THES: “Confront the colluders in Israel’s academy”

by Lisa Taraki, The [London] Times Higher Education Supplement, June 23, 2006. Reposted on the PACBI site.

Although Menahem Milson’s career path and mine have been on a collision course, we have never met. In 1976, I joined Birzeit University in the occupied West Bank as a junior instructor in sociology. The same year, Milson, a professor of Arabic language and literature at the Hebrew University, became “adviser on Arab affairs” in the Israeli Government.

By 1981, when the academic community I was part of was struggling under the crushing yoke of Israeli punishments, he was appointed head of the military administration in the West Bank. One of the highlights of his tenure was the notorious “Village Leagues” scheme, a failed experiment in promoting a class of Palestinian collaborators to mediate Israeli rule.

Milson’s service fits into the classic paradigm of a colonial regime enlisting scholars to assist in ruling the “natives”. He told an American Jewish publication in 1995 that to “serve an Arab population responsibly, one needs to know language and civilisation. That is why so many professors have been called to do this”. Indeed, the list of Israeli academics who have served government agencies and the occupation regime is impressive.

Today, that list includes demographers, psychologists and a host of strategic analysts.

What is most significant for those of us who argue for a boycott of the Israeli academy is that these academics, instead of facing censure and opprobrium from their peers for their complicity in oppression, are rewarded with the highest privileges. The toleration of racism and bigotry under the guise of scholarship is also remarkable; the legitimacy and normalcy of the discourse of “the demographic threat” is a striking example.

Opponents of an academic boycott complain that it violates academic freedom by restricting Israeli scholars’ access to international academic networks.

They also claim that since Israeli universities are generally “liberal”, the action punishes those who are least in agreement with the policies of their Government. These complaints betray a striking disregard for the indivisibility of academic freedom (the academic freedom of Palestinians being of no concern) and misrepresent the reality of the Israeli academy and Israeli academics.

When I arrived at Birzeit, the first institution of higher education established by Palestinians in the occupied territories, the university president had been deported by the Israeli Army. He was accused of “inciting” students against the occupation. He lived in exile for 19 years until he was allowed to return in 1993. As resistance to the occupation escalated in the 1980s, universities were treated to a constant diet of “closure orders” as punishment for student demonstrations.

As soon as a military closure order was issued, we young faculty would go into top gear and fire off appeals to Western consulates, the media and human rights organisations. Because arrests invariably followed closure orders, we also fell into a routine of preparing for students’ encounters with the system of military “justice”. We attended trials in seedy military courtrooms where some of the prosecutors and judges were academics on reserve duty. I can still remember watching those colourless individuals as they assiduously avoided the eyes of the Palestinian academic observers on the benches.

Later, and after we had organised makeshift lectures and laboratories scattered throughout Ramallah and Jerusalem, we would evade Army patrols bent on criminalising our efforts to rescue the semester or the entire academic year. I remember teaching a seminar on the Iranian revolution in the kitchen of an empty apartment in Ramallah, just as I recall travelling to Gaza to help a graduating student being held under house arrest finish his matriculation requirements (this trip, as the one to Jerusalem, is no longer conceivable, and we no longer have students from Gaza).

So where have Israeli academics been during the long siege of Palestinian higher education? Aside from a handful of progressive academics, the Israeli academy has remained silent. Business as usual has been the order of the day for nearly four decades. Virtually all Israeli academics have continued to serve in the Army’s reserve forces and, as such, have been perpetrators of, or witnesses to, the many crimes committed by their military.

What is there left to do? Global centres of power have stood firmly by Israel as it has wreaked havoc with the lives and futures of Palestinians.

Our only hope is pressure from international civil society. And that includes academics. We want our colleagues abroad to know that, with every conference they attend at an Israeli university, with every review they write for an Israeli institution, they are unwittingly helping to maintain the system of injustice.

The academic boycott aims to make Israelis realise that there is a price to be paid for complicity, complacency and silence. Milson may have retired, but his successors continue to enjoy the fruits of academic freedom in the Israeli academy. The rest do not care.

