Tag: Bethlehem - Page 3 - International Solidarity Movement

Banksy and the Walled Off Hotel: a personal view

13th March 2017 | International Solidarity Movement, al-Khalil team | Hebron, occupied Palestine

Over the last weeks there has been a lot of noise about Banksy (a street artist from the UK, now darling of the art world) and his new hotel in Bethlehem. Initially the vast majority of news articles seemed to glow with praise for this new project. However I quickly found myself uncomfortable with the language that the project uses in its narrative. And other commentators have also expressed discomfort. A number of articles have now come out that are somewhat more critical of the enterprise. I decided that to further my own understanding I would talk to some Palestinian activists and then write something myself – so here it is to be shared.

On Banksy’s website there is a question and answers page which helped me begin to analyse the political message behind the hotel. The attempt at neutrality Bansky appears to project made me immediately alarmed. This is how he describes the wall:

“It divides the nation of Palestine from the state of Israel and restricts movement between the two for citizens of both sides. Depending on who you talk to its (sic) either a vital security measure or an instrument of apartheid. Its route is highly controversial and it has a dramatic impact on the daily lives of a lot of people. The one thing beyond dispute is that everything here is under dispute.”

The statement that the wall restricts movement for both parties implies an even-sided conflict, something which is clearly untrue in the case of a long-standing full-scale military occupation. The statement is also in fact false: Israeli citizens are not prevented from entering the West Bank, and there are currently an estimated 600,000 of them residing in settlements which are recognized as illegal by the entire international community. Israelis are free to cross the wall into Palestine, whereas Palestinians need special permission, regularly denied, to cross into Israel, even if needing specialist hospital treatment. So the ‘dramatic impact’ Banksy talks about is only dramatic, or indeed an impact, for the Palestinian people, and not for Israelis.

The language then slides into identifiably Zionist rhetoric:

“Is it anti-Semitic?

Definitely not. The Walled Off Hotel is an entirely independent leisure facility set up and financed by Banksy. It is not aligned to any political movement or pressure group. The aim is to tell the story of the wall from every side and give visitors the opportunity to discover it for themselves. We offer an especially warm welcome to young Israelis. Absolutely no fanaticism is permitted on the premises.”

It is a common Zionist tactic to label any objection to colonialist state-building and ethnic cleansing of Palestine as ‘anti-Semitic’. Banksy legitimises this method of silencing opponents when he implies that any political movement or pressure group against the wall and occupation could easily be seen as anti-Semitic. This Zionist rhetoric shuts down real discussion.

The declaration that ‘no fanaticism is permitted on the premises’ is particularly interesting: local residents told me that for the last few months there has been a heavily armed unit of Israeli military stationed on the back balcony of what is now Banksy’s hotel. They were not there all the time, but often seen during the evening and were a very intimidating sight.

So this leads to a question for Banksy: why did you allow this unit of soldiers to enter your hotel while it was being built, when that was bound to be threatening to the local population? When you say ‘no fanaticism’, does this mean only from the point at which the hotel was opened? I only ask as it clearly wasn’t the case when you were building the thing.

This leads me to question why the project was made in Area C at all. Banksy explains that it is so Israelis can stay at the hotel without risking legal problems. However, Area C is the 60% part of the West Bank which remains wholly under Israeli control. Palestinian homes regularly face destruction here, building permits are almost impossible to obtain (unless you are Israeli), there are regular road closures and the Palestinian economy is at its most controlled and strangled in this part of the West Bank. By opening his business here in Area C, Banksy has chosen to deal directly with the Israeli state, to whom he will have had to apply for permits, and to whom he will have paid fees. This is a privilege that Palestinians who wish to build houses or businesses are regularly denied. I do question the legitimacy of a project which is meant to be a protest if it is done with express permission of the state it is protesting against.

And if the project truly embarrassed or damaged Israeli state they would simply not have allowed it at all.

