Death in Shati

28 June 2014 | International Solidarity Movement, Charlie Andreasson | Gaza, Occupied Palestine

(Photo by Charlie Andreasson)
(Photo by Charlie Andreasson)

Yesterday, shortly after three o’clock local time, two men were killed in their car. Two missiles struck it only about 100 meters from former prime minister Ismail Haniyeh’s residence in Shati (“Beach”) refugee camp. Ambulances soon arrived and took the two men to al-Shifa hospital, where both were immediately pronounced dead.

They were Muhammad al-Fasih and Osama al-Hassumi, both members of the armed wing of the Popular Resistance Committee. This was the first targeted killing by Israel since the formation of the new Palestinian coalition government. So eventually it happened.

The using of drones in extrajudicial killings in densely-populated area shows the occupying power’s lack of concern for the safety of civilians.

Who controlled the drone, we will never know. Extrajudicial execution. So simple. So convenient. No time-consuming and costly court proceedings. No bickering with the defense counse. Just a drone and a faceless pilot in a command center at a safe distance; a court, jury, and prosecutor in one. An action in accordance with a just state?

(Photo by Charlie Andreasson)
(Photo by Charlie Andreasson)

Shortly after three o’clock in the afternoon. People everywhere. Anyone in the vicinity could have been killed. There could have been more passengers in the car. Was this also a message addressed to Haniyeh? Was it a warning of a time to come?

Ambulances and fire trucks were already there when I arrived. The place was crowded with people, most of them around the wreck. I asked one of the youngsters if it was an attack from a drone. He replied in good English that there were two missiles from drones, but with a trembling voice, vibrant with anger, shock and fear. He tried his best to control himself, his jaws clenching, close to tears. I lowered my camera and asked if he was okay. A stupid question: I could see clearly how he felt. Of course not, he answers, this is Gaza. I took him in my arms, momentarily worried about how he would respond with his friends around him, but he welcomed my hug and I held him, pressing him against me. Yes, this is Gaza. No, it’s not okay here.

Drones continue to circulate above. Are they ooking for new targets, or are other faceless pilots at safe distances just curious about the outcome of their colleague’s attack? Will the images appear on the evening news of the successful intervention? Of the remains of what was recently a car with two living people in it? Will viewers see a Westerner are standing and holding a Palestinian with his eyes tightly shut?

A drone, two missiles. Court, jury, and prosecutor in one. Bangs when they detonate, no echo from the outside world of just states afterwards. So simple. So convenient.

Collective punishment in Palestine

22nd June 2014 | International Solidarity Movement| Occupied Palestine

On Thursday 12th of this month, three settler youth disappeared while hitchhiking in the Hebron area of the West Bank. No Palestinian group or organisation has taken responsibility for the disappearance.

15-year-old Mohammad Dudeen was murdered in the early hours of Friday morning (20th) after he was shot with live ammunition by the Israeli military. This was during a raid on his home village of Dura, near the city of Hebron.

Mohammad Dudeen (photo from Defence for Children International Palestine).
Mohammad Dudeen (photo from Defence for Children International Palestine).

Mohammed was not the only youth killed on Friday. The Israeli military raided Qalandiya refugee camp (south of Ramallah) and shot three youths with live ammunition. Mustafa Hosni Aslan, 22-years-old, was shot in the head and died of his wounds later the same day.  

Mustafa Aslan at the hospital before he died from his injuries (photo from Maan News).
Mustafa Aslan at the hospital before he died from his injuries (photo from Maan News).

A Palestinian man in his sixties died of a heart attack on Saturday, 21st, after the Israeli military invaded his home. Hajj Jamil Ali Jaber Souf was at his home in Hares village, near Salfit, when the Israeli military violently broke in and attacked him. One of his nephews stated that the soldiers prevented the family from moving Jabber to a local clinic to receive medial treatment.

The Israeli army invaded the city of Nablus last night at approximately 2AM. The youth took to the streets and clashes ensued as they attempted to drive the soldiers out of the city. Many stun grenades were used throughout the night and a final barrage of tear gas was fired on the youths as the were leaving the city centre at approximately 5AM. 

