The International Solidarity Movement podcast episode seven: Mothers fighting for Justice in Sheikh Jarrah

In this episode, we share an interview with Um Ramadan. We met her at a demonstration outside the district court in Jerusalem in December 2022. Alongside other mothers, she is protesting her son’s imprisonment. In this moving interview, she talks about the conditions her son is kept in and how mother’s are organising to support each other. Please note there are references to suicide and abuse. 

The East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah has been an important part of the struggle against colonisation in Palestine. The residents of Sheikh Jarrah are refugees, or descendants of refugees, who were forced from their homes by the ethnic cleansing carried out by Zionist Forces in 1947-9. This ethnic cleansing is known by Palestinians as the Nakba (or catastrophe).

After 1948, East Jerusalem was under Jordanian control – and the Jordanian government struck a deal with the UN to settle Palestinian refugee families who were living in Jordan in Sheikh Jarrah. In 1967 the Israeli military militarily occupied East Jerusalem, and since then the Israeli state and settler movements have been trying to evict the Palestinian residents – both through legal processes and by violence.

Many families have already been forcibly evicted from the neighbourhood, and replaced by settlers. The community has resisted by holding sit ins outside the threatened homes, by mobilising, international solidarity and by building a culture of solidarity.

In 2020 Israeli courts ordered the eviction of more families from Sheikh Jarrah. And in 2021 the harassment and violence against people in Sheikh Jarrah helped trigger an uprising across Palestine.

In 2022 right wing politician Itamar Ben Gvir – the minister of national security – led a mass of settlers to the neighbourhood backed up by cops. The settlers attacked the community as the police looked on. Ben gvir famously shot his gun in the air that day, as Palestinians defended themselves by throwing stones. These kind of provocations are routine in sheikh jarrah – and that’s the context that led to um Ramadans son’s arrest. 

We would like to apologise about the sound quality of this interview, due to its impromptu nature and lack of equipment with us! But we wanted Um Ramadan’s story to be shared. A big thank you to Noah for translating.

Links

Middle East Eye – Sheikh Jarrah explained: The past and present of East Jerusalem neighbourhood

International Solidarity Movement website

Join the International Solidarity Movement in Palestine

Middle East Eye describes Ben Gvir’s controvesial visit to Sheikh Jarrah

Transcript:

Introduction 00:00

[Intro music] Hey, welcome to international solidarity movement [translation into Arabic]

Nicole 00:18

Welcome to the International Solidarity Movement podcast. We hope you’ve enjoyed our episodes so far. Today is April 17, which is the Palestinian Prisoners Day. We hope you’ve already listened to our interview with Addameer who are doing incredible work to support Palestinian prisoners. We wanted to share another interview today that has a prison focus. So this is an interview with Um Ramadan, we met her at a demonstration outside the District Court in Jerusalem. And, alongside other mothers, she was protesting her son’s imprisonment. It’s a really moving interview, she talks about the conditions her son is kept in ,and how different mothers are organising together to support each other. And I just want to flag that there are references to suicide and abuse. So for a bit of context the East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah has been an important part of the struggle against colonisation in Palestine, the residents of Sheikh Jarrah are refugees, or descendants of refugees, who were forced from their homes by the ethnic cleansing carried out by Zionist forces in 1947 to 1949, this ethnic cleansing is known by Palestinians as the Nakba, or catastrophe. After 1948, East Jerusalem was under Jordanian control, and the Jordanian government struck a deal through the United Nations to settle Palestinian refugee families who were living in Jordan in Sheikh Jarrah. And then in 1967, the Israeli military occupied East Jerusalem, and since then, the Israeli state and settler movements have been trying to evict the Palestinian residents, both through legal processes and by violence. Many families have already been forcibly evicted from the neighbourhood and replaced by settlers. The community has resisted fiercely, you know, by holding sit-ins outside threatened homes, by mobilising international solidarity, and just building you know, a general culture of solidarity. In 2020, the Israeli courts ordered the eviction of more families from Sheikh Jarrah, and in 2021 the harassment and violence against people in Sheikh Jarrah helped trigger an uprising across Palestine. So yeah, we just wanted to give this context that it’s a real hotbed of struggle. And then in 2022, right wing politician, Ben Gvir, the Minister of National Security led a mass of settlers to the neighbourhood, backed up by police. The settlers attacked the community as the police looked on. And Ben Gvir famously shot his gun in the air that day as Palestinians defended themselves by throwing stones. These kinds of like provocations are routine, and that’s the context that lead to Um Ramadan’s son’s arrest. We’d really like to apologise about the sound quality of the interview. It was kind of like an impromptu thing, and we didn’t have our proper recording equipment with us. We just had to use phones. But we really felt it was important to share her story and share her son’s story. I want to say a big thank you to Noah for translating for us and once again, please find all the resources in the show notes

Um Ramadan 03:12

[Speaks Arabic]

Translation 03:17

Today we had a demonstration against the arrest of the Palestinian children by the Israeli court.

Um Ramadan 03:25

[Speaks Arabic]

Translation 03:34

We went to tell the Israeli courts that what they’re doing with our children is not justice.

Um Ramadan /Noah 03:43

We are the ones who are being attacked [Um Ramadan speaks Arabic], the people who attacked us have been set free

Um Ramadan 03:52

[Speaks Arabic]

Tom 03:58

And we demand that justice should see with both eyes and not just one eye

Um Ramadan 04:12

[Speaks Arabic]

Tom 04:14

They’re saying that that if things continue like this, there will be a popular uprising. Because they’re not being respected by the Israeli authorities.

Um Ramadan 04:28

[Speaks Arabic]

Tom 04:37

The settlers are coming here and throwing rocks on their cars and their houses, and how are they supposed to defend themselves?

Um Ramadan 04:44

[Speaks Arabic]

Tom 04:46

The police and the military were here and they just did nothing. [Um Ramadan speaks Arabic]. So her son saw that there were throwing rocks on them, and he went out into the street [Um Ramadan speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan 05:02

[Speaks Arabic]

Tom 05:05

So so her son, by himself, went out into the streets and was arrested while 50 people at least were throwing rocks on her house, and they were not arrested.

Um Ramadan 05:24

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 05:29

Okay, so now the Israeli courts are demanding five to eight years imprisonment, which she says is completely unprecedented.

