Iftar Curfew in Deir Istiya follows previous house occupations

October 7th, 2007

The residents of Deir Istiya, population 4,000, were sentenced to confinement in their homes shortly before breaking fast for the day. At around 5:10 pm, a convoy of between 10 to 12 military jeeps, manned with border police, entered the northern West Bank village near the city of Nablus announcing over megaphones: “everyone must go home. Deir Istiya is under curfew and you will endanger yourselves if you break curfew,” according to village resident Dr. F.

House Arrest

Curfew, although a seemingly innocuous term, dictates that civilians must stay locked inside their homes, often for days at a time, if not longer. The rules of curfew are fairly stringent: windows should be blacked out, and those seen loitering near windows (looking out to see what is happening) are liable to be shot. Work, school, and medical emergencies must be forsaken during curfew, as must trips to the supermarket or bakers to buy needed food supplies.

Although caged in their homes, residents took the initiative to update themselves on one anothers’ condition: shortly before Iftar began (at sunset), the invading Israeli forces kidnapped 3 young brothers, ages 10, 15, and 17, taking them and holding them for 1.5 hours while interrogating them, accusing them of knowing someone who engaged in resistance activities. While the youths were brought back to their home after interrogation, the soldiers also proceeded to search the house.

As of 9:30 pm, the residents of Deir Istiya remained forcedly locked in their homes, everyone afraid to venture outside for fear of being shot and killed.

Prior Punishment

Although this may be the first time in a more than a year that Deir Istiya residents have been put under house curfew, they have nonetheless recently suffered other IOF invasions. In September, while the IOF invaded Nablus’ al Ayn refugee camp, it simultaneously invaded Deir Istiya, occupying at least one home for one week and forcibly entering numerous homes in the village.

Upon arriving, the IOF told the family they would just stay 10 minutes, then shortly after obtaining the keys to the second floor of the home, revised their declaration to stay for 1 week, giving no explanation as to why they had invaded the village and taken over the home. The entrance to the second floor of the village home is separate, thus the army was able to come and go without directly passing through the family’s home.

The soldiers would come to the home in the evening, arriving anywhere from 6 pm to 2 am, stay overnight, and leave at some point during the day. The family never knew when to expect the soldiers, nor could the family enter their second story at any time. One of the six inhabitants of the house, a high school student, was unable to access her books which were in a room on the second floor. This came at an important time for high school students, when they are busy studying for their final exam, one whose results are critical in determining whether and where they go on to university. Yet the family was terrified to try to enter the second story, frightened of the repercussions of the soldiers.

During the day, the soldiers were also seen around the village, throwing tear gas and sound bombs in busy civilian areas, including into the town Mosque where Muslims were at evening prayers. The IOF also broke down doors of other homes in the area. Some families had vacated their homes temporarily, and others have homes in Nablus and Ramallah where they work, so when the IOF found no reply they broke down the door and, in numerous instances, searched the houses, breaking belongings at random will.

ISM human rights workers stayed with the family one night, after being called to the village 4 days into the occupation of the house. During that night, the IOF soldiers did not return to the home—this coincided with heightened IOF presence at Ayn refugee camp, where the army waged an invasion of destruction on the densely packed refugee population [https://www.palsolidarity.org/main/2007/09/21/army-incursion-in-al-ayn-refugee-camp-nablus/]. HRWs were able, however, in the soldiers’ absence to climb up a ladder into a second story window and obtain the textbooks the high school student needed.

The family of six –a grandfather and grandmother, three university students and one high school student –were visited later by EAPPI workers.

Tree planting in Balata and Askar refugee camps, Nablus

On Saturday, the 29th of September ISM activists planted around a hundred trees in the martyr cemetery at Balata refugee camp in Nablus. Twenty to thirty volunteers from the H.W.C. (Health Work Committee) and the Tanweer Center in Nablus joined in the planting. The Ministry of Agriculture provided the trees. This continues the cooperation between ISM and various organisations in the Nablus area.