An ISMer in al-Khalil (Hebron): “For the past week in Hebron, there has been a heavy military presence. Solders from the Israeli military have been taking over Palestinian homes for their own use and harassing people in the streets with body searches. Many people have been detained, beaten, and arrested.

Settlers from the illegal settlements walk around armed and have been attacking Palestinians on the streets. Today the Israeli army attacked the residents of the Qeitun neighbourhood in Hebron. They entered several times during the day, but this evening the solders attacked an 11-year-old boy by hitting him on the mouth. They arrested two Palestinians and searched the locals for no reason. The solders continued the violence with property damage, ripping apart a local car under the guise of a ‘search’.”

Photo by ISM
Photo by ISM

Last night Israel’s army invaded Ramallah district from  three directions – Qalandia, Beituniya and Beit El, reaching as deep as Arafat Square inside the city. Pal Media offices in Baloa’ were raided. In Burj al-Sheikh, the army raided the office of a prisoner that was released in the Shalit exchange deal, and used it as a firing post against youths attempting to repel them from the area. The youths sustained multiple injuries from rubber coated steel bullets. In Batn al-Hawa the army raided a charity building and confiscated computers.

Nablus Street, al bireh, Ramallah (photo by Samer Nazzal).
Nablus Street, al bireh, Ramallah (photo by Samer Nazzal).

These are just some examples of life in Palestine over the last nine days. According to Maan News, approximately 370 Palestinians have been arrested since last Thursday. The Israeli military have been brutal in their tactics of collectively punishing the citizens of Palestine for the disappearance of three Israeli youths. All over the West Bank, in villages, towns, and cities, Palestinian homes and offices have been raided, cities have been held under siege, people have been injured, arrested, and executed.

In Gaza, Israeli warplanes have targeted several locations and caused extensive property damage and injuries, spreading panic among Palestinian civilians.

The Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 33, states that: “No protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited. Pillage is prohibited. Reprisals against protected persons and their property are prohibited.”

Israeli forces killed member of Palestinian armed group and wounded 3 Palestinian civilians, including a child

12th June 2014 | Palestinian Center for Human Rights | Gaza, Occupied Palestine

On Wednesday evening, 11 June 2014, 3 Palestinian civilians, including a child whose condition was described as very serious, were wounded when Israeli forces targeted a member of an armed group who was killed by two missiles launched by a drone in the northern Gaza Strip.  Following the crime, Israeli forces admitted to committing the crime as their spokesperson,  in cooperation with the “Shin Bet” security services,  said that “ they targeted the aforementioned who was involved recently in launching dozens of rockets at the Israeli towns”, according to the Israeli claims.

According to investigations conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), at approximately 22:20on the aforementioned day, Israeli drones launched two missiles at a motorbike travelling near the Palestinian Naval apparatus headquarters on the coastal road, southwest of Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip.  The bike was ridden by Mohammed Ahmed ‘Abdel Latif al-‘Aawour (33), a member of an armed group from Beit Lahia Housing Project, who was immediately killed after the upper part of his body turned into pieces.  His nephew, ‘Ali Abdel Latif Ahmed al-‘Awour (10), suffered shrapnel wounds throughout his body causing him bleeding in the brain and he entered into a coma.

Hamadah Hussein Mohammed Naser (32) from Jabalia was wounded by shrapnel in parts of his body as he was travelling in his Black Mercedes car holding registration plate No. 3-00-9206 near the targeted place.  Moreover, Monther Hasan al-Masar’ie from Shati’ refugee camp was wounded by shrapnel in different parts of his body also passing  by the targeted area.  The body of the armed member and the three injured persons were taken to Kamal ‘Edwan Hospital in Beit Lahia.  The injury of the child and Naser was described as serious, and they were both transferred to Shifa Hospital in Gaza City.  Meanwhile, the injury of al-Masar’ie was described as moderate.  The missiles caused two big holes in the road around 50 centimetres deep.

According to field investigations and examination of the targeted place, large numbers of Palestinian civilians, especially women and children, were on the beach of Beit Lahia and Jablia.  They were terrified as a result.