Um Ramadan 05:45

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 05:50

Why is this happening? She says, because the extremists are now the ones who are running the Israeli justice system. And as you know, we were just talking about Ben Gvir, who set up his parliamentary office right here and is now going to be the Minister of Internal Defence.

Um Ramadan 06:10

[Speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan /Noah 06:32

So her son went through a terrible series of events after he was arrested. He was taken to small cells – very small – where, where he was basically tortured. They didn’t let him sleep, they hit him. She said that he told her things, you know, she couldn’t imagine spending even one day like that but he spent – [how many days?] – 29 days.

Um Ramadan 07:00

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 07:00

Okay, so he’s been in prison now for 11 months, and out of that, 29 days were in these these, these small like, you know, cells- like a holding cell which is basically torture.

Um Ramadan 07:13

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 07:17

And he also tried to commit suicide.

Um Ramadan 07:31

[Speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan /Noah 07:36

She is saying that this is the same thing [that] happened to everybody [who] was arrested in this area. And then then I said how many people are we talking about? So she said: Well they’re six from this neighborhood, but if you start looking at the nearby neighborhoods as well, then it’s it’s probably much more.

Tom 07:55

How many people live in the neighborhood?Second speaker: First of all, one day, one day it was four of my son[s] [that were] in the jail. Four, in jail [how many people?], about 200. [Nicole – and what are the conditions like in prison]?

Um Ramadan 08:23

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 08:25

Now they’re a little bit better They’re allowed to visit him. But for those 29 days when he was in a holding cell, they couldn’t see him.

Tom 08:45

She says that her son has changed because of these 29 days that he spent – during which they don’t really know what happened to him. It’s clear that he was not given enough, enough food to eat, and that he was beaten, and didn’t have the ability to sleep. And now that she can see him she makes sure to know every single day what it is that’s been happening to him so that she can, you know, somehow try to control this.

Um Ramadan 09:28

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 09:34

She says if they can see the brutality of the Israeli police and soldiers here, right in front of the house. But when they’re by themselves in an area – which isn’t accessible to everybody – she can only you know, she can’t imagine what it is that they actually do.

Another speaker 09:59

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 10:06

Okay, so he says, one of the things that he knows that happened, is that his son was was made to sit with his hands tied behind his back and his eyes covered for about 14 hours. And then he was taken to see a judge with his eyes still covered and then somebody said: Oh, but he hasn’t eaten. So they gave him like, you know, nice food to eat. And then just as he was just about to begin eating, they kicked away the table with all the food.

Nicole 10:43

How old are all the children?

Another speaker 10:45

Now he is 15 years old?

Nicole 10:47

15

Um Ramadan 10:47

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 10:50

Her son was sentenced to 30 months in prison for throwing rocks.

Um Ramadan 10:59

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 11:03

Meanwhile, the settlers who were here throwing rocks were – were not even arrested. I was here at one of these events, they were throwing rocks for about 5 hours.

Um Ramadan 11:15

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 11:17

Her son just celebrated his 18th birthday in prison.

Um Ramadan 11:26

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 11:31

And on the 26th of the month her son will be twenty in jail.

Um Ramadan 11:35

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 11:36

She’s going to throw a party in prison.

Nicole 11:38

How are they organising together, the mothers?

Tom 11:44

[Speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan 11:49

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 11:51

They meet together, they talk together they go visit their children together, they have a WhatsApp group.

Um Ramadan 11:58

[Speaks Arabic].

Tom 12:01

they have the same pains but still

Um Ramadan 12:03

a little confused I’ve seen that whole ad for has

Translation 12:06

And they have the same pains. They have good relations because they understand each other’s feelings.

Um Ramadan 12:13

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 12:31

Okay yeah there is a bigger group that involves women – mothers from different neighborhoods. And this larger group, they visit together, I think they might have to coordinate their visiting hours. So there is some kind of contact – you know the split between different Palestinian neighborhoods inside Jerusalem is quite strong, and it’s you know, one of the characteristics of the occupation. She is saying that in this country, there are no rights for Palestinian children or women. And they saw on television how a four year old was either arrested or actually was being summoned to the police station. He given a summons… for a four year old. So there is no rights.

Another speaker 13:36

His father when he [went to the] police station he take bamba with him – because he’s a child.

Tom 13:42

And are the prisoners able to organize when they’re in prison? Can they organize together? [Speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan 13:52

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 13:56

According to what her son says yes, they have some kind of organisation.

Um Ramadan 14:06

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 14:11

She’s saying that even if he has some kind of organization, it’s still prison.

Tom 14:21

Are there things that people – that comrades – can do outside of Palestine in solidarity?

Um Ramadan 15:04

[Speaks Arabic]. [Speaks Arabic].

Translation 15:09

She’s saying this – the occupation is claiming that it’s a democratic country. And you who have now seen the reality – and you see sometimes pictures… And she’s talking about a specific case. Where an older man was beaten in Al-Aqsa for no reason by a policeman. So, she would like these pictures to be spread, and the stories about – you know – the truth of what is happening to be, you know, well known.

Nicole 15:39

Is there anything else you would like to share

Translation 15:43

[Speaks Arabic].

Um Ramadan 15:48

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 15:53

They demand that their human rights be respected and you know, take shape in you know reality here.

Nicole 16:05

When will their children be sentenced?

Um Ramadan 16:10

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 16:16

Her son will be sentenced on the eighth of January

Um Ramadan 16:22

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 16:23

And they’re asking for five to eight years in prison.

Um Ramadan 16:30

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 16:32

So now he’s 20, and he might be out when he’s 28.

Um Ramadan 16:35

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 16:35

She’s saying, you know when he went in he was, you know, just a child playing in the neighborhood and now he’s gonna come out and he’s gonna be like you know a middle aged man. And she has no idea what, you know, what he’s going to have in his head when he comes out.

Um Ramadan 16:43

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 16:43

She’s saying, you know when he went in he was, you know, just a child playing in the neighborhood and now he’s gonna come out and he’s gonna be like you know a middle aged man. And she has no idea what, you know, what he’s going to have in his head when he comes out.

Um Ramadan 17:05

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 17:06

Maybe now he’s making plans, but she has no idea what he’s making plans for.

Tom 17:12

[Speaks Arabic].

Translation 17:17

Maybe now he’s making plans. And she has no idea what he’s making plans for.