Bansky has in the past made statements which are clearly directly opposed to the wall: in 2005 he said that the wall ‘turned Palestine into the world’s largest open-air prison’. But here he tries to create a spurious neutrality. This time he chooses not to make any real statement against the occupation but rather to encourage people to understand the ‘two sides of the conflict’. This comes at a time when the Israeli government detains and imprisons Palestinian children simply for making Facebook posts against the occupation. But Banksy, even with all his privilege and anonymity, and who in comparison is risking nothing but a small chunk of his sizable income, will not make a firm statement against injustice. What is his reasoning? If I were being charitable I might think that he feels he can highlight his point better by an appearance of neutrality; if I were being cynical I’d suggest he will make more profit from neutrality than from condemnation.

The local Palestinian activists I spoke to have questioned the value of another foreigner-owned business opening in Palestine, particularly one which directly profits from the occupation they have to live under. This is a legitimate concern: many foreign companies directly profit from the occupation and suck money out of the Palestinian economy. Banksy indicates vaguely that all profits will be fed back into local projects without specifying what these are. For all we know the money from this could directly support Zionist interests. And although Banksy’s claims that he will not profit directly are probably true he does stand to profit hugely in publicity, reputation and brand.

Looking at this hotel as a form of activism it begins to seem another example of foreigner saviourship: a person from England comes to Palestine and tells everyone that Israelis and Palestinians just need to sit down together and the problems will be over. This obviously did not come as a plan from any of the Popular Resistance Committees within Palestine, and is in fact grossly offensive to many people.This style of logic shows a complete misunderstanding of the colonialist project that is in motion by the Zionist state.

Banksy’s stated aim is to bring Israelis and Palestinians together in his hotel, but with a few dorm rooms at $30 a night and the next cheapest rooms at $215 up to $965, the only people that the hotel will bring together are the international bourgeoisie, people who are the least affected by the occupation, who maintain their riches in the face of occupation, or even increase them. The global elite do not effect any real change in this world, but rather maintain injustice for their own profit and comfort. So what does he hope to achieve?

My initial reaction was excitement that Banksy was shining the global spotlight on the apartheid wall again, but the more I get to understand this business the more uncomfortable I become with it. My best interpretation is that it attempts a good political point but misses the mark through misunderstanding and commodification of the Palestinian struggle. And the worst interpretation? That this is a Zionist project, profiting from and normalizing the horrors of the occupation.

This is a personal reflection and does not necessarily reflect the views of ISM.

Demonstrators demand return of martyrs bodies in Bethlehem

15th January 2017 | International Solidarity Movement, al-Khalil team | Bethlehem, occupied Palestine

The Prisoners Club held a demonstration and march to the illegal apartheid wall on Sunday afternoon to demand the return of the bodies of martyrs held unjustly by the colonial occupying Zionist State of Israel.

The Zionist Israeli forces often take the bodies of murdered Palestinian martyrs and hold them, usually for long periods of time, threatening to bury them in unmarked graves in the cemetery of numbers if Palestinian resistance continues. The families want the bodies of their loved ones returned for funeral and burial.

The demonstration and march was attended by well over 150 Palestinian men, women and children along with several internationals.

After the march to the illegal colonial apartheid wall, as the group was leaving, the Israeli occupation forces opened the gate in the wall with several military vehicles and began to fire tear gas, sound grenades and rubber coated steel bullets into and at the crowd. A handful of people were minimally affected by teargas with no medical treatment needed and no other injuries reported. The clash lasted about one and half hours.

Over 150 demonstrators demand return of martyrs bodies in Bethlehem.

Children out in force at Bethlehem demonstration demanding return of martyrs' bodies — Children out in force at Bethlehem demonstration demanding return of martyrs’ bodies.

Demonstration continues after march to apartheid wall in Bethlehem.

Demonstrators carry symbolic coffins, demanding return of martyrs' bodies — Demonstrators carry symbolic coffins, demanding return of martyrs’ bodies in Bethlehem.

Demonstrators call for support from upcoming Paris conference.

Protesters at the apartheid wall in occupied Bethlehem — Protesters at the apartheid wall demanding the release of martyrs’ bodies in occupied Bethlehem.