It should be mentioned that when the killed was targeted, he was in al-Basmah Cafeteria owned by his nephew ‘Abdulatif on the coastal road and he took his nephew with him when he left the place.

PCHR condemns this crime, which further proves the use of extra-judicial execution and excessive force by Israeli forces against the Palestinian civilians in disregard for the civilians’ lives. Therefore, PCHR calls upon the international community to take immediate and effective actions to put an end to such crimes and reiterates its call for the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 to fulfil their obligations under Article 1; i.e., to respect and to ensure respect for the Convention in all circumstances, and their obligations under Article 146 to prosecute persons alleged to have committed the grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention.  These grave breaches constitute war crimes under Article 147 of the same Convention and Protocol (I) Additional to the Geneva Conventions.

 

Israeli attacks on fishermen in the Gaza sea

15th May 2014 | Palestinian Center for Human Rights | Gaza, Occupied Palestine

Israeli Naval forces continued to carry out attacks on Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip during the reporting period[1] (1-30 April 2014), including 11 shooting incidents; 3 chasing incident that led to the arrest of 2 fishermen, and confiscation of 2 fishing boats and fishing equipment (22 pieces of fishing net) belonging to Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip.

Although on 21 May 2013 Israeli authorities limited the fishing distance in Gaza Sea to 6 nautical miles, they neither complied with that distance nor allowed Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip to sail and fish freely, and continued their attacks against them.  PCHR documented all attacks carried out within the distance of 6 nautical miles, which proves that Israeli forces’ policies aim to tighten restrictions on the Gaza Strip’s fishermen and their sources of livelihood.

Violations of the International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law

Israel’s attacks against Palestinian fishermen, who do not pose any threat to Israeli soldiers, in the Gaza Strip constitute a flagrant violation of international humanitarian and human rights law, relevant to the protection of the civilian population and respect for its rights, including every person’s right to work, and the right to life, liberty and security of person, as codified in Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), despite the fact that Israel is a State Party to the Covenant.  Furthermore, these attacks occurred in a time where the fishers did not pose any threat to the Israeli naval troops, as they were doing their job to secure a living.  Israeli violations in the reporting period were as follows:

First: Shooting Incidents

During the reporting period, PCHR documented 11 cases in which Israeli forces fired at Palestinian fishermen in the sea off the Gaza Strip shore. Those attacks took place off Beit Lahia shore in the northern Gaza Strip, and Khan Younis shore, in the southern Gaza Strip.  As a result, fishermen were forced to flee and leave the sea in all attacks.  It is noted that all these incidents happened within the 6 nautical miles allowed for fishermen to sail and fish in, according to the cease fire agreement concluded between Israel and Palestinian armed groups under Egyptian and international auspices

Second: Arrest of two Fishermen:

PCHR documented incidents in which Israeli Naval forces arrested and chased 2 fishermen while they were sailing within about 1 nautical mile off Beit Lahia shore, in the northern Gaza Strip.

–          At approximately 5:00, on 24 April 2014, Israeli gunboats stationed northwest off Beit Lahia shore, in the northern Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within 1 nautical mile off the shore. An Israeli gunboat surrounded the Palestinian fishing boat and arrested the freshmen on board. The fishermen were identified as:

  1. Sadam Abdel Bari Mohammed al-Sultan (21); and
  2. Mohammed Yasin Ali Zayed (19), both are from Salateen neighborhood in Beit Lahia.

Israeli Navy Forces confiscated the aforementioned boat.

Third: Confiscation of Fishing boats

During the reporting period, PCHR documented chasing incidents and confiscation of fishing boats and other fishing equipment (22 pieces of fishing nets).

–       At approximately 15:00, on 03 April 2014, Israeli gunboats chased a fishing boat belonging to Mithqal Mohammed Ghazi Fares Baker (40) from al-Shati refugee camp, in Gaza City. Baker was sailing within about 4 nautical miles off al-Sudanya shore, in the northern Gaza Strip. Israeli Naval Forces confiscated the boat and took it to an unknown destination.

–       On 5 April 2014, Israeli gunboats confiscated 12 pieces of fishing nets (600 meters) belonging to Hatem Jomaa Abu Salima (42) from the Sweden village, west of Rafah.