Tom 17:27

thank you so much. We hope for freedom for all of them, all of the prisoners

 

The International Solidarity Movement podcast episode six: Prisoner Solidarity in Palestine

This episode has been released for Palestinian Prisoner’s Day. All around the world people are highlighting the conditions of people incarcerated by the Israeli occupation. To mark this day we bring you an interview with Milena Ansari, an incredible organiser from Addameer. Adameer in arabic means conscience. Adameer is a prisoner support and human rights organisation based in Palestine that supports Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli and Palestinian prisons. Established in 1991, the center offers free legal aid to political prisoners, advocates their rights at the national and international level, and works to end torture and other violations of prisoners’ rights through monitoring, legal procedures and solidarity campaigns.

Unfortunately we had to finish the interview prematurely due to the deportation of Milena’s friend Salah Hammouri, a long-time human rights defender and lawyer working with Addameer, which needed an urgent response. We are incredibly grateful for everything that Milena shared with us through the interview. 

We want to give a content warning that there are detailed descriptions of prison conditions, including child imprisonment. 

To support the work of Addameer and to learn about the prisoner struggle in Palestine, please check out the links below.

Links:

Addameer website

Justice for Salah website

International Solidarity Movement website

Join the International Solidarity Movement in Palestine

Transcript:

Introduction 00:01

Hey, welcome to the International Solidarity Movement Podcast [Arabic translation].

Nicole 00:18

Welcome back to The International Solidarity Movement Podcast. Today is April 17th, which is Palestinian Prisoners Day. All around the world, people are highlighting the conditions of people incarcerated by the Israeli occupation. To mark this day we bring you an interview with Milena Ansari, an incredible organiser from Addameer. Adameer in Arabic means ‘conscience’. Adameer is a prisoner support and human rights organisation based in Palestine that supports Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli and Palestinian prisons. Established in 1991, the center offers free legal aid to political prisoners, advocates their rights at the national and international level, and works to end torture and other violations of prisoners’ rights through monitoring, legal procedures and solidarity campaigns. Unfortunately we had to finish the interview prematurely due to the deportation of Milena’s friend Salah Hammouri, a long-time human rights defender and lawyer working with Addameer, which needed an urgent response. We are incredibly grateful for everything that Milena shared with us through the interview. We want to give a content warning that there are detailed descriptions of prison conditions, including child imprisonment. To support the work of Addameer and to learn about the prisoner struggle in Palestine, please check out the links in the show notes.

Milena Ansari 01:46

Hi, hello, my name is Milena Ansari, I’m the international advocacy officer at Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association. A bit about Addameer, and the work that we do: Addameer is a Palestinian non governmental human rights organisation that focuses its work on advocating internationally and locally on behalf of Palestinian political prisoners, held both in Israeli occupation prisons and [by] the Palestinian Authority as well. Part of the work that Addameer does is divided into legal work, advocacy work, and awareness. And so the legal work mainly revolves around providing free legal aid and services and consultation to Palestinian detainees and prisoners and their families as well. In Israeli military courts and Israeli civil courts, and the Palestinian Authority courts as well. We do regular prison visits, where we meet the prisoners and detainees and take their testimonies regarding their detention conditions, their violations of rights, the violations of rights during incarceration. And then we analyse this information and [the] documents we get from the detainees and from the lawyers regarding legal procedures, and through mechanisms of international law, including international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and also international criminal law. In order to look into the systematic and widespread violations of detainees rights, such as the use of torture, ill treatment and medical neglect, prison raids that are brutal in nature, and also the overall brutal detention conditions that the Palestinians face inside prison. And of course, fair trial guarantees in the Israeli judicial system, whether the military one or the civil one. So that’s locally local work. When we’re talking about advocacy. It’s mainly international advocacy speaking to the international community, the way I see it, or I divide the work for advocacy into three targeted groups. The first group is regarding litigation. So the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, the special procedures, and the International Criminal Cour. Different mechanisms regarding litigation on an international level, where we report to them regularly regarding highlighted cases of Palestinian prisoners and detainees and whether there is any new violations or circumstances leading to something very threatening regarding the prisoners’ movement as a whole. The second target group is parliamentarians’ representative offices in Ramallah in Jerusalem. But sadly, this type of targeted group, there’s not much development or actual work taking action because sadly, the diplomats or the parliamentarians are always restricted with their own state position on how much they can take action so they can know the brutality and in just about these cases, but they don’t take any concrete action to prevent the further violations of human rights, because they’re restricted by the country’s politics. The third targeted group is international organisations, grassroots solidarity movements and liberation movements across the world. It’s important for us to also target our advocacy work to these groups, because at the end of the day, we understand the injustice that happens in Palestine, the brutality, the violence, what happens with political prisoners, whether spyware surveillance or the use of torture or medical neglect, is not something very unique to the Palestinian situation. But these are policies that oppressive governments use across the world to implement their domination and oppression over a vulnerable community or minority group. So we tried to put aside the geographic fragmentation and differences and focus on these arbitrary policies. And this is the third targeted group. But when we talk about the work of Addameer we also work on spreading awareness to the Palestinian community here locally on the ground. We do workshop programmes that are called Know Your Rights ‘K N O W’. Sadly, if you can see me you will be you’ll see that I’m doing air quotes, because from the first moment Palestinians are arrested up until the release, there’s brutality and violence embedded at each stage of the process, whether it is the arrest process, the detention process, the interrogation, the transfer to the prison, and the incarceration itself. There’s violence and brutality. But it’s really important for us to spread the awareness to our community, to strengthen their knowledge of their own rights, when they are subjected to arrest and detention, we make sure that they know they have the right to have a lawyer present with them to be interrogated in the language they know. But sadly, none of these rights are provided to them. But it gives some kind of, you know, strength to the prisoners, because inside prison, they are isolated, they don’t have a community to support [them] psychologically or mentally, and so on. It’s on us to empower them ahead of time, and to know what to expect and how to act in these conditions.