The trees were placed around the graves and pathways of the cemetery. Balata residents of all ages came out to put trees near the graves of loved ones. Some children planting trees for the first time. The refugee camp also provided water to help in the planting.

After the success of that Saturday’s tree planting in the Martyr’s cemetery in Balata refugee camp the action was repeated again on Saturday the 6th of October this time in Askar refugee camp. Three ISM activists joined forces with around twenty volunteers from the H.W.C. and the Tanweer Center and the Ministry of Culture cleaned the Martyr’s cemetery and planted the trees in the area. The action continues to help build strong relations and show solidarity with the various communities in the area and is part of an ongoing campaign of tree planting. IOF forces continue to destroy olive groves in the region and make access to Palestinian lands difficult. This is a strong symbolic act of resistance which also improves the environment of the Palestinian people.

Machsom Watch: Huwara Checkpoint, September 29th, 7 pm

Observers: Vivi Suri, Tamar Goldschmidt, Hava Halevi, Aya Baker Kaniuk (reporting)

Saturday, the Ramadan month of fasting. The checkpoint is as it always is. Cruel and mean. The soldiers, as all soldiers are. Young, cruel and racist. Their minds poisoned in the name of their parents and country and needs of the herd, to check and curb people’s movement.

Huwara checkpoint checks. Movement. That is what it does. That is its essence. All the rest is variation. Whoever desires security does not impose closure upon Nablus and prevents people from entering and exiting it. These are the objectives of whoever wishes to strangle, starve and harass.

I shall tell especially one thing of this ugly and depressing afternoon, so similar and different and yet similar to everything that typifies occupation and oppression and incarceration and abuse as a method and a goal in itself.

In the denial of life, enclosing people in enclaves amongst which there are checkpoints and roads for Jews only, there are these junctions, checkpoints, ‘passages’ which attract various venders to try and sell things. Mostly these are people with different vocations who have been prevented from practicing their trade by the ever-worsening rules of separation and oppression. People who are trying to provide for their families, usually large ones, and earn a pittance. For the terrible economic situation does not enable them to charge much. No one can afford much. Still, in spite of everything, people sometimes do need a cup of coffee or some humus or diapers. And at the exit points from the checkpoints, before they board taxis on their way anywhere, they sometimes buy something. It’s good for the venders, of course, and good for the taxi drivers who usually have to wait around for hours, and good for the passers-by who have also been waiting for hours to be allowed through. What is wrong with this? Precisely for this reason, namely that this is a last meager resort to earn and provide some relief for the passers-by, and the possibility for drivers to relax over a cup of coffee once in a while – this is just the reason to inflict harm precisely upon this miserable population.

After all, if any of them were suspect in the eyes of the Occupation, they would long since be arrested and investigated. But they are not. They must not earn a living. This is the rule of Occupation. And the means – sending the young executors to take out their wrath on these poor. At all the checkpoints, by all the army units, for years now. It has become routine. It is not a whim, not a single incident perpetrated by some cruel individual soldier. It is policy. To prevent the venders from making a living.

Why? Because they are needy. That is the reason.

At points of need, the Jewish imagination is mobilized for prevention. Thus, too, the DCO (district coordination office), the very place that is supposed to provide answers to people under occupation, that acknowledges its duty to maintain the lives of occupied civilians, be driven by “relatively humane” and humanitarian motives, even in a state of war. It is the very center and brain of the prevention system. Of its sinister nature and terrifying stranglehold. And it is the very center for recruitment of collaborators.

Through the cynical use of sweeping, targeted prevention, and the fact that it is the only venue where Palestinians are allowed to appeal to for their everyday needs, the DCO has turned into the perfect place to demand of people to betray their own, in order to obtain even the slightest minimum. The greater the need, the greater the possibility to pressure them. The DCO offices are synonymous with the GSS – General Security Service. That is where it sits. These are the inquisitors in a “humane” guise. Humaneness is only the non-essential language. What could be more sophisticated? If a person wants to apply for a permit to build a house, he must turn to the DCO, and of course not receive such a permit because he is Palestinian.