Lisa Taraki is associate professor of sociology at Birzeit University.

http://www.thes.co.uk/current_edition/story.aspx?story_id=2030850

Palestinian Shepards “Tear down the wall”

Palestinian protetors in Mnezel, South Hebron hills, built a passage over a wall built on their land using rocks. They piled the rocks on both sides of the wall despite threats from the border police that they would force them to stop. The protestors succeeded and a shepard was able to bring his flock of sheep over the wall

About 120 people gathered for the demonstration including women and their children who were chanting and many children carrying signs calling for no wall and no settlements. A young man from Mnezel in a non violent direct action drove his tractor to the wall and used it to push on the wall to open it. The border police, army, and Israeli civilian police forced him to stop.

The people of Mnezel joined by people from Tuwani, Yatta, Qawawis, and Beit Ummar, international and Israeli activists began a demonstration protesting the inner wall. This wall, which is 80cm high, separates them and their sheep from free access to their land and other
villages.

The wall also separates the people of Mnezel from hospital and educational services, which are in Yatta. To reach them now they must travel very far around a checkpoint or pass through an opening in the wall near a settlement and risk harrasment by settlers.

In another part of the demonstration, people of Mnezel raised their concerns about the wall to the DCO commander, who was present. According to the commander, the DCO would agree to open a spot on the wall tomorrow if it appears on the map the DCO previously distributed. He added that he would request from his officers to have an opening in this place in case there isn’t an opening on the original map of the DCO.

In two days he promised to come back and report to the people of Mnezel the decision of the DCO regarding their demands. As a temporary solution during this period of waiting, he asked for the people’s ID cards so that they will have an easier time of passing the checkpoint.

The Campaign for a Boycott of Apartheid Israel Gathers Momentum

Boycott Israeli Goods National Day of Action [UK]

As the British Government continues to boycott Palestinians by refusing to recognise their democratically elected government, by joining the EU in a blockade of aid and by entertaining Israeli leader Ehud Olmert in London whilst bombs rain down on Gaza, activists around the country have answered a call from the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) and the Boycott Israeli Goods Campaign (BIG) to join a day of boycott action against Israeli apartheid.

Israel occupied the Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, West Bank in 1967 and has been rapidly annexing this occupied territory ever since. The Israeli state has moved 380 000 Jewish settlers into the West Bank as part of this policy of colonisation. The apartheid wall continues to be built, annexing huge swathes of Palestinian land and ghettoising whole communities, despite the advisory ruling of the International Court of Justice in the Hague in 2004. Fifty Five illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank will be on the Israeli side of the wall separated from the West Bank.

Since 2000 Israel has demolished 628 Palestinian houses, home to 3, 983 people, in acts of collective punishment. These demolitions constitute a war crime. 3, 808 Palestinians have been killed as a direct result of Israeli military actions and 29, 456 injured during the current upraising which began in September 2000 (all figures from www.btselem.org and www.palestinercs.org)
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The PSC and the BIG campaign are responding to calls from Palestine and Israel for a boycott of Israel until it complies with international law and universal principles of human rights. The call for an international boycott has been signed by 180 civil society organisations in Palestine, large numbers of trade unions in Palestine spoke out in support of CUPE, a Canadian trade union who had passed a motion calling for a boycott. The Alternative Information Center, a joint Palestinian/Israeli project based in Jerusalem and Beit Sahour, recently published a pamphlet in support of the boycott. Similarly, the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), has joined the international call for boycott. divestment and sanctions against Israel.

The boycott is aimed at showing that Israeli military actions do not happen in a vacuum and that the Israeli state, corporations and institutions will be penalised by civil society for supporting the occupation of Palestine. PSC and BIG are also calling for divestment from Israel, Ariel Sharon once said that Israel could not carry on its policies without support from foreign corporations.

The boycott is not an attack on Israeli civil society but an attempt to break the isolation of groups in Israel and Palestine who oppose the occupation.

During the day of action on Saturday 24th June, pickets and demonstrations took place at stores selling Israeli products across the UK, in Liverpool, Brighton, Camden, Hackney, Islington, Southport, Cardiff, Darlington, Brixton, Oxford, Nottingham, Birmingham, Exeter, Halifax, Brent, Durham, Sheffield and Manchester. Concerned individuals took part in creative actions to persuade the public not to buy Israeli goods and demand that retailers do not stock them.

In Brighton campaigners picketed Waitrose calling on the corporation to adhere to its ethical buying policy by not buying goods from apartheid Israel. The management of the store came to talk to campaigners and seemed interested in entering into dialogue. Another picket was held outside a highstreet store selling CATerpillar goods, CATerpillar have a contract with the Israeli military for the supply of military bulldozers used in illegal demolitions of Palestinian homes and have been the subject of intense international campaigning. CATerpillar’s board meeting this month was forced to consider the issue of geopolitics at a time when CEO Jim Owens would rather be talking of expanding the company.