Nicole 07:10

What is the situation of prisoners in Palestine? What kind of conditions are they living in and experiencing

Milena Ansari 07:15

First, before talking about prison conditions, I do have to acknowledge that me myself, I have never been in prison. So part of me doesn’t feel like I have the right to talk about prison conditions, because we document from the prisoners themselves, [taking] testimonies directly. So these are their words, their own experiences, prison conditions are extremely brutal, and they’re harsh in nature, there’s overcrowding in prisons [that] Palestinians are incarcerated in. In one prison cell, there could be more than ten prisoners there. [Its] not only overcrowding, but there is lack of any basic minimum living standards, like any adequate living for basic human beings, there is no protection of the right to health, the right to education, even inside prison. What I mean by this is that inside prison, the prisoners are in control – or they are in charge and responsible – of everything for themselves. They do the cooking, they do the cleaning, they buy their life necessities from the prison canteen, where there is also economic exploitation, where the prison canteen sells life necessities and food at very high costs and high prices. There is also economic exploitation because the prison contains you. The prisoners are obligated to buy these necessities at very high prices. Why I say obligated because according to international humanitarian law, when there’s occupation and there are prisoners from an occupied territory and the occupying power, which Israel in this context has. [The occupier] has an obligation to provide adequate living necessities to the prisoners, they have an obligation to provide even adequate healthcare to prisoners. But what we see [with] implementation on the ground is actually using healthcare as a leverage against detainees and prisoners, where in order to put more psychological pressure, more physical pressure on the detainees, even [when they are already] in prison, the Israeli Prison Services don’t provide them proper medical health care. The prison clinics are [called] by the prisoners as the slaughterhouse because they’re by no means a place to take medical care, or to take any kind of treatment or prevent yourself from any sickness or diseases or even chronic illnesses that the detainees or prisoners already have. So they are experiencing more brutality in the clinic. The prison clinics [are[ like going back to prison conditions as a whole. How is life inside prison? The prison structure the prisons. So general, there are 17 prisons and detention centres where Palestinians are incarcerated by the Israeli occupation, and only one is located in the West Bank – so in the Palestinian territory – the rest are located in what is now called Israel. What that means? one thing is that the Palestinian prisoners are isolated from their own community. What it also means is that the loved ones, the Palestinian community cannot visit the prisoners inside Israeli prisons, because they need to take a specific permit from the Israeli occupation. And we note and report that male Palestinians between the age of 20 and 40, almost never get a permit to visit their loved one is in prison. So there is isolation. I don’t want to talk about law a lot. But the forcible transfer of the prisoners outside of their occupied territory, to the territory of the occupying power, is also illegal under international law and is a crime, and what we see happen on a day to day basis. And the majority of the Palestinian prisoners are forcibly transferred outside of their territory. The prison structures or the prisons where Palestinians are incarcerated in now. Not only are they held inside what is Israel, but they are also prisons that were established from the British Mandate era. So we’re talking about from way before 1948. And no actual reconstruction or rehabilitation for these structures have happened. Yhe structure of prisons doesn’t really entail anything that they can hold prisoners in them. Like, for example, Damon Prison [in the Naqab, inside the borders of Israel] – where Palestinian woman prisoners are incarcerated and detained. And originally, during the British Mandate, it was a place to store tobacco and even a horse stable at some sort of time period. But when I say this, by no means do we mean that we need to better the detention conditions for Palestinian prisoners. No, we do need to focus [on] the root cause. That is, why do we have 4700 Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli prisons? This is the focus or the question that we should tackle and prison conditions is just one of the issues we follow up on. So other than the overcrowdness, there’s also lack of ventilation, lack of natural lighting, or any kind of like window cell that brings any kind of sunlight or natural lighting to the prison cell.

Nicole 12:34

like how do prisoners in Palestine [organise]? Like are they able to organise with each other, or resist the conditions? Obviously, they must experience oppression from these activities. But yeah, how are prisoners fighting back?

Milena Ansari 12:46

The Palestinian prisoner movement – and I can tell you this, with all honesty – it’s one of the only forms where Palestinians are united, sadly. Because outside of prisons Palestinians are fragmented, geographically, whether it is Palestinians in Gaza in their land, water and air siege for more than five years, seven years now, whether it is Palestinians in the West Bank that are under military rule, or Palestinians in Jerusalem and occupied ’48 territories that are under direct Israeli apartheid and discrimination. And of course, the Palestinian refugees, millions of them in exile, not being able to return back to their country. So the Palestinian community is fragmented outside of prison. But when we talk about the prisoners movement, it is all united, all together. There is no political party making decisions amongst all the other prisoners, they are all united taking decisions. And we see honestly a very strong connection and strong activism inside prison even with all of the brutality that prisoners face. And one example of this is hunger strikes. Collective hunger strikes have been one of the most important and only tools for Palestinian prisoners to protest either their harsh incarceration conditions, or their arbitrary detention in general. So collectively, they decide as a whole to refuse food for an open period of time, in order to change the power dynamics between the prison guards and the prisoners themselves. So the prisoners become in control of their own bodies. They become sovereign over their bodies, and don’t allow the prison guards to decide how they want to live their life or whatnot. It’s a form of pressure. It’s a peaceful form of demonstration. You’re’re using your own body to change the power dynamics between the oppressor and the victim. But sadly we see [that] collective hunger strikes are also being faced with more retaliation by the Israeli Prison Service. And so for example, when the prisoners initiate a hunger strike, those who are striking are immediately put into isolation as a form of punishment in the Israeli Prison Service’s sense that doesn’t make any common sense. And they say that since they are refusing a meal, which is in the laws and policies of the prison, they are basically refusing to abide by the prison rules. So they punish them by isolating them and putting them in isolation cells. Also part of [the repression is] not allowing them any contact or communication with the rest of the prisoners. Other forms of resistance by the prisoner movements other than hunger strikes and refusing meals is they refuse to stand in the count. The count is when the prison guards enter each prison cell and call out the prisoners by their numbers to make sure everyone is still in their place in their cells. And so a form [of resisting] is refusing to stand, to obey or to listen to them calling the prisoners.

Nicole 16:12

How is the prisoner solidarity movement, like on the outside? Like how is this relationship between the inside and the outside in Palestine?