That is the root of it all. But then his address is already known so his house can be demolished as soon as it goes up. And if someone is ill with cancer and wants to go to another town where he is not allowed to go by the laws of separation, all the better.
Ample reason to ask of him one thing or the other. And then he will pass. For prevention is methodical control and pressure which has not a thing to do with security. It is the distilled embodiment of evil. The army’s “humanitarian” hotline is the DCO. The place that constitutes one of the centers of oppression, or organizing apartheid, of administering the destruction of Palestinian society – is the one and only place to which they are to turn. It is so cynical and sophisticated and so very awful.

And thus the juncture of need of the venders is the juncture of abuse.

This is an especially poor family, everyone say sit. (Judith Levin of Machsomwatch, too, knows them well. She is a good friend to them and can tell more about their situation and what they have been through). And in Huwara, where people are certainly not wealthy, they were given a shack without having to pay. There they spread their mattresses. According to Judith, that is all they have. They live in dire poverty. However impoverished everyone is, there are the poorer poor, and such is this family. Seven children. Originally from the Jenin area. The main bread-earners are the eldest son, 16-year old Nizar, and 12-year old Mu’atasssem. The livelihood of the entire family rests on the shoulders of these two children. They earn no more than 50 shekel a day, usually less than 20. If the two children earn nothing, then there is nothing to buy food with. It is extremely simple.

This – of course – is an excellent reason to hurt them.

Little terror squads of one-two-three soldiers venture out to hunt down the venders.
These children usually sell tea and coffee. That’s it. They have already been beaten before. Soldiers have spilt their sugar and water and coffee on the ground. Every soldier and his own special fancy…

In recent weeks, usually soldier Israel and soldier Alex have been starring in this program, but not only they. They are but the prominent ones. Israel sometimes comes around in a Hummer, and not just from the checkpoint itself. An especially industrious fellow, it seems.

There are those who beat, and those who keep silent, and those who are detained in the concrete cell for hours or placed in the sun on purpose or just yelled at that if they don’t get the hell out their wares will end up on the ground, and those who listen to their i-pod as though there is no world around them.

I don’t usually harbor feelings of vengeance. It is not my nature. Not even against the bad guys. But I do admit that at times I need for all of them, down to the last one, everyone partaking in this sinister regime, all these young executioners, “our soldiers”, to be denied entry when they will be boarding the plane on their way to the standard post-army treks in India and South America. And that no university will ever admit whoever took part in this sinister war against another people only because it is another people. At least this.

Saturday was such a day. We did not see anyone get shot, nor beaten, nor shackled. There were only young men with helmets and guns who prevented people from moving in their land and home for their everyday needs, from going to school or the doctor or the garage to visiting their elderly sister. Only if they fit today’s passage criteria. And even so, not everyone.

What criteria can be worthy to not allow someone to breathe, to live, to raise children, to eat? Why can a person who dwells elsewhere not be allowed to visit his father who lives here? Why?

Very simply, for hurt is the purpose and not the symptom. And so that at the juncture points of permit applications needed for the most trivial, minimal thing, it will be possible to recruit collaborators. The first and foremost method of destroying life texture, is to poison people’s ability to trust each other. Under such dreadful conditions of pressure, the likelihood that a neighbor or friend has been pushed into acting against his people is enormous. It is also human. And thus, you can no longer let go with one another, for who knows, perhaps the other has already received his permit and more than anything that arouses suspicion… And he, the one who receives his permit, is sometimes more suspect than everyone else, for how did he do it? What did he tell the ‘captain’? Who knows… And so even receiving permits is problematic, and without them nothing is possible…

A few days ago the brothers sold diapers, for during the Ramadan fast there is no demand for coffee. Again, Nizar and Mu’atassem. Soldier Israel took the bag of diapers and hit 16-year old, epileptic Nizar on the head. Then soldier Alex took skinny little Mu’atassem and said, I’ll cut off your head and tongue. He has a voice creeping with worms, say the others of Alex. They say he also speaks Arabic. And that he said all of this to the frightened boy in Arabic. They spent four and a half hours in the holding cell, standing for there is no room to sit. Then they were allowed to leave.

