on Palestinians for three years. This meant that Palestinians could not work, or go to school, among other much needed activities needed to survive.

Many restrictions continue to exist for families inside the settlement. They cannot have guests without getting prior permission from Israeli authorities. This includes family member and friends, and even ambulances and doctors. Israeli authorities reject around 60% of their requests for visitors. This makes life for Hani’s family very difficult, especially for his mother who is very sick and old. She cannot walk, so she needs to have doctors come inside the settlement to visit her.

There are many other restrictions that Hani’s family has to deal with. Palestinians have no permission to own cars so they have to walk everywhere, and carry everything to their home. Settlers on the other hand, can have as many cars as they want. Palestinians inside the settlement live under martial law, while the Israelis live under civilian law. Palestinians constantly face harassment at the hands of settlers. Settlers have beaten up Hani’s son, without any repercussions. In the past, when Hani was able to own cars, settlers burned more than six of his cars. Settlers have also repeatedly damaged and burned his land.

Recently, an empty Palestinian home was taken over by settlers. The Palestinian owner of the house has an Israeli Supreme Court order to evacuate the settlers, but the police have not followed the order.

On Wednesday, January 5, Hani had a visit from the recently appointed Hebron governor, Kamil Hamid as well as Palestinian Authority doctors, who came to visit Hani’s sick mother. As is the case with all people coming to visit his home, he had to get special permission from Israeli authorities to allow the visit. It took two weeks to get the permission. It was also promised that the military would protect the governor from settler attacks.

Things did not turn out so smoothly, however. The governor faced settler verbal and physical attacks, without any protection from the military or police. Baruch Marcel, the founder of the extreme right-wing Jewish National Front party, who also lives in the Tel Rumeida settlement, lead and gathered all the settlers. The Israeli military and police stood by while the attacks were happening, and Hani and his body guards had to rush over to protect the governor.

After the governor, the doctors and Hani were able to get inside his home safely, they were trapped inside for three hours while the settlers’ mob remained outside. Soldiers tried to get the governor to leave the building from the back, but he refused, and said “I am a governor, I am not a thief. I come with special permission, under Israeli protection and I’m supposed to come back as I came in.”

For Hani, this incident was indicative of the troubles Palestinians face in Hebron’s H2. “I liked what happened because the governor saw what our real lives are like here” Hani said. It was an opportunity for the governor to see the unfair treatment that Palestinians receive from Israeli authorities. Even with all the preparation that went into having the governor visit Hani’s home, he was still not provided with the protection he was promised. This shows that the Israeli system is unjust in its treatment of Palestinians, even if they are high government officials.

According to Hani, the occupation’s strength comes from soldiers, settlers, and police working together to uphold the occupation. There is a misconception that the Israeli soldiers and police uphold the system of law and justice, and protect everyone equally. He says. “Anyone who lives here like me knows that the soldiers, the police and the settlers are a team that work together.” he says. “The settlers, they attack us. The solders give settlers protection. And the police arrests us.” This team works together to implement and enforce Israel’s efforts at population transfer of Palestinians from areas Israel wants to control. Life is made so difficult for Palestinians that they often have no other choice but to leave.

Protester arrested as soldiers occupy Nabi Saleh

9 January 2011 | Popular Struggle Coordination Committee

Border Police officers arresting Ouday Tamimi. Picture credit: Bilal Tamimi

Dozens of soldiers brought the village of Nabi Saleh to a standstill today in yet another attempt to curb demonstrations in the village. One protester was arrested, and two required medical treatment for their injuries.

Dozens of villagers, joined by Israeli and international supporters took part in the weekly demonstration in the village despite the siege laid on the village by the army, and the unusually large number of soldiers who occupied the village’s streets. Many hiked through the mountains the entire area was declared a closed military zone as early as 9 am and a gate that was installed at the entrance to the village earlier this week was shut closed.

Unlike most weeks, this Friday’s midday prayer, which precedes the demonstration, did not take place in the village’s mosque, but rather on the hill opposing the settlement. As people gathered to pray, soldiers and Border Police officers rushed towards them, ordering them to enter their homes for the duration of the closed military zone order. In response, the protesters staged a sit-in and refused to leave the place.

At the same time, clashes broke inside the village between the armed soldiers who took over the village, and local youth. Throughout the day, soldiers shot rubber-coated bullets at the protesting villagers and their supporters, as well as massive quantities of tear-gas. Tear-gas projectiles were often shot directly at the protesters, causing one injury. At some point, a pregnant women was evacuated to the hospital, after soldiers fired a tear-gas projectile directly into her house. Naji Tamimi, a member of the village’s popular committee, was beaten by a group of Border Police officers as he tried to approach the house in order to evacuate her.

During the day, soldiers randomly took over houses and arrested a seventeen year-old from the street. They have also tried to detained a thirteen year-old boy, but after other demonstrators gathered around him to prevent his arrest, the soldiers decided to not peruse his detention.