Milena Ansari 16:19

they’re intertwined. Definitely, like whatever the situation on [the] ground outside of prison is, does reflect on the situation inside prison and vice versa. Of course, an example of this is there was a hunger strike that was supposed to [be] initiate[d] in 2014. But if you remember, in 2014, there was a huge war on Gaza. And the Palestinian community wasn’t able to either focus on the hunger strike in prison or the siege and the war on Gaza in 2014. So the prisoners halted their hunger strike and postponed it until after the violence against Gaza. Because, you know, the Palestinian community tends to feel a lot. Like in May 2021, when there were families, Palestinian families in Sheikh Jarrah being forcibly displaced [from[ their own homes in Jerusalem. And everyone across Palestine from the river to the sea was revolting, and was standing up with Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah. We even saw cities in the occupied 1948 territories that don’t usually stand up or speak up or challenge the Israelis, because they are at the forefront with the Israeli occupation. But for example, Al Lidd, which is a Palestinian occupied ’48 city was revolting and standing up. We saw even people in the diaspora, Palestinians all around the world standing up with Sheikh Jarrah, and so I can clearly say that there is an intertwine or a reflection to what happens outside of prison with what happens inside of prison. Same thing, if we talk about the vice versa. The Gilboa escape. That happened last year, in November, where six Palestinian prisoners from Gilboa, a maximum security prison, were able to successfully escape this prison and sadly, they were recaptured after that. But during that escape all the Palestinian community across Historic Palestine, was supporting them saying that we’re here to support or take on any prisoner or any escapee – even if they would face criminal responsibility and criminal charges. They made sure that whenever a prisoner needs a Palestinian, that the support and solidarity is there. And of course, the way that Palestinians look at prisoners, they look at them as a symbol of resistance and a symbol of strength. Because although we are living in an open air prison, they are living in a very closed prison, isolated from their loved ones, their family, and their support system. So we have to be their support system from outside of prisons.

Nicole 19:19

And do people like receive letters? Is that possible? Or I know you said visits are often very restricted, but how do families stay in touch with their loved ones to prison?

Milena Ansari 19:31

Sadly, this is what the Israeli prison services and the Israeli Apartheid settler colonial regime aims for regarding prisoners, they aim to isolate them. So when we talk about, do they get letters from their loved ones and whatnot? The answer is simply no. It’s possible to send letters but the Israeli prison services will open each letter, read it through, and if they feel like any sentence or any word is misplaced, or might motivate the Palestinians, or support them in a way that the Israelis don’t want the prisoners to have support, they don’t give the letter to the prisoner. So it stops with the Israeli prison guard that looks into the letter. So it’s possible to send, but it’s not really possible that the prisoner will receive the letter at the end of the day. And this is all part of restriction like by the way even books, educational books, even the Quran – which is the Holy Bible – is sometimes refused to enter the prison. Or even if we want like different religious books – not the only the Quran – they don’t allow religious books. They don’t allow history books inside prison, any like chemistry or physics books? They use the allegation or the narrative of security reasons. But we know all of this is part of educating the Palestinian community, because inside prison, there’s no education system provided by the Israeli prison services. And it’s completely banned.

Nicole 21:07

So in that regard, like we had the insight into reading one of your reports about prisoner education, and it was super inspiring all this organising and pressure campaigns to access education, including the development of a university! could you share a little bit about that?

Milena Ansari 21:24

And so inside prison, the Israeli Prison Services completely deny the Palestinian prisoners and detainees the right to education, the right to continue their education. So any educational books or study groups are banned, and the prisoners can be punished for [trying to access them], either by isolation or banning them from prison, from family visits, or phone calls to their families. And so what the the prisoner movement did – and this is one of the success stories of the Palestinian prisoners’ movement – is that they established their own university educational system, where they also work remotely with Al Quds University in Abu Dis. But this educational system is restricted [to] a few topics, like a few fields of education, like social sciences, and I believe political science as well. Social Sciences and Political Science and Social Studies, Psychology, things that have do with math, or physics or biology or whatnot. Because these are banned by the Israeli Prison Services. So when I say that they have established their own system, it’s really important to note that the Israeli Prison Services, up, until this point, have allowed this to happen. But at any moment, they can hold every Palestinian prisoner who goes into this establishment of the like the study courses and the cultural courses – they can punish them because at the end of the day it’s still illegal, but for some reason, they’re shutting a blind eye at it. And of course, this education system was established by the Palestinian political prisoner and Legislative Council Member Marwan Barghouti, and he had [an] important role in this. And he led the prisoner movement with this educational system.

Nicole 23:29

So in the UK, we have one of the most privatised prison systems in the world. We have a lot of private companies making massive profits from imprisoning people. And I’m aware that one of those companies G4S has also worked in Palestine. Could you share a little bit about that?