Another time, recently, can’t say exactly when for it happens all the time, they were selling in the taxi park. Soldiers came along and took them, stood them in the sun behind what they call the “Humanitarian Point”. Behind the shack. So they would not be seen. Some time. Hours. And their mother came. People told her they were there. And she began to cry and said that they are the family’s bread-winners. Then a jeep came along, listened, and released them.

“Two days ago,” says N., the taxi coordinator, “soldiers threw down the water and diapers they were selling. So I came and gathered the stuff, and the soldier who threw it came to me, he knows my face, and he looked at me, hard. That’s how he remembers me, I think.

Today on my way from Nablus, while waiting in line, I sat down on a concrete slab, and that same soldier came up to me, he must have remembered me, and he said ‘I think today you’re not going to be allowed through’. Why? I ask. I’m no terrorist. It’s because you’re getting back at me for helping the children. So the soldier said, ‘you’ll get to the line, but you won’t be allowed to pass.’ So I told him, you want a fight? I’m strong. But I did nothing. We both know it’s because I helped those children. That’s why you want to give me a hard time.

He spoke no more. Then I got to the head of the line, and he came and said ‘go home!’
I said, check me. I’m clean. I know the law. It didn’t help. They told me to go back. I yelled, and then they said, ‘come and bring your ID. You’re not getting in.’ I yelled at them that this is unlawful, and I know it. Then the officer came along and I told him we’re not fighting. You are responsible for this order of the soldiers. That’s what an officer is here for, to be smarter. If I get to the DCO you’ll have a problem here. So he said, ‘take your ID back. You’re not crossing before 12 o’clock.” I said, why? I lose money like this. And he said, ‘you’re not crossing.” Some officer.

So I crossed in a cab. The officer caught me. I told him again that I’m right by the law. He said, ‘you yelled!” I did not, I said. I said the soldier had tried to get me into an argument. That it was all in order to get back at me. Because I helped the children. I told him they’re behaving as if we he and I are at war. And that I want to go to work.

“Give me your ID” he said and I did. He gave it back to me and said, ‘just don’t yell.’

And I got through.

All because I helped the children. They’re getting back at me.

Today the mother was on her way back from Nablus and happened to be there just as her sons’ cart was being kicked over. Soldier Israel and another. Three cartons, each containing 72 glasses made of glass. It’s Ramadan so they’re not selling food or beverages. Everything fell and broke. All the money was gone. She came running, crying, gripped the soldier, and one of the soldiers threatened her face with his M-16, the other pushed her from the side with his rifle butt, and she said to him: “Shoot me. Death’s better”, and they continued pushing her with their rifle butts, and she took the children and went off.

And they did not shoot her.

Some of us, friends, thought we’d try to do something for them, says N. the taxi dispatcher. They’re not from around here, I told you. They’re from the Jenin area. No work. Nothing. Not even bread and oil and thyme. I’m ashamed of the money I earn, you see? What is 20 shekels a day, do you get it?

Later the mother took her sick son, Muntasser, to Nablus for a medical examination and walked on the paved lane and not through the turnstile. The soldiers yelled at her, and she told them ‘my child is ill’. God take you, said the soldier. And she passed.

These children are not the only children venders at Huwara checkpoint whom the Israeli army brutes harass. There are also adults. We have written about them again and again. For as I said, this is what the soldiers were sent here to do. And do with zest. Some have dashed the venders’ bread on the ground into the dirt. Poured out cooled drinks. Not all soldiers beat them. Some only say, “Git! Split! Get out of here!” Some draw a line in the dirt and say, ‘Don’t cross this line!” Some kick. And some do it with their rifle butts. On that day at the checkpoint some people were detained in the concrete cell because their name bingo-ed on the computer list. Some tried to bypass and some were “cheeky”, meaning they did not look submissively at the ground while being checked. Some we re caught leaning “too long” on the concrete side ledge. And there was a taxi carrying an ailing, invalid father whose son was driving, on their way home to Nablus. And the soldier said no. You don’t drive in. Because the taxi is registered under the father’s name and not the son’s. Because.

