16 February 2013 | International Solidarity Movement, Kufr Qaddum, Occupied Palestine
Approximately 200 Palestinians, joined by a handful of International activists, participated in yesterdays weekly demonstration in Kufr Qaddum.
At around 12 am, after midday prayers, protesters marched from the center of the village up the main road leading to Qedumim settlement. Clashes between Palestinian youth and Israeli soldiers had already erupted when the Israeli military began bulldozing pre-made barricades. The clashes continued as Palestinians resisted by throwing stones and the Israeli army shot tear gas canisters directly at people. The demonstration lasted for over two hours during which protesters went back and forward along the main road.
One journalist was hit with a tear gas canister on his foot and collapsed; he was carried away to be treated by the ambulance crew. An elderly woman from the village had to be stretchered away from her house as a result of overexposure to tear gas. At least three protesters, Odeh Abd Alfattah (20), Rani Ali (30) and Mohammad Salih (25) were also reported to be hit by tear gas canisters, without any of them resulting in serious injury.
Kufr Qaddum, a small town of 3,500 inhabitants, is situated in the northern West Bank, between Nablus and Qalqiliya. Kufr Qaddum’s total land area used to consist of nearly 19,000 dunams, of which 11,000 are now under total Israeli control. Village lands have been repeatedly confiscated to build and expand the settlement of Qedumim. The expansion of one the settlement’s neighborhoods, Mitzpe Yishai, became relatively well-known when even the Israeli Civil Administration described land takeover as theft. Furthermore, the village has been effectively besieged since the beginning of the Second Intifada, when the main and only entrance to the village was blocked by the army. The main road has been, since then, closed, forcing residents to travel around an extra 15 km to get to Nablus.
Since 2011, residents of Kufr Qaddum have been resisting the land grab and the road closure by holding weekly demonstrations. The Israeli army often violently suppresses the protests shooting tear gas canisters, stun grenades and rubber-coated steel bullets.
15 February 2013 | International Solidarity Movement, Ofer Prison, Occupied Palestine
A demonstration was held outside Ofer prison in Ramallah as part of a week of action in solidarity with Palestinian political prisoners, and in particular to protest the continued detention of Samer Assawi who is on his 207th day of hunger strike whilst being held without charge.
Several hundred attended traditional Friday prayers which were held outside the prison gates in an act of nonviolent resistance.
Clashes ensued between protesters, including stone-throwing youth, and the Israeli army which responded by firing tear gas, rubber-coated steel bullets and, later on, live ammunition. During the clashes, which continued for around three hours, two Palestinians from Ramallah were hit by live ammunition in the shoulder and the leg. Dozens of Palestinians, including journalists, were taken away in ambulances to be treated for injuries caused by rubber-coated steel bullets as well as teargas inhalation. There are also reports of ambulances being deliberately targeted with rubber-coated steel bullets as injured protesters were being carried inside. This demonstration coincided with dozens of others across the West Bank.
14 February 2013 | Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, Divided Palestine
The Gaza Strip has often been called an “open air prison” in light of the illegal closure imposed on it by the Israeli authorities. However, the territory became a prison for many Palestinians long before the closure came into effect. In the early stages of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which has been ongoing since 1967, Israeli authorities conducted a census in the occupied Palestinian territory, and counted 954,898 Palestinians. This census excluded all Palestinians who were not present during the process, either because they had been displaced due to the 1967 war or because they were abroad for studies, work, or other reasons. These Palestinians were not included in the population registry. Thousands more Palestinians, who spent any considerable length of time abroad between 1967 and 1994, were also struck from the registry. Israel requires Palestinians to be included in this population registry in order for them or their children to be considered lawful residents and obtain Israeli-approved identification cards and passports. Israel, being the occupying power of the Gaza Strip, decides which Palestinian citizens should receive identification and travel document. According to the Ministry of Interior in the Gaza Strip, there are 4058 Palestinians in Gaza who do not have travel documents to enable them to travel outside Gaza.
Mona Khrais, 27, and her family have borne the brunt of these harsh policies for many years. Mona’s father, Abdulfattah Hussein Khrais, 70, was forcibly displaced to the Gaza Strip in 1948 and lived there for many years as a refugee. In 1967, when the Israeli census was carried out, Abdel was studying abroad in Egypt. Mona explains: “From Egypt my father moved to Libya and worked there for 15 years, where he got married, and then my parents moved to Saudi Arabia and stayed there for 20 years until 2000. My father worked as a physics teacher in Saudi Arabia and when his tenure ended there, we came to Gaza. To reach Gaza, we had to obtain visiting permission from the Israeli authorities but, since arriving here, we have not been able to travel outside Gaza.” Mona adds: “We are not able to leave because we are not recognised by Israel as Palestinian citizens. We need Israeli-approved passports to be able to travel outside Gaza. We applied for them after coming here in 2000, but so far we have not heard anything from the authorities.”