Milena Ansari 23:45

The G4S campaign actually is also another success story for the BDS [Boycorr, Divestment and Sanctions] Movement. Because in the past, I believe in 2014-2016, the G4S campaign – which is a security surveillance company that runs in different prisons across the world, and Israeli prison services used to use G4S in their own prison systems. There was a huge campaign against G4S asking them, and calling them to end their ties with the Israeli occupation, because of their violations of human rights. And this is where we see the line between private companies and human rights come together. Because we cannot say that businesses or companies should not abide by human rights, law and international principles. On the contrary, they play a huge and important role in really facilitating and playing an integral role in the oppression and domination of the people. So thankfully, up until now, the G4S have withdrawn their surveillance and their technology systems from Israeli prisons, but I do acknowledge and I can say it clearly that training sessions between G4S and Israeli Prison Services or Israeli security intelligence is still ongoing. So while they pulled their services from prisons, they’re still complicit somehow, by training and giving workshops to the Israeli occupation. This is why the power of BDS is important. Because it’s not only about the clear violations that we see, but it’s also what happens under the table. It’s these training sessions that are also embedded in the Israeli occupation, the ways of domination and oppression. And it all needs to end. Maybe I’ll connect it to something very recent I read about, which is Ben and Jerry’s, the ice cream company. And very recently, I think last week, officially, they won the lawsuit where they took control over stopping their products – Ben and Jerry’s, an ice cream company – [stopping] their products in Israeli settlements. The mother company of Ben and Jerry’s, refused this act, and wanted to hold them responsible for stopping their products in an Israeli settlement. But after following up with legal procedures, and really not bowing down to the bullying of the Israeli occupation, and also Israeli lobbying around the world, they won the case. And they were able to officially decide and announce that they will not have any of their products in Israeli settlements. So this is what we need to focus on, is that no matter how big, or how small,. Whether it is security and technology in prisons, or ice cream, it really plays a role in maintaining the oppression on the Palestinian people and sustaining the Israeli apartheid regime. So in order to really tackle the root cause of what’s happening here in Palestine, each country or each company needs to really self-criticise their work and self note, how are they complicit and playing an integral role into the occupation of the Palestinian people. And trust me, when this happens, when companies start opening their eyes and holding Israel accountable for human rights violations, Israel will understand the pressure from the international community. And I know this is possible because, when Russia invaded parts of Ukraine and established a war, and started stealing lands in Ukraine, European countries did not stop to think for a second [before] boycott[ing], sanction[ing] and divest[ing] from Russia and Russian companies. So we know it’s possible, with political will and with political intention. And we just want the same treatment, of how the international community is treating different racial groups or different nationalities – to treat Palestinians minimum the same. It’s not because we’re jealous, or we want to be treated as Europeans or whatnot. It’s basic human rights. It’s a legal, and it’s a moral obligation on the countries around the world, to hold Israel accountable for their human rights violations, instead of shedding a blind eye and constantly giving impunity to their violations. Because this silence only tells Israel, we’re giving you the green-light to continue on doing whatever you’re doing, and even expanding on doing that. So there’s a big role [for] the international community, ending their silence. And it starts with basically ending their silence. And what do you think is the role of the international community in terms of prisoner solidarity and prisoner support in Palestine? For the prisoners movement, solidarity is not only during hunger strikes, this is what I really want to focus on. Because in the type of work I do, I always interact with the international community, I always talk or report on cases of the hunger striking detainee, or a detainee under medical neglect or a woman in prison or a child. We talk about the policies, the systematic policies, and sadly, no one hears us when we’re talking about policies. But when we say there’s a detainee under imminent threat of death, that there is a child who was subjected to torture, or there was a woman who was subjected to rape, like when we are extremely clear about the cases, do we see people wanting to interact and wanting to work and wanting to save this specific case? But sadly, that’s not how we will deal with the prisoners issue. Because it’s not only one prisoner, it’s not two prisoners. It’s 4700 prisoners all facing the same policies of discrimination and oppression. So when You want to stand with Palestinian prisoners, you have to stand against the policies stand against prosecuting Palestinian civilians in Israeli military courts that lack any guarantee of fair trial standards, because violations of their rights starts from them. Starts when a military judge whose most of the time an Israeli military officer and most of the time an Israeli settler is ruling using Israeli military orders against a Palestinian. So basically, there’s no real justice or accountability in the Israeli judicial system. It’s just a system that plays an integral role in facilitating all these policies and all this oppression. So if the international community wants to stand with Palestinian prisoners, they have to stand against the Israeli apartheid regime, they have to stand against settler colonialism. Because as long as the idea – or the ideology – of settler colonialism is deeply rooted in the State of Israel, political prisoners will emerge over and over again. Violations of the rights will continue on happening. So in order to really support prisoners, we need to support the Palestinian people in general. Stand against prosecuting Palestinian prisoners in military courts, stand against the military regime that’s implemented against Palestinians in the West Bank, and stand against the racist policies of the Israeli apartheid regime.

Nicole 31:45

So how do you think that kind of like situation has changed over time here? I know [from] doing prisoner solidarity work a long time, it often feels extremely depressing, that things just seem to get worse and worse. And obviously, you’ve talked about some successes in your struggles and your organising. But how do you think it’s changed? And how do you think it might continue to change?

Milena Ansari 32:09

So I don’t want to be pessimistic at all. I want to be [as] realistic as possible. I have been working with Addameer for three years now. And I can say, from this short period of time, three years, the situation has been ten times worse, it has been increasingly escalating with violence with the numbers of prisoners with the policies that the Israeli Prison Services use. And sadly, it’s very disappointing. It’s very sad. It’s very unfortunate. And if I want to say who is to respond to be responsible, I’m not the type of person who likes to blame others. But I do want to shed light at the role of the international community. Because when the the prisoners’ movement first emerged, there wasn’t much solidarity and much support [for] the prisoner movement. Like the international community would still argue that Palestinians are in prison because of the safety of the State of Israel. We would still hear these arguments, justifying the brutality inside prisons, by saying [it is] to save the security of Israel. And so I believe, sadly, the impunity of the international community has allowed Israel to continue on doing what they’re doing, and even expanding more and more. As I mentioned before, but really, I’m being completely realistic. Like when I first started with Addameer, I was talking about 300 Palestinian administrative detainees. So those who are detained without a charge without a trial, based on secret information and indefinite time. There are 300 of them during the first time I started three years ago. But now if you asked me, what is the number of administrative detainees, it’s 835. And that’s within three years, this number, I think, doubled even within two years, the situation is definitely getting worse, even with the Gilboa escape last year. We are seeing the Israeli Prison Services implement more policies of retaliation against the prisoners. So they even started with the recent policy where one prisoner cannot stay in their own cell… more than three months, and they cannot stay in the same prison more than six months. So they’re even trying to really mess up the whole life inside prison, where it’s always uncertainty. There’s always unknowing, and the future of the prisoners inside prison is always left at the hands of the Israeli Prison Services sadly. So I don’t want to be sounding very pessimistic but it’s the situation on ground, it’s deteriorating day by day.

Nicole 35:04

Recently, we went to a demonstration with some mothers whose children were in prison. I just wondered, you know, we have we have, like children prisoners in the UK from the age of 12. We can be in prison. But I know here it’s like on a completely different scale. How many children are in prison? And I just wondered what the situation is [for] child prisoners?

Milena Ansari 35:26

When we want to talk about Palestinian children, prisoners and detainees. Actually, it’s the most brutal and the saddest, topic or issue regarding the Palestinian prisoners’ movement, because yes, even here, children as young as 12, could be prosecuted and put in prison. And there is a juvenile system, or a juvenile judicial system, implemented by the Israeli occupation, but there’s no actual application of it, like in reality on ground, the same court that looks into prosecuting a Palestinian [adult], regardless of what age, is the same that looks into prosecuting Palestinian children. So this juvenile system only exists in words and writing but not in real implementation. There are around 160 Palestinian children in prison. Four of them are placed under administrative detention. So four children are placed without charge without trial under secret information! [final music].

The International Solidarity Movement podcast episode five: ISM Volunteer Experiences on the Frontlines

In the fifth episode of the International Solidarity Movement podcast we are joined in the village of At-Tuwani by two ISM volunteers – Herbie and Maria – who both spent several months volunteering as internationalists in Palestine. They tell us from a personal perspective what it’s like to be an international volunteer in Palestine, and especially in the South Hebron Hills. ISM is focusing it’s presence here because of to the ongoing demolitions of Palestinian homes and infrastructure by the Israeli occupation.