But the father is here, by me, says the son. And he is now crippled. And they’re on their way home. And he’s not feeling well. And after residents of Nablus are “allowed” by “law” to come and go. But alas, the son is driving his father’s taxi who, true, is sitting right there beside him and is, true, a cripple now, but he’s not driving so git! Go away! So the man turned back. And came back alone and said again, but I should be allowed in, and him too, and the cab, I’m not on my way to Tel Aviv.

The soldier gestured him to go away, split! The man said one more thing, pleaded, and the soldier gestured shackled, as if saying I’ll shackle you if you don’t get out of here, and said “to the concrete cell!” And the man, angry and frustrated and worried, rushing off to his father, raised his hands skywards as if saying, this is my fate, our fate… And the soldier told him “come here!” and he’ll probably shackle him now because he is a soldier with a gun, and because this young man is only a Palestinian.

And this is no metaphor.

Our summary of this Saturday shift, as any other day, is that the soldiers of the Israeli army stood there according to their nature and the instructions of the day and abused the Palestinian people because it is Palestinian. That is more or less all.

Ha’aretz: Twilight Zone – The children of 5767

By: Gideon Levy

September 28th, 2007

It was a pretty quiet year, relatively speaking. Only 457 Palestinians and 10 Israelis were killed, according to the B’Tselem human rights organization, including the victims of Qassam rockets. Fewer casualties than in many previous years. However, it was still a terrible year: 92 Palestinian children were killed (fortunately, not a single Israeli child was killed by Palestinians, despite the Qassams). One-fifth of the Palestinians killed were children and teens – a disproportionate, almost unprecedented number. The Jewish year of 5767. Almost 100 children, who were alive and playing last New Year, didn’t survive to see this one.

One year. Close to 8,000 kilometers were covered in the newspaper’s small, armored Rover – not including the hundreds of kilometers in the old yellow Mercedes taxi belonging to Munir and Sa’id, our dedicated drivers in Gaza. This is how we celebrated the 40th anniversary of the occupation. No one can argue anymore that it’s only a temporary, passing phenomenon. Israel is the occupation. The occupation is Israel.

We set out each week in the footsteps of the fighters, in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, trying to document the deeds of Israel Defense Forces soldiers, Border Police officers, Shin Bet security service investigators and Civil Administration personnel – the mighty occupation army that leaves behind in its wake horrific killing and destruction, this year as every year, for four decades.

And this was the year of the children that were killed. We didn’t get to all of their homes, only to some; homes of bereavement where parents weep bitterly over their children, who were climbing a fig tree in the yard, or sitting on a bench in the street, or preparing for an exam, or on their way home from school, or sleeping peacefully in the false security of their homes.

A few of them also threw a rock at an armored vehicle or touched a forbidden fence. All came under live fire, some of which was deliberately aimed at them, cutting them down in their youth. From Mohammed (al-Zakh) to Mahmoud (al-Qarinawi), from the boy who was buried twice in Gaza to the boy who was buried in Israel. These are the stories of the children of 5767.

The first of them was buried twice. Abdullah al-Zakh identified half of the body of his son Mahmoud, in the morgue refrigerator of Shifa Hospital in Gaza, by the boy’s belt and the socks on his feet. This was shortly before last Rosh Hashanah. The next day, when the Israel Defense Forces “successfully” completed Operation Locked Kindergarten, as it was called, leaving behind 22 dead and a razed neighborhood, and left Sajiyeh in Gaza, the bereaved father found the remaining parts of the body and brought them for a belated burial.