Mona and her family have suffered great hardship as a result of being trapped in the Gaza Strip, and her frustration is reflected in her voice as she says, “We are recognised as Palestinian citizens by the government in the Gaza Strip, but because Israel does not have our names on a list we are not recognised anywhere outside Gaza. The local government in Gaza has issued us identity documents, but these can be used only inside Gaza. These documents are meaningless beyond the borders of Gaza.”
Mona further explains the impact of the lack of valid identification and travel documents: “We have had to face many problems because of our situation. My brother, Hani, who lives in Canada and has a Canadian passport, was denied entry into Gaza by the Egyptian authorities because, just like us, he too is not registered as a Palestinian by Israel. Last year, in July, he and his wife and three children travelled from Canada to visit us. They were not allowed to enter Gaza and had to stay in Egypt for an entire week. During that time, they travelled to the Rafah crossing every day to try to reach Gaza, but they were denied entry each time because they don’t have Israeli-approved passports. I have not seen my brother in 12 years, and my nephews not even once.
Other family members living outside Gaza have also been affected: “My mother’s brother, who lives in Sweden, cannot travel to Gaza due to a serious heart condition and, because my mother cannot go outside Gaza, she has not been able to see him for a very long time. Also, my father has not seen his brother, who lives in Gambia, for years because he can’t come to Gaza either. My family has been separated because of our situation.”
Not having a valid travel document has negatively impacted Mona’s ability to advance in her education and career. She explains, “I wanted to study Management in a university abroad but, because I cannot travel outside, I cannot apply. I am also not eligible to apply for various jobs because they require me to hold a travel document. My younger brother, who lives with us in Gaza, achieved a score of 96% in his high school exams but, just like me, he has been unable to enrol in a university abroad. It is my right to choose my education and the same goes for my brother.” Despite these difficulties, Mona has been trying to make the best of the past 12 years. She presently works with the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights in Gaza.
The family’s inability to leave the Gaza Strip could have serious consequences in the event that a member of the family falls ill, something Mona fears: “My worst fear is that if anyone in my family falls seriously ill and has to travel outside Gaza for treatment, they won’t be allowed because they don’t have a passport.”
Mona’s father Abdulfattah says: “The simple thing is that, because we are Palestinian citizens, we should have Palestinian passports. Just like us, there are many other Palestinians who are in this difficult position.” Mona’s mother, Samira Ibrahim al-Najjar, makes a plea to the Israeli authorities, saying, “I want my passport. Please give it to me. I want to see my son and grandchildren.”
Under international law, Article 12 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantees that “everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own and no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.” Moreover, according to the United Nations Human Rights Committee [General Comment No. 27], “Freedom to leave the territory of a State may not be made dependent on any specific purpose or on the period of time the individual chooses to stay outside the country. [. . .]The right of a person to enter his or her own country recognizes the special relationship of a person to that country. The right has various facets. It implies the right to remain in one’s own country.” The Human Rights Committee also observed that “A State party must not, by stripping a person of nationality or by expelling an individual to a third country, arbitrarily prevent this person from returning to his or her own country.” Also according to the International Court of Justice, persons who have a genuine and effective link to a country, such as habitual residence, cultural identity, and family ties cannot simply be banned from returning to that country.
Vociferous local campaign by the No2 Veolia Action Group leads Occupation profiteer Veolia to withdraw from colossal waste management contracts. No 2 Veolia Action Group (No2VAG) are celebrating a huge victory with the withdrawal of Veolia, a multinational company complicit in Israeli violations of international law, from the final stage of the North London procurement process.
In a statement on 21st December the North London Waste Authority, which represents the seven London boroughs covered by the £4.7bn contracts, made the dramatic announcement that it had “received notification from Veolia Environmental Services that they will not be submitting final tenders for either NLWA’s waste services or fuel use contracts.” For two years the No2VAG has vigorously campaigned for Veolia to be removed from the list of bidders due to its grave misconduct in providing infrastructure to illegal Israeli settlements. Despite this involvement, Veolia was shortlisted for the final bids in February 2012.
This extraordinary withdrawal of Veolia comes after an intensification of the campaign against the company. The No2VAG staged twelve protests over the last two months at each council contributing £600m to the £4.7bn contracts.
The procurement process was shrouded in secrecy and campaigners faced a wall of denial when it came to Veolia’s unethical practices, environmental and technical shortcomings and financial instability. Engineer Rob Langlands and secretary of No2VAG said, “North London residents want an environmentally responsible and cost effective solution to waste disposal. The Veolia technical proposals were not on track to provide this. I am especially delighted because of the ongoing Veolia involvement in the illegal Israeli settlements that the Veolia bids have now been consigned to the rubbish bin.”