–       On 6 April 2014, Israeli gunboats confiscated 10 pieces of fishing nets (500 meters) belonging to Ahmed Mohammed al-Najjar (30) from the Sweden village, west of Rafah.

–       At approximately 05:00 on 24 April 2014, Israeli gunboats confiscated a fishing boat belonging to a Palestinian fisherman and arrested two of them. (see the abovementioned section on arrest of two fishermen).

   Table of Israeli Attacks on Palestinian Fishermen in Gaza City in April 2014

Month

Firing Shelling incidents Killed Persons Injuries Arrest Incidents Number of Detainees Confiscation of Fishing Boats and Fishing Equipment Damaging Fishing Equipment
April 2014 11 0 0 1 2 2 2

0

Palestinian Christian struggle mapped in new book

5th May 2014 | The Electronic Intifada, Joe Catron | Gaza City, Occupied Palestine

Palestinian Christian struggle mapped in new bookIn Mapping Exile and Return: Palestinian Dispossession and a Political Theology for a Shared Future, American Mennonite theologian and aid worker Alain Epp Weaver explores a legacy of Palestinian Christian exile, and struggle for return. The book’s terrain ranges from the ethnically-cleansed villages of the Galilee to the Upper West Side of Manhattan.

Weaver focuses particularly on contending geographies: how “Palestinians have been ‘abolished from the map,’ in the words of Palestinian cartographer Salman Abu-Sitta,” and the prospect of “counter-cartographies that subvert colonialism’s map-making.”

His book encompasses the work of specialists, like Abu-Sitta’s maps, the writings of Edward Said, the Institute for Palestine Studies’ encyclopedic volume All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, as well as “memory production” by thousands of Palestinians through collaborations like the web archive Palestine Remembered.

“In the face of Zionist rejection of Palestinian refugee return, international indifference, and an ineffectual and compromising Palestinian leadership for whom the refugee question is a source of irritation, Palestinian refugees pin their hopes on memory,” Weaver writes.

Significantly, he also includes extended histories of two key initiatives: the struggles for return by the ethnically-cleansed Christian villagers of Kufr Birim and Iqrit in the Galilee, and Zochrot, an Israeli organization dedicated to “remembering the Nakba in Hebrew.”

Rites of return

The residents of Kufr Birim and Iqrit, Weaver writes, “pioneered and in turn inspired activism on the part of other internally displaced persons (IDPs) inside Israel” through mass mobilizations, as well as “rites of return.”

Through the latter, ranging from personal visits to destroyed family homes to community festivals, like Iqrit’s recent Easter celebrations, villagers “carry on a dual struggle, both against the Israeli state and its institutions that deny their rights to the land and against sedentary tendencies and forgetfulness,” Weaver writes.

Later he likens Zochrot’s public mappings of ethnically-cleansed villages to “at least some practices of Palestinian refugees” as “exilic vigils.”

This content is fascinating, if unpredictable. Readers may wonder at the omission of major efforts like Kairos Palestine and the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Center.

But at times, Weaver’s heavy-handed application of his own theology, and efforts to find its reflection in Palestinian Christianity, pose a bigger challenge.

His analysis is steeped in the writings of another American Mennonite, John Howard Yoder, popular among Catholic Workers and other Christian activists, as well as Mennonites. Like his Mennonite forebears, Yoder viewed nations and their political institutions critically.

At his most succinct, he told a 1957 Mennonite peace conference near Karlsruhe, Germany, “The state is a pagan institution in which a Christian would not normally hold a position” (John Howard Yoder, Discipleship as Political Responsibility, Scottsdale, Pennsylvania, Herald Press, 2003, p. 25).

Following Yoder’s “theology of galut [exile] as vocation,” Weaver argues for “accepting one’s exilic status, even when one is at home,” and advocates a binationalism “differentiated from the one-state solution.”

Theological cartography

His prescription bears some resemblance to the description of a “very fluid model” of “overlapping claims” in ancient Palestine offered by Hebrew Bible scholar Rachel Havrelock.

And in each case study in the book, Weaver searches “for a theological cartography of land and return in which exile and return function as potentially interpenetrating, instead of irreducibly opposed, realities.”