Mahmoud was 14 when he died. He was killed three days before the start of the school year. Thus we ushered in Rosh Hashanah 5767. In Shifa we saw children whose legs were amputated, who were paralyzed or on respirators. Families were killed in their sleep, or while riding on donkeys, or working in the fields. Operation Locked Kindergarten and Operation Summer Rains. Remember? Five children were killed in the first operation, with the dreadful name. For a week, the people of Sajiyeh lived in fear the likes of which Sderot residents have never experienced – not to belittle their anxiety, that is.

The day after Rosh Hashanah we traveled to Rafah. Dam Hamad, 14, had been killed in her sleep, in her mother’s arms, by an Israeli rocket strike that sent a concrete pillar crashing down on her head. She was the only daughter of her paralyzed mother, her whole world. In the family’s impoverished home in the Brazil neighborhood, at the edge of Rafah, we met the mother who lay in a heap in bed; everything she had in the world was gone. Outside, I remarked to the reporter from French television who accompanied me that this was one of those moments when I felt ashamed to be an Israeli. The next day he called and said: “They didn’t broadcast what you said, for fear of the Jewish viewers in France.”

Soon afterward we went back to Jerusalem to visit Maria Aman, the amazing little girl from Gaza, who lost nearly everyone in her life to a missile strike gone awry that wiped out her innocent family, including her mother, while riding in their car. Her devoted father Hamdi remains by her side. For a year and a half, she has been cared for at the wonderful Alyn Hospital, where she has learned to feed a parrot with her mouth and to operate her wheelchair using her chin. All the rest of her limbs are paralyzed. She is connected day and night to a respirator. Still, she is a cheerful and neatly groomed child whose father fears the day they might be sent back to Gaza.

For now, they remain in Israel. Many Israelis have devoted themselves to Maria and come to visit her regularly. A few weeks ago, broadcast journalist Leah Lior took her in her car to see the sea in Tel Aviv. It was a Saturday night, and the area was crowded with people out for a good time, but the girl in the wheelchair attracted attention. Some people recognized her and stopped to say hello and wish her well. Who knows? Maybe the pilot who fired the missile at her car happened to be passing by, too.

Not everyone has been fortunate enough to receive the treatment that Maria has had. In mid- November, a few days after the bombardment of Beit Hanoun – remember that? – we arrived in the battered and bleeding town: 22 killed in a moment, 11 shells dropped on a densely packed town. Islam, 14, sat there dressed in black, grieving for her eight relatives that had been killed, including her mother and grandmother. Those disabled by this bombardment didn’t get to go to Alyn.

Two days before the shelling of Beit Hanoun, our forces also fired a missile that hit the minibus transporting children to the Indira Gandhi kindergarten in Beit Lahia. Two kids, passersby, were killed on the spot. The teacher, Najwa Khalif, died a few days later. She was wounded in clear view of her 20 small pupils, who were sitting in the minibus. After her death, the children drew a picture: a row of children lying bleeding, their teacher in the front, and an Israeli plane bombing them. At the Indira Gandhi kindergarten, we had to bid good-bye to Gaza, too: Since then, we haven’t been able to cross into the Strip.

But the children have come to us. In November, 31 children were killed in Gaza. One of them, Ayman al-Mahdi, died in Sheba Medical Center at Tel Hashomer, where he had been rushed in grave condition. Only his uncle was permitted to stay with him during his final days. A fifth-grader, Ayman had been sitting with friends on a bench on a street in Jabalya, right by his school. A bullet fired from a tank struck him. He was just 10 years old.

IDF troops killed children in the West Bank, too. Jamil Jabaji, a boy who tended horses in the new Askar refugee camp, was shot in the head. He was 14 when he was killed, last December. He and his friends were throwing rocks at the armored vehicle that passed by the camp, located near Nablus. The driver provoked the children, slowing down and speeding up, slowing down and speeding up, until finally a soldier got out, aimed at the boy’s head and fired. Jamil’s horses were left in their stable, and his family was left to mourn.