A boy runs after tear gas canister and throws it back at Bethlehem demonstration.

Tear gas fired by Israeli forces fills the street in Bethlehem following demonstration.

Tortured youths of Aida refugee camp

20th November 2016 | International Solidarity Movement, al-Khalil team | Bethlehem, occupied Palestine

On the evening of the 10^th of October, a group of approximately 25 children playing outside the community center at the gate of Aida refugee camp, were suddenly, and without provocation, attacked by soldiers dressed in civilian clothing. Caught completely unawares and gripped by fear, the group scattered and began to flee down two streets leading to the camp, only to find both routes blocked by several more soldiers, also dressed in civilian clothing. Eyewitnesses describe boys being punched, kicked, and thrown violently to the ground and against the wall. At that very same moment, a large number of soldiers emerged from the army base (the only street not occupied by soldiers in civilian clothing), encircling the boys so that there was little chance of escape. A total of nine boys were arrested that evening.

There is no question that what happened at the gates of Aida camp that evening was a well-planned and coordinated sting operation, executed with a level of sophistication that one might conceivably associate with the apprehension of hardened criminals, but certainly not of a group of apathetic adolescents, minding their own business outside their own homes.

So why were they attacked in this way? What warranted this level of aggression and sophistication? Did the boys pose some sort of existential threat? If so, what threat did they pose? If not, why were they targeted in this way?

None of these boys had ever been previously arrested or charged with any crime of any sort, nor did they pose any real threat, and after this attack several of the boys were charged in the following days with minor offenses. For example, Mohammed Derwash (14) was charged with throwing a plastic container at a soldier; his cousin, Adam Derwash (16), for having marbles in his pocket with, “intent to throw”. Putting to one side the sheer absurdity of these charges, for which many of the boys are still being detained, it’s important to note that these charges are for offenses that are alleged to have occurred at the time of the boys’ arrest. Remember, from the boys’ perspective, they were being attacked by crazed civilians. Therefore, one might reasonably argue that these actions were taken in self-defense (if at all).

Following their arrest, the boys underwent a traumatic interrogation process. 13-year-old, Amir Mahmoud, was one of the nine arrested that day. His nose was broken when his assailant threw him against a wall, and punched him in the face. He was subsequently charged with “throwing an object with intent to harm” and “beating a soldier”. His bail was posted at 6000 shekels, the equivalent to €1450 Euros, a sum that is veritably unobtainable for many of the impoverished residents of Aida refugee camp. He, and the other boys arrested that day, were bound, blindfolded, and taken to a military base where they were then violently beaten. He knew that other boys were around him because he could hear their cries. He showed us the cuts incurred from the handcuffs that still mar his wrists, a week later. When he shared with a soldier that his handcuffs were too tight, the soldier proceeded to tighten them further.

Right: Amir. Left: Cuts on Armir's wrist from handcuffs — Right: Amir Mahmoud. Left: Cuts on Armir’s wrist from handcuffs

Amir was interrogated with no lawyer or family member present. His interrogation began with a gun being placed on the table, pointed ominously in Amir’s direction. However, the officer’s style of interrogation quickly changed from subtle gestures to outright verbal assault, as he grew increasingly frustrated with Amir’s unwillingness to engage in questioning, or incriminate any of his friends. The officer then resorted to beat Amir, when he finally tired of the boys’ silence.

The interrogation for 13-year-old Dawud Sharaa began at 2 am in the morning on the eve of his arrest. The four hours previous he spent in the cold, blindfolded, handcuffed, threatened and beaten, told to wet himself if the urge to go to the toilet became too great. His interrogation lasted for approximately one hour. It began with him being told to call his father, that he was to be released. His father, heartened by this news, asked to speak to a soldier to confirm. The soldier yelled at the boy to shut up, and hung up the phone.

documents label him ''the criminal'' — Israeli documents label his name: ”the criminal” Dawud

The psychological torment did not finish there for Dawud. The soldiers then proceeded to engage Dawud in a mentally exhausting cross-examination where he was verbally assaulted, spat at, threatened with violence, and even physically beaten in order to provide them with information, or admit guilt to acts he did not commit. His father produced for us a medical certificate in which the boys physician documented the bruising he had suffered as a result of the beating he received.