In his section on Edward Said, Weaver may find what he seeks. In another, he fairly claims, “Abu-Sitta’s maps can (but need not) be interpreted as escaping the statist character of most national maps.”

At a low point, Weaver reproaches recently-retired Melkite Greek Catholic Archbishop Elias Chacour, a displaced resident of Kufr Birim and noted writer as well as community leader, for a statement of Chacour’s own, fairly standard Christian belief.

“[N]ow we have a new understanding of the Chosenness,” Chacour wrote in 1999. “Who is Chosen? Man and Woman — every man and every woman — are invited to take part in the divine banquet” (“Reconciliation and Justice: Living with the Memory,” Holy Land, Hollow Jubilee: God, Justice, and the Palestinians, ed. Naim Ateek and Michael Prior (London: Melisende, 1999), p. 112).

This clear opinion “fails to do justice to Chacour’s nuance at other points in his writings,” Weaver states, before divining the position he would prefer Chacour hold instead from his choice of a Bible translation. In such passages, it becomes painfully obvious that what Weaver hopes to find is simply not there.

In 1970, black liberation theologian James H. Cone wrote that “there can be no theology of the gospel which does not arise from an oppressed community.” Theology, Cone added, “cannot be separated from the community which it represents” (James H. Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation: Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Maryknoll, New York, Orbis Books, 2010, p. 5, 9).

Divide and rule

Weaver’s account offers a testimony to both the world’s oldest Christian community’s theological response to its own oppression, and the risks of viewing its struggle through a lens that may, in another context, make perfect sense.

In Kairos Palestine’s recent Easter Alert, Hind Khoury, Sabeel’s vice-president and former Palestinian Authority minister of Jerusalem affairs and Palestine Liberation Organization ambassador to France, writes, “Each one of us is targeted in our very survival and the integrity of our community, as in the integrity of our identity and our culture. Even our memory and our future are being hijacked.”

“One of the latest such laws, for example, decreed that Palestinian Christians are not Arabs in order to further divide and rule and confuse Palestinian cohesive identity,” she added.

Palestinians facing not only occupation and exile, but also denial of their heritage and sectarian attempts to fragment it, may find belonging, identity and nationality more liberatory, for themselves and the world around them, than those of us who share Weaver’s “location within political and theological maps of power and privilege” as “descendant[s] of European immigrants who settled on land claimed by Pawnee and Cheyenne nations,” among a great many others.

And it is the commonality of Palestinian experience and destiny that politically-engaged Palestinian Christians stress, from religious figures like Greek Orthodox ArchbishopAtallah Hanna to boycott, divestment and sanctions organizer Sandra Tamari, who wrote for Mondoweiss last year: “I am uncomfortable with the identity of Palestinian Christian because — thankfully — Palestinians have not fallen into sectarian traps that divide along religious lines.”

“We must create spaces for listening to the broad spectrum of Palestinian stories,” she added. “We cannot do that by excluding the majority of Palestinians who happen to be Muslims.”

Nor, while Israel’s sectarian legislation and attempts to recruit Christians into its army, and what the Catholic Ordinaries of the Holy Land yesterday called “a wave of anti-Christian fanaticism and violence” by Israelis continue, is it likely to happen through the detachment Yoder suggested and Weaver champions.

Instead most Palestinians, regardless of faith, may find more promise in the “firm national position of the Christians in refusing to join a military that exercises violence against the rights of the Palestinian people,” expressed Friday by Archbishop Hannah and retired Latin Patriarch Michel Sabbah, and in the Easter sentiments of Sabbah’s successor, current Patriarch Fouad Twal: “We are the rightful/lawful owners, and you will hear our voice before all governments worldwide.”

Joe Catron is a US activist in Gaza, Palestine. He co-edited The Prisoners’ Diaries: Palestinian Voices from the Israeli Gulag, an anthology of accounts by detainees freed in the 2011 prisoner exchange, and is a member of the Palestine Israel Network in the Episcopal Church. Follow him on Twitter: @jncatron.

Palestinian Christian struggle mapped in new book

Manufacturer: Fortress Press
Part Number:
Price: $39.00