And what did 16-year-old Taha al-Jawi do to get himself killed? The IDF claimed that he tried to sabotage the barbed-wire fence surrounding the abandoned Atarot airport; his friends said he was just playing soccer and had gone to chase after the ball. Whatever the circumstances, the response from the soldiers was quick and decisive: a bullet in the leg that caused him to bleed to death, lying in a muddy ditch by the side of the road. Not a word of regret, not a word of condemnation from the IDF spokesman, when we asked for a comment. Live fire directed at unarmed children who weren’t endangering anyone, with no prior warning.

Abir Aramin was even younger; she was just 11. The daughter of an activist in the Combatants for Peace organization, in January she left her school in Anata and was on the way to buy candy in a little shop. She was fired upon from a Border Police vehicle. Bassam, her father, told us back then with bloodshot eyes and in a strangled voice: “I told myself that I don’t want to take revenge. Revenge will be for this ‘hero,’ who was so ‘threatened’ by my daughter that he shot and killed her, to stand trial for it.” But just a few days ago the authorities announced that the case was being closed: The Border Police apparently acted appropriately.

“I’m not going to exploit my daughter’s blood for political purposes. This is a human outcry. I’m not going to lose my mind just because I lost my heart,” the grieving father, who has many Israeli friends, also told us.

In Nablus, we documented the use of children as human shields – the use of the so-called “neighbor procedure” – involving an 11-year-old girl, a 12-year-old boy and a 15-year-old boy. So what if the High Court of Justice has outlawed it? We also recorded the story of the death of baby Khaled, whose parents, Sana and Daoud Fakih, tried to rush him to the hospital in the middle of the night, a time when Palestinian babies apparently mustn’t get sick: The baby died at the checkpoint.

In Kafr al-Shuhada (the “martyrs’ village”) south of Jenin, in March, 15-year-old Ahmed Asasa was fleeing from soldiers who had entered the village. A sniper’s bullet caught him in the neck.

Bushra Bargis hadn’t even left her home. In late April she was studying for a big test, notebooks in hand, pacing around her room in the Jenin refugee camp in the early evening, when a sniper shot her in the forehead from quite far away. Her bloodstained notebooks bore witness to her final moments.

And what about the unborn babies? They weren’t safe either. A bullet in the back of Maha Qatuni, a woman who was seven months pregnant and got up during the night to protect her children in their home, struck her fetus in the womb, shattering its head. The wounded mother lay in the Rafidiya Hospital in Nablus, hooked up to numerous tubes. She was going to name the baby Daoud. Does killing a fetus count as murder? And how “old” was the deceased? He was certainly the youngest of the many children Israel killed in the past year.

Happy New Year.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/907708.html

Ha’aretz: Settlers plan to set up 5 new West Bank outposts during Sukkot

By: Nadav Shragai

September 26th, 2007

Right-wing activists are planning to set up five new settlement nuclei throughout the West Bank this Sunday, during the interim days of Sukkot.

The operation, details of which were announced Tuesday, will include taking possession of the land at the following locations: Givat Ha’eitam near Efrat, Hill 1013 near Halhoul in the Hebron region, Nofei Hashmonaim near Hashmonaim, “Harhivi” outpost near Elon Moreh, and “Shvut Ami” outpost in Samaria.

The extra-parliamentary right-wing movements participating in the operation are also planning a major march to Homesh, a northern West Bank settlement vacated in 2005 as part of the disengagement from Gaza.

“This is the only way to get out of the alleyways and back to the main road, through the Land of Israel,” one movement leader, Arye Yitzhaki, told Haaretz. “We will keep building communities and redeeming territory in the land of the Patriarchs.”

Various rabbis have voiced their support for the operation. The rabbi of Efrat, Shlomo Riskin, who is known as a moderate, called on Efrat residents to take part at Givat Ha’eitam. Riskin’s call was seconded by other Gush Etzion rabbis.

In Hebron-Kiryat Arba, local rabbis, led by Moshe Levinger and Eliezer Waldman, issued calls for the public to accompany the operation at Hill 1013.

The army and police are readying to block the activists from carrying out their plan.