In the West Midlands activists drove a replica CATerpillar bulldozer through the high street as a creative way of highlighting the way in which CATerpillar fuels the occupation.

Across London activist picketed supermarkets selling Israeli goods and delivered letters to store managers informing them of the boycott.

The actions today were part of a concerted campaign calling for boycott, divestment and sanctions. In 2004 activists supporting the boycott occupied a factory belonging to Caterpillar, a company supplying Israel with military bulldozers for the destruction of Palestinian civilian homes. Later that year a group of activists shut down Agrexco Ltd.s plant in Middlesex by erecting a blockade around their depot. The company is responsible for exporting 75% of fresh produce grown in illegal Israeli settlements. Last month NAFTHE, a union of university lecturers, voted to support an academic boycott of Israeli universities and academic institutions who supported the occupation. There is small but real support in Israel for the academic boycott, last month an Israeli professor spoke out in support of the boycott.

PSC and BIG aim to build a mass campaign similar to that of a boycott of apartheid South Africa. The campaign focuses on Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions against Apartheid Israel. In addition to its brutal occupation and theft of Palestinian land, the Israeli state also operates an entrenched system of racial discrimination against its own Palestinian civilians which is among the reasons many South African activists label it an apartheid state.

24th June Day of Action
24th June Boycott Actions, PSC Sheffield Calls for Boycott Actions

Agrexco related Links:
Corporate Complicity in the Ethnic Cleansing of the Jordan Valley, Letting Apartheid Bloom, The Uxbridge Seven Day One, The Uxbridge Seven Day Two, Seven Blockaders Acquitted

Caterpillar Related Links
Caterpillar Manchester Protest 2005 – Anniversary of Rachel Corries’ Death, Caterkiller Shrewsbury Shut Down on the Anniversary of Rachel’s Death 2004, Anti Caterpillar Motorcade, Rhythms of Resistance Anti Cat Shoes Protest, Caterpillar Trade Fair Action, Caterkiller Awarded Housewrecker of the Year, ESF Florence Action

Supermarket Protests
Boycott Van, Marks and Spencers’ Stencilled, Repression of M and S Protesters

Academic Boycott
AUT Boycott, NAFTHE Boycott, CUPE Ontario, COSATU (South Africa)

Sporting Boycott Campaign
Stop Arsenal supporting Israeli Apartheid, Scotland Pitch Invasions

Connex and Alstrom
Free Jerusalem – Stop Connex and Alstrom

ISM Spain Announces Freedom Summer Information and Training Sessions

Llamada por el entrenamiento no violento del ISM en Barcelona (1 y 2 de Julio).
unete a los Internacionales que este verano apoyara a la Resistencia Pacifica No violenta del Pueblo Palestino contra la Ocupacióon. Sabado 1 y domingo 2 de Julio, entrenamiento no violento del ISM en Barcelona. Te esperamos!!!

El horario previsto es:
Sabado 1, de 11 de la manñana a 7 de la tarde, con una corta pausa para comer y conocernos mejor.
Domingo: de 11 a 14 h.

El pre-programa del Entrenamiento sera:

    Estructura del cursillo

  • Que es el ISM y la historia del ISM
  • Historia de la resistencia Palestina noviolenta
  • Historia del conflicto
  • localización de los lugares en Cisjordania y como desplazarse entre ellos
  • Coómo llegar a Palestina
  • Cultura en Palestina
  • Esperanzas y temores de ir a Palestina

Dudas
Es muy importante poder estar en Palestina para las actividades que se desarrollaran en Julio y Agosto. Ello no obstante, después las actividades en Palestina siguen, y por lo tanto seria urgente y importante que cada uno de vosotros/as nos dijera las fechas en que pueden ir, y que nos manden sus datos: Nombre y apellidos, Edad, Experiencia, y si piensan asistir a este curso de entrenamiento que consideramos muy importante.

Rogamos vuestras noticias a la mayor brevedad. Un cordial saludo,

mas informacion:
http://www.internacionalesporpalestina.org/?pag=accion&noticia=1

~ISM Catalunya

British Filmmaker’s Death in Gaza Continues to Resound

By Sarah Lyall
Published in the New York Times

LONDON, June 23 — Three years ago, in an incident that resonates now with the recent killing of seven members of a Palestinian family on a Gaza beach, a documentary filmmaker was shot to death in Gaza.