At nightfall, on the army’s retreat out of the village, a final barrage of tear-gas was volleyed, as 64 projectiles were simultaneously fired into the village.

Israeli navy confiscates two boats of abducted fisherman

9 January 2011 | International Solidarity Movement, Gaza

In one week’s time, the Israeli Navy has twice abducted fishermen from Gazan waters; they were released the same day, but their boats remain confiscated.

Abduction of Baker fishermen on January 4th
On Tuesday morning, January 4th, Mohammed ‘Abdul Qader Baker (54), Ziad Mohammed Baker (25), Mohammed Mahmoud Baker (28) and Ra’ef Nabeel Baker (25) were out fishing at approximately 2.5 nautical miles off the coast of Gaza City when they were intercepted by an Israeli gunboat. At gunpoint they were forced to hold their hands up for over an hour, while the gunboat awaited reinforcement of two zodiacs coming from Ashdod. The men were told to undress and swim towards the zodiacs, where they were cuffed, blindfolded and transferred to the gunboat.

“I told them that I am sick and too old to throw myself into the sea with these kinds of temperatures. One of the soldiers on the zodiac replied that if I didn’t jump into the water he would blow my head and the boat”, says the 54 year old Mohamed Abed Qader Baker. Their hassaka, a basic fishing boat of approximately 6 meters, was taken to Ashkelon, while the fishermen were taken to Ashdod. One by one they were taken into a small interrogation room in the harbor, where an officer of the Shin Bet, the Israeli Internal Security Service, inquired about their connections with the Gazan government.

“They told me I was three sea miles and twenty meters from the coast, which is 20 meters beyond the limit the Israeli Navy imposed on us, but it is not true! I am always very careful, I have a GPS: I am sure that I was no further out than 2.5 miles”, states Mohamed firmly.
At the time of the interception, four other Palestinian fishing boats were in the near vicinity, but were not stopped. To Mohamed it is clear why:

“I had just installed a new engine, which coasted 5,500$. The Israeli soldiers are watching us every day: they know when we have new equipment on board. Probably my engine has already been sold to Ashkelon by now.”

Fishermen at Gaza’s port shared the suspicion that well equipped boats were more likely to be confiscated. It is a certainty that not one hassaka seized by the Israeli Navy has ever returned.

“One day we eat the fish, the other day we sell the catch. I’ve put myself in debt to buy that engine and now I don’t have any means to pay them off, nor to provide my family with. We are 25 people in one house; that is six people per room”, says Mohamed.
On September 24th 2010, the Baker family lost 20 year old Mohammed Mansour Baker; he was killed by bullets coming from an Israeli gunboat while he was fishing 2 sea miles off Sudaniya Beach.

Six Fishermen Abducted on December 28th
Early Thursday morning, December 28th 2010, six fishermen, Subeh ‘Abdul Salam al-Hissi, ‘Aadel ‘Abdul Karim Baker, Ramadan Isma’il al-Hissi, Fayez Ahmed al-Hissi and Ahmed Sha’ban al-Hissi returned back to Gaza the same day, but the family’s 19 meters fishing boat remains confiscated by Israel. Thirty families’ incomes, each counting six to seven members, are dependent on this boat.

At 6:30 am they left the port of Gaza with their wooden fishing boat heading towards the north of the Strip. Close to Beit Lahya, 1 to 1.5 miles off Gaza’s coastline, the boat was intercepted by two Israeli zodiacs, each containing approximately 20 soldiers. They boarded the boat, searched, cuffed and blindfolded the men, before obliging them to lay down on the wet surface of the ship. Fayez Ahmed al-Hissi (31) adds that he was hit on the head during the takeover of the ship. The eldest of the company, 59 year old Ahmed Sha’ban al-Hissi, was ordered to sail the boat into Ashdod’s harbor.

In Ashdod, soldiers instructed them to take the fishing net in, after which they were transferred to a docked Israeli gunboat. Plastic bags were put over the men’s heads making it hard for them to breathe, while they were shivering in their soaked clothes. One by one they were interrogated in a small room in the harbor, where the investigator showed a particular interest in Gaza’s harbor and the governmental support for fishermen who suffered damages during the last storm. The head officer, who introduced himself as Ghalid, claiming to be responsible for Al-Shati refugee camp, asked them to point out their houses on a detailed picture taken from the air and to give phone numbers of relatives and friends.

“I replied evasively to their questions, saying the pictures weren’t very clear and that I didn’t know any phone numbers by heart”, said Subeh ‘Abdul Salam al-Hissi (33).

The men could not grasp what they had done to end up there until Subeh’ asked: “Why are we here? Why did you take us from Gazan waters?” Ambiguously, the investigator returned the question by asking them whether they had not felt anything strange while sailing. Different media outlets quote an Israeli military spokesperson saying that the boat “dragged a suspicious object”. Earlier that morning, the men had responded to a call from fellow fishermen that had technical problems at sea. The boat was towed into Gaza’s marina after which the men headed towards northern Gaza, with a fishing net being the only thing the boat dragged.