Medical certificate in which the boy's physician documented the bruising he had suffered as a result of the beating he received. — Medical certificate documenting pain in the head, neck and lower back and bruises on his body.

For the remainder of that night, from approximately 3am until he left for his court case at 7 am the following morning, he spent in a cell, above which a water tank was situated so that cold water dripped down upon him with harrowing regularity. Even times when an exhausted Dawud began to drift off to sleep, the patrolling soldier smacked him in the back of the head with the but-end of his M16 riffle.

Both these cases provide telling insight into on the larger agenda being forwarded by Israeli State Forces against Palestinian youths. During my time at the camp I met with some of the boys who had been arrested that day and who had since been released, but also with several others who had been targeted in separate incidents, as well as their families, and a number of community leaders and volunteers. What became abundantly clear during my time there was that this was not an isolated incident. Palestinian youths, aged between 12 and 16 years old, are now the primary target of Israeli state aggression throughout the West Bank

Only last week 14-year-old Ahmad Manasra was sentenced to 12 years in prison. He was alleged to have been complicit in a stabbing incident involving an Israeli settler. The video of his interrogation and confession, which was leaked on the Internet and can be found here, is telling of the type of treatment these boys receive at the hands of Israeli Security Forces. Ahmad was 13 when he was arrested. The date of his trial was put off until he was 14, after which age he could be given a prison sentence under Israeli military law. Sentencing of Palestinian youths under Israeli military law has become an important tool of the Israeli apartheid regimen. Interestingly, both Amir and Dawud’s trials have similarly been postponed until the boys turn 14.

Almost unbelievably, the day we went to interview Dawud, he had been arrested again, this time from his home at 6am. The soldiers had a photograph of a boy wearing a white shirt, apparently resembling Dawud, throwing a stone, and so they raided his house in search of the white shirt. They found nothing. It was not Dawud in the picture. But state forces are willing to adopt unscrupulous measures to attempt to incriminate this young boy.

So why are young boys increasingly being targeted by the occupation? I posed this question to the father of 14-year-old Motaz Ibrahim Msalm. Motaz, in a separate incident, had his house raided in the middle of the night on the 5/10/16. He was pulled from his bed, thrown against the wall, arrested and detained for 5 days. As justification for his arrest the Israeli state forces declared that he posed a “security risk”. He was interrogated similarly to the cases described above.

“To create a generation crippled by fear”, was the fathers’ response. “To create a generation who are afraid to leave the house, afraid to go to school, afraid to visit the mosque, afraid to play with their friends, but most importantly, afraid of soldiers, and afraid to resist.”

“To get information”, proclaimed another. “To use fear and torture to get the boys to give up information and then use that information against them and others, so as to incriminate and lock up as many of them as they can.”

“We are also afraid of foreigners now”, Amir interjected. “The soldiers who attacked us wore civilian clothing. So now we are suspicious of everyone that comes into the camp”.

There is no hiding from the fact that these boys were tortured by Israeli state forces. Describing the psychological scars left behind, one father told us that his son wakes up at night screaming with fear, that he wets the bed and panics at even the slightest of disturbances. That he has become withdrawn, no longer leaves the house and has become prone to aggressive outbursts against his mother and siblings. I couldn’t help but notice this fathers eyes well up as he detailed for us how profoundly his son has been affected by the torture he endured.

That this can happen to anyone, anywhere, in the twenty first century is hugely upsetting. That this can happen to a collective of innocent teenagers, playing outside their homes or snatched from their beds, kidnapped and held at ransom by the state, is even more troubling. But that this is a policy now systematically practiced by a nation that is held to such high esteem by the international community, a nation that publicly presents an image of itself as a “free” and “open” society. That, to me, is truly terrifying.