Then as now, the victims’ families blamed the Israeli military, which denied responsibility. A major difference is that the filmmaker, James Miller, was a British citizen, and after some prodding from his family, his government has taken up his cause.

At first, about the only thing not in dispute in the Miller case was that he was dead, shot on May 2, 2003, in an area of the Gaza Strip thick with Israeli soldiers. The Israelis said he was a casualty of war. His colleagues said he had been killed in cold blood.

His family fought to know more.

A resolution of sorts came in April at a coroner’s inquest here into the death of Mr. Miller, 34, an experienced filmmaker looking into the effects of violence on children for HBO. The jury’s verdict was that he was murdered.

The killer was identified as the commander of an armored personnel carrier in the Israeli Army who had admitted firing his gun that night, but no one in Israel has been charged, and many of the questions raised in the hours after the shooting have never been resolved.

Suspecting that answers might not be forthcoming, the Miller family sent a private investigator to the scene the day after the killing to do forensic tests — tests, the investigator said, that the Israelis never conducted. In the next few days the army bulldozed the site, destroying much of the remaining evidence, the investigator said.

The Israeli military’s criminal investigation, including the basic task of confiscating and securing the soldiers’ weapons for tests, did not begin until several weeks after the fact.

Lt. Col. Jana Modzgvrishvily, the military advocate for the Israeli Army’s southern command, said in an interview that after Mr. Miller’s death, the army immediately began a standard field investigation, followed by a full military criminal investigation.

She said nine soldiers in the two armored personnel carriers near the scene were repeatedly interviewed and subjected to lie detector tests. She confirmed that the weapons had not been secured for three weeks but said they had been subjected to extensive forensic tests.

It is not just the Miller family who denies that the Israeli inquiry was thorough and comprehensive. So, too, does the coroner at the London inquest, who urged the British government to begin an international prosecution against the commander of the personnel carrier under the Geneva Conventions. So does the British government itself.

The attorney general, Lord Goldsmith, raised the case last month with Israeli officials, including the defense and justice ministers. He also brought up another case, that of Tom Hurndall, 22, a British antiwar protester who was shot and killed by an Israeli soldier in February 2003, three weeks before and a mile away from where Mr. Miller died.

In Mr. Hurndall’s case, the soldier, Sgt. Taysir Hayb, is serving an eight-year sentence for manslaughter. Lord Goldsmith said he needed “to consider myself whether there ought to be prosecutions here in either of these cases.” He said he did not want to raise expectations but was keeping an open mind.

Speaking of the Miller case, a spokesman for the British Foreign Office, asking that his name not be used in accordance with government policy, said: “We have pressed the Israelis at every level, and at every stage, to agree to a full and transparent investigation. We are disappointed that the investigation wasn’t carried out properly and hasn’t resulted in an indictment, and that the I.D.F. has decided not to discipline the person alleged to have shot James Miller.” The initials stand for the Israeli military’s official name, the Israeli Defense Forces.

Accounts of what happened diverged almost from the moment Mr. Miller was shot.

It was late at night in the ruined town of Rafah, at the southern end of the Gaza Strip, and Mr. Miller was concluding his third visit for the film.

He specialized in documentaries about the downtrodden and the oppressed; his past work included “Beneath the Veil” (2001), about the war in Afghanistan, which won Emmy and Peabody awards; “Children of the Secret State” (2000), about famine in North Korea; and “Armenia: The Betrayed” (2002), about the massacres of Armenians in 1915.

Mr. Miller and his colleagues had spent the evening at a Palestinian house, filming Israeli bulldozers knocking down Palestinian buildings.

Two Israeli armored personnel carriers were in the area, investigating reports that a Palestinian tunnel under the Egyptian border was being used to smuggle weapons into Gaza.

The vehicles were fired on during the day, and the soldiers responded in kind. By 11 p.m. or so, things were quiet. The filmmakers decided to call it a night.

Wearing flak jackets and hats marked “TV,” waving a white cloth in the air that they illuminated with a flashlight and shouting that they were British journalists seeking to leave the area safely, Mr. Miller and two colleagues, Saira Shah and Abdul Rahman Abdullah, slowly walked toward one of the armored personnel carriers. But suddenly, according to Ms. Shah and Mr. Abdallah, a shot rang out close by.