Yael Kahn, chair of No2VAG said, “Our strategy to force councillors to seriously consider and publicly debate the issues at stake and the further actions planned No2VAG played a critical role in achieving our aim of eliminating Veolia from the NLWA procurement process.”
On 21st November, No2VAG spokeswoman Caroline Day was surprised to discover that her deputation regarding Veolia to Hackney Council, which had been approved by the council lawyers, was prevented by a procedural motion supported by the Mayor of Hackney.
It was reported in the Jewish Chronicle that the motion had been drafted by UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI). David Lewis from UKLFI then told the Hackney Gazette newspaper that an “instrumental” role had been played by Hackney Councillor Luke Akehurst, the director of campaigns at ‘We Believe in Israel’, an advocacy network created by the Britain Israel Communications Research Centre (BICOM). On hearing the news that Veolia had withdrawn Caroline said, “This is a huge victory for local democracy. Powerful lobbies representing unethical interests in the illegal settlements may have won a short-term victory in silencing me, but in standing up for their right to see their money invested ethically, local people have achieved a victory for justice.”
On 13th December the arbitrary nature of Hackney Council’s political censorship was exposed and a symbolic victory was achieved when Irfan Akhtar of Waltham Forest Council of Mosques and the No2VAG gave a powerful speech at a Waltham Forest Council meeting detailing why Veolia was an unsuitable choice for an important public service. Irfan was delighted with the news and said, “This massive victory is the result of serious campaigning by people who possess the common and moral sense to stand up against injustice. No2VAG working tirelessly across all seven boroughs over nearly two years has paid dividends. The WF Council of Mosques is proud to be part of this campaign and we know all victory is from God and we dedicate this victory to the people of Palestine.”
Following the NLWA announcement, Israeli-born Yael Kahn responded by saying, “I was determined to block Veolia and the only question was how to achieve that. The NLWA appeared equally determined to select Veolia in spite of the evidence against the company. It was the toughest campaign of my life but I was haunted by the thought of Veolia which has been instrumental in Palestinians being driven out of their homes in occupied east Jerusalem and the West Bank, getting a £4.7bn handout from us in north London.”
Multinational companies like Veolia are finding that around the world complicity with Israeli war crimes is increasingly bad business. Just yesterday, on 20th December, the St Louis City Board shelved a Veolia contract pending an investigation into the company’s association with human rights abuses, corruption and violations of law. This is the latest setback for the beleaguered multinational occupation profiteer, which has been denied contracts in several European cities in the wake of campaigns by human rights activists.
The No2VAG would like to thank all the people who actively contributed to the intensive lobbying of our elected representatives, collected many thousands of signatures against Veolia and made their voices heard at protests and in the local media and special thanks to the WF Council of Mosques for their pivotal role in this campaign.
29 January 2013 | International Solidarity Movement, Nablus, Occupied Palestine
For more than a decade the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) has supported Palestinians during the olive harvest, a task which continues to be challenging.
We regularly support farmers by accompanying them to fields and planting olive trees in areas of high risk of settler attacks and army harassment. As part of our continuous support to the grassroots struggle, we are going to plant olive trees in the villages around Nablus, starting now. For this, we need your support.
Hundreds of thousands of olive trees are located near illegal Israeli colonial settlements, making the trees as well as the farmers a sure target for settler violence. On average, around 10,000 trees are destroyed each year. Before the olive harvest had began in 2012, farmers had to deal with the devastating effects of arson. According to the United Nations, more than 870 trees were vandalised in the first week of October’s harvest.
Working near settlements is much more than a source of livelihood: it is a form of non-violent resistance. Planting and harvesting olives is a continuous affirmation of Palestinians’ historical, cultural and economic connection to their lands and a rejection of Israeli efforts to seize them.
Villages around Nablus have seen an increased level of violence and harassment by settlers and the army. ISM activists in Nablus have spent recent months working in villages around Yizhar, the most violent settlement in the West Bank. The village of Urif has been under regular attacks by settlers and army, including settler attacks around the school which is located on the very edge of the village. Madama has also seen some extremely violent scenes involving shepherds being assaulted whilst working their lands around the settlement. Asira, another village which surrounds Yizhar, has just been the victim of yet another outrageous land grab. The village of Burin gets attacked from settlements on two sides. We want to help these villages resist by planting olive trees around the most dangerous land around Yizhar settlement.
We want to start by planting around 1000 olive trees and for this we urgently need your help. An olive tree costs $4 to $11, depending on it’s size (the bigger the tree the sooner olives can be harvested). The more money we can raise, the more and bigger olive trees we will be able to plant. Any amount you can donate helps. Please donate now so that we can start start planting. All funds raised will be used entirely for the purchase of new trees.
Please help spread the word. Join the event on Facebook.