The question I am left with is how? How have we, the international community, allowed ourselves to be deceived in this way, charmed by Israeli rhetoric yet oblivious to their wicked intent? For how long will we allow it to continue? When will you say… ok, this has gone too far! Enough is enough! If the on-going ethnic cleansing, annexation of land and demolition of homes wasn’t enough to make you speak up, what of child torture and imprisonment? Will you speak out against that? Or will this too go unchallenged by the international community, as has every atrocity that has preceded it?

The truth is its up to you! So the real question is, where do you draw the line?

World Week of Peace 2016

24th September 2016 | International Solidarity Movement, al-Khalil team | Bethlehem, occupied Palestine

Fire. That seemed to be the theme yesterday as we celebrated World Week for Peace in Bethlehem. Fire, when tear gas canisters erupted into flames in the Aida refugee camp, showing the continued violence. Fire, as we lit candles in the shape of the West Bank, signifying hope. And fire in our hearts, symbolizing our determination to fight for justice until peace prevails. Although the evening began with empty seats, this was not due to a lack of attendants. In an all too symbolic manner, tear gas filled the air during our worship service for peace, causing our visitors to seek immediate shelter inside. Once the tear gas finally subsided and mint leaves were passed out, then a beautiful service was finally able to begin. Following the beautiful words preached by our speakers, we demonstrated that love, hope, and peace will always prevail. This was shown by igniting tear gas canisters outlining the borders of the West Bank. But these canisters contained candles instead of the harmful smoke they usually carry. As each candle was lit, a prayer and a promise was made to dismantle barriers by continuing the nonviolent fight against the occupation, knowing one day that the wall will fall!

Israeli violence continues as Palestinians protests against the recent killing of Srour Ahmad Abu Srour in Bethlehem.

January 17th 2016 | InternationalSolidarity Movement | Bethlehem, occupied Palestine

This Friday, on the 15th of January, hundreds of Palestinians gathered on the main street of Bethlehem to protest against the recent killing of Srour Ahmad Abu Srour, who was killed by Israeli forces in nearby Beit Jala last Wednesday. Israeli forces fired tear gas, rubber-coated metal bullets and live ammunition at the protesters.

On Wednesday afternoon, 21-year-old Srour Ahmad Abu Srour, origanally from Aida refugee camp, was killed during protests against the Israeli military invasion of the western part of Bethlehem, Beit Jala. Palestine news network reported that 4 Israeli army jeeps entered Beit Jala and set up a flying checkpoint and started raiding homes and shops on the busy Al-Sahl street in Beit Jala. Srour Ahmad Abu Srour was hit in his chest by a live bullet, and later succumbed at Beit Jala public hospital. The director of the Red Crescent ambulance and emergency crew in Bethlehem, Mohamed Awad, said that many young men were injured by rubber-coated metal bullets or by suffocation due to the large amount of tear gas fired during the protest.

Every day since the killing of Srour Ahmad Abu Srour, Palestinians from Bethlehem have marched the streets in protests of Israel’s ongoing violence. On this Friday demonstration Israeli forces entered the streets of Bethlehem and fired hundreds of tear gas canisters towards the protesters. Protesters, passersby and residents of the neighborhood were severely affected by the amount of tear gas that was fired. One passerby was taken away from the scene in an ambulance due to the excessive inhalation of tear gas.

bethlehem4 — Tear gas on the streets of Bethlehem

bethlehem22wm — A private car is passing through the tear gas,fired by the Israeli soldiers.

2 injuries by rubber-coated metal bullets were reported, one of which was a journalist. One protester was shot in his lower leg with live ammunition, and was taken to hospital.

bethlehem3 — Blood from the protester who was injured in his lower leg by live ammunition

According to medics, 5 people were injured with rubber-coated metal bullets and 5 people with live ammunition during protests in Bethlehem with its surrounding villages. One medic was injured when a rubber-coated metal bullet was fired at the windshield of his Ambulance during protests in near by Em Rokbaa.