A warning, they said they thought. They dropped to the ground. Thirteen seconds passed. Then there was a second shot. It hit Mr. Miller.

He lost consciousness almost immediately and was pronounced dead at an Israeli base. His wife, Sophy, at home with their children, then 3 and 1, and expecting her husband the next day, woke up to a phone call from a distraught Ms. Shah.

Soon it was all over the news. But while Mr. Miller’s colleagues said he had been shot in the front of the neck from the direction of one of the Israeli vehicles, the Israelis initially gave a different account. Mr. Miller walked into an exchange of gunfire, they said, and was hit in the back by a Palestinian bullet.

The next day, the Miller family dispatched Chris Cobb-Smith, a security expert and British Army veteran, to Gaza to investigate.

“The emphasis had to be on us to do the proper investigations, because it was obvious that the I.D.F. was not going to conduct their investigation with any impartiality,” said Mr. Cobb-Smith, whose examination of footprints, tank tracks and traces of blood and bullet holes, among other things, led him to conclude that the shot that had killed Mr. Miller had come from an Israeli vehicle.

He said no one from the Israeli Army had interviewed him about his findings. One of the most important pieces of evidence was a grainy video taken by an Associated Press Television News cameraman from the balcony of the building that Mr. Miller had just left. Seven intermittent shots can be clearly heard on the audio, 13 seconds apart, then 12, then 5, then 15, then 5, then 12.

“These shots were not fired by a soldier in response to incoming fire,” Mr. Cobb-Smith said. “They were slow and calculated and deliberate.” He added, “I have no doubt that it was cold-blooded murder.”

Interviewed at home in rural Braunton, Devon, Mrs. Miller said her husband had worked in hostile environments for 14 years and was known for his extreme caution. She says she has fought so hard not just for her husband, but because she is disturbed at what she sees as the lack of accountability in the Israeli Army in this and other cases.

The Israelis now agree that Mr. Miller was indeed shot in the neck, from the front. But they say there is no evidence that M-16 bullet fragments recovered from his body match the guns of any Israeli soldiers in the area.

And after analyzing the audiotape of the gunfire, an Israeli expert concluded that the first two shots had come from “an urban area” — from the direction of populated Rafah — rather than the Israeli vehicles. Mr. Miller was killed by the second shot.

“The evidence from the military investigation concluded that there was no involvement of I.D.F. soldiers in the killing of James Miller,” Colonel Modzgvrishvily said. “When talking about the death of innocent civilians it is of course very tragic, but unfortunately it is the nature of war.”

Freddy Mead, a British ballistics expert sent by the family, likewise could not link the bullet that killed Mr. Miller to any particular weapon. But Mr. Cobb-Smith said that conclusion was meaningless because of the delay in seizing the soldiers’ weapons and the lack of a credible chain of evidence in the investigation.

The army’s 94-page report shows that the investigation focused almost immediately on the commander of one of the Israeli personnel carriers, the only one who fired his weapon around the time Mr. Miller died.

But although the commander, identified in the report as First Lt. H., gave conflicting accounts in six separate interviews of when and why he had fired, he was adamant — as was every other soldier — that they could neither see nor hear the Britons approaching.

Mr. Miller’s colleagues disputed that, saying the soldiers knew they had been filming from the balcony and had taunted them from their vehicles. The evening was clear, they said; the soldiers had night-vision equipment.

The military’s judge advocate general recommended that the commander, who has since been identified by the Miller family as First Lt. Hib al-Heib, be disciplined for improperly using his weapon. But the recommendation was rejected.

The London inquest, held as is the custom in Britain when a citizen dies in violent circumstances abroad, took place this spring. The coroner, Dr. Andrew Reid, criticized Israel for not participating and joined Mr. Miller’s family in calling for the British government to consider an international prosecution of the Israeli soldier. The Millers have filed a civil suit in Israel.

Anne Waddington, Mr. Miller’s older sister, said that while the jury’s conclusion was reassuring, it was not enough.

“We’ve struggled for three years to put the pieces of this tragic jigsaw together,” she said in an interview. “We have all pursued justice all of our lives, and James was the biggest and best of all in doing that. For the circumstances of his death to be treated with such disdain by the Israelis is something we cannot forgive.”

After Mr. Miller died, his colleagues finished the film, with an ending he had never envisioned: his own killing. Its title was “Death in Gaza,” and it won a host of awards, including three Emmys.