“I hope we will get our boats back soon, maybe after a month”, says Ahmed Sha’ban al-Hissi hopefully. The wooden boat requires daily maintenance to protect it from water damage. “I asked them if someone could at least turn on the bilge pump each day to pump the water from the boat, but the officer simply stated that it was not his responsibility.”

“Since the siege, our income has come down from 700 dollars to less than 200 dollars a month per fisher. Israel refuses to allow fishing nets in, so we are dependent on the low quality nets from Egypt that come in through the tunnels. Spare parts for the boat are very scarce too. All that and the fishing area being depleted, results in a poor catch, while fish from Al Arish come in abundantly through the tunnels, obliging us to sell our fish at a low price”, says Ahmed Sha’ban al-Hissi.

“Now, I don’t know what to do. We are all waiting at home until our boat comes back.”

Legal background

Al Mazen Center for Human Rights states that between 1 May 2009 and 30 November 2010 the IOF carried out 53 attacks against fishermen: two men were killed, seven injured and 42 arrested, while 17 fishing boats were confiscated and one destroyed. These acts constitute flagrant violations of Israel’s obligations under international law as an occupying power. They violate the Fishermen’s rights to life, work, safety and bodily integrity. They also infringe upon the right not to be tortured and prevent them from maintaining an adequate standard of living.

The Oslo Accords allowed Gazan fishermen to fish in the Mediterranean sea up to 20 nautical miles away from Gaza’s shoreline, but since 1993 Israel has imposed successive restrictions on fishing, the limit for fishermen now stands at just 3 nautical miles since Israel imposed the siege on Gaza in 2007. This has severely reduced the quantity, quality and diversity of the catch. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, nearly 90% of Gaza’s 4000 fishermen are now considered either poor (with a monthly income of between 100 and 190 US dollars) or very poor (earning less than 100 dollars a month), up from 50% in 2008.

“Gas won’t tear us apart”: a return to Bil’in

8 January 2010 | +972 Magazine, Joseph Dana

Woman marching in Bil'in this afternoon. Picture Credit: Oren Ziv/Activestills.org

Hundreds march in Bil’in to commemorate Jawaher Abu Rahmah, the 36-year-old woman who was killed last week in an unarmed demonstration against the separation wall. The former vice president of the European Parliament, Lusia Morgantini and a current Israeli Parliament member Mohammed Barakeh (Hadash) joined the demonstration which was lead by over thirty women’s organizations from the West Bank and Israel. During the protest, demonstrators managed to tear down portions of the barrier.

Hundreds of Palestinians, Israelis and internationals marched today in Bil’in to commemorate the killing of Jawaher Abu Rahmah and protest Israel’s separation wall and land annexation in the village. Jawaher –the 36-year-old sister of Bassam Abu Rahmah, who was killed in 2009 when Israeli soldiers fired a high velocity tear gas canister directly at his chest– was laid to rest in Bil’in last Saturday after dying from complications stemming from tear gas inhalation. Over thirty women’s rights organizations from across the West Bank and Israel mobilized in the demonstration and called for an end to the use of tear gas to crush demonstrations. Before the protest even started, the Israeli military set up ‘flying checkpoints’ at all the entrances to the village. Hundreds of Israeli and international supporters were forced to hike through the hills surrounding the village in order to reach the demonstration.

Outrage over the death hung in the air as the demonstration left the center of the village’s square towards the area of the wall. Unlike last week, when the army set up a barricade, hundreds of demonstrators were able to reach the area of the wall and subsequently began chanting and pulling on the fence. Parts of the fence were successfully dismantled by protesters in accordance with the Israeli Supreme Court’s decision that the route of the wall must be moved from Bil’in’s lands.

After thirty minutes, the army opened fire on the demonstrators, among them Israeli parliament members and European diplomats, with a petro-chemical dubbed the ‘skunk’. The foul smelling water was shot directly at demonstrators, press and diplomats. If hit by skunk water, the smell can be on your skin and clothing for up to two weeks.

Not content with skunk water, the army resorted to firing tear gas at all corners of the demonstration. Hundreds ran back to the village as wave after wave of the poisonous gas covered Bil’in’s agricultural fields. Clashes erupted between soldiers and village youth as the tear gas continued to fall on the demonstration. Youth managed to throw tear gas canisters back on soldiers as the afternoon deepened and rain clouds appeared on the horizon. The protest was attended by large numbers of international press including film crews from the BBC and Fox News. The protest ended with multiple people being treated fo tear gas inhalation.

Nearly six years have passed since residents of Bil’in, together with their Israeli and international supporters, started regularly demonstrating against the Wall and the confiscation of more than half their land by it. It has been more than three years since the Israeli High Court ruled that the path of the Wall must be changed as soon as possible, and the people of Bil’in have waited long enough.