We ask Herbie and Maria what brought them to Palestine, what they would say to people who are thinking of joining ISM but aren’t sure yet, and also what it’s been like witnessing some of the violence of the occupation. 

Links:

International Solidarity Movement website

Join ISM’s work in Palestine

Masafer Yatta – communities Israel is trying to drive out – by Btselem

Save Masafer Yatta website

International Solidarity Movement call to action – Masafer Yatta

If you would like an explanation of the terms used in this podcast, youI can find a useful glossary on pages 140-154 of Shoal Collective’s Ebook

Supported by Shoal Collective

Transcript

Length: 19:47

Introduction 00:01

Hey, welcome to international solidarity movement podcast [followed by Arabic translation]

Hazel 00:19

azeazeaHello and welcome to the fifth episode of the International Solidarity Movement podcast. Today we are joined in the village of At-Tuwani by two ISM volunteers – Herbie and Maria – who both spent several months volunteering as internationalists in Palestine. they tell us from a personal perspective what it’s like to be an international volunteer in Palestine, and especially in the South Hebron Hills, where ISM is focusing it’s presence, due to the ongoing demolitions of Palestinian homes and infrastructure by the Israeli occupation. We touch on what brought them to Palestine, what they would say to people who are thinking of joining ISM but aren’t sure yet, and also what it’s been like witnessing some of the violence of the occupation. At the end of the interview, Herbie and Maria discuss the culpability of Western states in the ongoing colonisation of Palestine and – in opposition to this – how we can directly take action to stand with and struggle alongside the Palestinian people in their fight for autonomy and freedom.

Nicole 01:18

So we’re really happy to be joined by two volunteers from ISM, the International Solidarity Movement, who have been in Palestine for several months this year at different points. And we’re going to be asking them some questions about their experiences here, some of the challenges, things they’ve learned, and also enjoyed since they’ve been here. But yeah, if you’d like to introduce yourself, that would be amazing.

Maria 01:39

Hi, everyone. So I’m Maria, and yeah, I’ve been, I’m almost at the end of my visa. So I’ve been here for three months now. And I was here a month over the Summer.

Herbie 01:51

Hi, everyone, I’m Herbie, I’ve been here for nearly two months now. And I’ve got about another month left of my visa.

Nicole 01:59

Can you share a little bit about how your experiences have been here?

Maria 02:02

Yeah. So I think the situation in general is very challenging on the ground. I was here for the first time this summer. And it was quite mind blowing. I’ve been campaigning for Palestine in the UK. But I think when you see things on the ground, and you live them, and you experience them, and you talk to people, it’s… it’s completely different. I think you get used to like the rhythm quite quickly. But yeah, I think overall it has been amazing. I’ve met lots of very, very interesting people. The Palestinian activists are great. The international activists are all amazing. And we’ve also met lots of Israeli activists, which are really nice. So I think generally, like very recommended experience and very positive, but yeah, it’s, it’s challenging. And ISM is very often on the first line. So you are, yeah, very often like, in [a] conflict situation. And some of them can be very challenging, but I think you develop as a person as well. So yeah, positive in general.

Nicole 03:04

What’s your kind of like day to day, what would like an average day look like here?

Herbie 03:09

I mean, to be honest, like, every day is different. And it’s very dependent on where we are. At the minute, we’re in Masafer Yatta. And we’re kind of based in a couple of different villages. In one of them, we do the like morning and afternoon school run, because some of the children have to walk through a settlement, Havat Ma’on – sorry, [it’s] an illegal outpost – to get to school, and they sometimes get attacked by settlers. So they have a military escort. And then we are also there waiting for them on the other side, to make sure they’ve arrived safely. But things often pop up very unexpectedly – like you, you can never predict what’s going to happen in a day. For example, on Monday, everything was very lrelaxed. I, like, didn’t have a lot to do. And then the next day, I was at three different demolitions in different villages in Masafer Yatta. And there was also a fourth demolition, and then I went to another village to visit some children whose school was recently demolished. So it varies a lot.

Nicole 04:26

We’ve been interviewing in some of the villagers we hear about the demolitions and their experiences, but could you share a little bit about what your – your role is, while that’s happening, and what you’ve observed?

Herbie 04:36

Yeah, so I suppose the most important role for us and and what the locals want is that we’re there to document what’s happening. Because we’re like, in the area, we can, we’re either like, already living in that village, or we can get there very quickly. We can get there like, a lot faster than, you know, the UN can or anyone else. So we’re there to like, document the whole thing so that the world can hear about what’s happening otherwise. You know, most people would just never know that these people’s homes and villages are being destroyed. In an ideal world, if there was enough of us here, then we could take direct action to actively resist the demolitions for example, like going on the diggers, blocking vehicles, surrounding the house. But unfortunately, since lockdown there is like a very low number of volunteers here. And it’s just not safe or effective for us to try to do those things if we don’t have the numbers for it. So yeah, it’s quite, it’s quite difficult just standing there filming instead of trying to resist it happening. Another thing we can do is try to de-arrest Palestinians if they’re being taken by the police.

Nicole 06:03

And I know like some people in the UK that have considered coming – like maybe they’re nervous because they don’t know what to expect or they have health issues. They don’t feel like they can do it. Or like mental health challenges… Like do you feel like it is accessible for everyone here or do you feel like there are different roles people can do, or do you think it has been quite kind of physically demanding, the work here? Like what’s the kind of, yeah, experiences in terms of like your own health and your own well being.

Maria 06:29

Yeah I think as an organization it is quite wide. And there are roles for everyone. And you can show solidarity in lots of different ways, even only just living in a village and like showing people that, you know, internationals are there, and they’re aware of the situation. And they are filming, if needed, then that gives Palestinians strength and like, is a push for them to continue the fight. If you feel like physically able, then there is of course, like more challenging – physically challenging – work to do. But like, it’s, it’s nothing crazy. And we’ve got media roles, international coordinator roles. So yeah I think the good thing of ISM is that everyone, yeah, so the good thing of ISM is that like everyone can participate in the capacity that they feel they can. So if you want to be more based in the flats, or like in house in a village, you can do that. Again, if you feel like being in the front line, and like, put yourself more at risk, you can also do that. So it’s really up to the person. Mentally it is a challenging situation, but you will always, always have support from people on the ground. So I think it’s, I think it’s generally accessible to most people.amar

Herbie 07:47

Yeah, I would, I would agree that like the ISM will, like, try and accommodate for people’s health needs. But I do think it is important to consider that like, it is a very mentally challenging situation. I’m definitely someone who’s like struggled with my mental health. And I really had to think hard about whether I was like mentally stable enough to deal with this context. And it has been a challenge. And I think it’s also really important to look after yourself whenever you go home as well, because I think also, although being here is difficult, I think also leaving and going back to ‘normality’, and having to process everything is – can be quite difficult for people. And I think it’s also important to consider that like, a lot of the work here is quite physical, like we do a lot of like, walking from village to village, we don’t have – we can’t always get a lift to places. There is like, you know, like, yeah, physical work to do, as well. And at demos you might have to run if there’s like, gunfire and things. So, yeah, it is accessible to different people’s needs. But it is also important to like consider what you’re able to do before coming. And, like, not put yourself in dangerous situations.

Nicole 09:18

A lot of people will see Palestine on the news. And yeah, like, for someone that’s never been here before, like I think, it does feel like extremely intimidating. Of, “oh my god, am I gonna get shot? Am I gonna witness someone else getting shot?” Like, it’s really got this kind of like, I mean, it is a conflict zone, right? But I think it’s been very different being here and seeing the kind of normality in the day to day things, even though everyone is like, relentlessly affected by the occupation. And it kind of defines everyone’s lives. I just wondered like, how it’s been for you in terms of violence and like, you don’t have to disclose what you don’t feel comfortable with but, like, yeah, how has it felt being here and seeing the occupation and how it affects people?

Maria 10:01

For me, that has been a bit challenging. I think, especially over the summer, I’ve been to a couple of demos where two kids were shot, and they died. So we’ve been to funerals as well. And like, the funerals are, like a whole experience here. Because there are like, thousands of people that attend and, you know, it’s like, sort of a national mourning. So it’s a very intense experience. I don’t know if that’s the right, like- [it’s] very beautiful on one side in the sense that there are all these communities that come together, and you know, like mourning the martyrs. But yeah, I mean, in terms of violence, you might experience some here and witness some and that’s very hard. As I say. So seeing like people getting shot or like seeing settlers’ violence.

We’ve ended up in a couple of situations where we thought that we’re gonna get injured, then that didn’t happen. But yeah, I think, again, ISM tries to cover this situation – there are a lot of different lines. It’s then up to the volunteer if they want to go, if they want to participate, and things like that. Especially like demonstrations this summer, they were very intense. I was here when they – the two or three days that they bombed Gaza. So like they were doing demonstration here in the West Bank and those like, they were quite tough and they were, like, repressed horribly, by the IOF [Israeli Occupation Forces]. So that was harsh. And I think in general, like I think as Herbie said, the situation can kick off anytime, so… and soldiers and settlers don’t like to see international[s] filming and being here. So you often are the targets of of soldiers – like not in a physical way, but you know, like them trying to scare you, or like making you leave. So you kind of need to be mentally prepared for that sort of violence as well.

Nicole 11:54

I think I’ve been very – not surprised here, but people have really been like, “oh, we need internationals to talk about this, we need pressure, like… things are getting worse, because there needs to be more pressure from the international community”. And I think maybe I hadn’t come previously in my life because of, I guess, okay, like, you know, there’s a lot of language around like white saviourism, or people traveling abroad when there’s like, oppression in the UK, you know, like the prison system or racism or how like refugees and migrants are treated in the UK and stuff. So I think I’ve never been like a natural internationalist, if that makes sense. But I’m – it’s kind of very interestingly, like, massively made an impression on me that people seem so welcoming, like just buying us coffees on the street, or, you know, like sweetcorn from a stand or just people – everyone’s interested in us and asking questions and people are like, “thank you for coming.” And there seems to be this like amazing, like openness and hospitality. I just wondered if you had any kind of thoughts about that. Maybe someone is listening, and they’re like, “Oh, I feel weird about going”, or, like, has that stuff come up for you?

Herbie 13:01

Yeah, the whole like, white savior thing is definitely something that I was quite worried about. You know, if that if you think that you’re going to come here and save people and free Palestine, like that is very much not the case. You’re, you’re here to learn from the people and be led by them and show solidarity with them. And yeah. So it is important to think about your intentions for coming for sure. But my experience of being here, as you said, like everyone is, like, so welcoming. And I think just grateful that we’re here because you know, there is just such a lack of coverage of what is really happening here. So it’s so important for us to be here and to see the reality on the ground and to go home and share that with people.

Maria 13:52

Yeah, completely agree. And ISM is 100% Palestinian led. We’re non-violent, of course. But we would never ever take the initiative of doing anything if the Palestinians around us are not – like we’ve not consulted them before. So that’s an important point. And yeah, I think as Herbie was saying, like, we’re not saviours. But I think the Palestinians understand how isolated they are outside this… the situation on the ground, and like in Western countries, and whatever. And because like, Israel has all these ties with like Western countries and countries outside, I think they need this sort of connection with the outside world. So it’s, yeah, it’s not a matter of us coming here and being saviours, but more like documenting in, and then try to like, lobby and do diplomacy when we’re back home.

Nicole 14:40

Amazing. What was the trigger for coming here? Like what inspired you to join? Obviously, there’s lots of places you could have gone or things you could have done, like, what was it that kind of called you here?

Maria 14:49

So I’ve been campaigning for Palestine in the UK, quite a lot. It’s something that I’ve been knowing about, lately shap[ing] my life, but like, I don’t know, I just feel that this is so much dependent on like behaviors of Western countries, and we can actively do something to stop what’s happening here. So that made me like more and more involved back home. And then I just thought that it would have been good to actually come and see the situation on the ground. And this, for me, is the first time that I find myself in a situation like this or like in a conflict area, and like having to deal with soldiers or this violence. So it’s been an interesting growth. But yeah, I think knowing things from outside… it just fed naturally then to come and see things on the ground. But yeah, um, first time that I’m in like this sort of situation.

Herbie 15:39

Yeah, that’s, like, coming here has been, like, a long time coming for me. So I was like, very much raised as a Zionist. My, like, most of my family are Israeli. And I’ve had to do a lot of like unlearning. And yeah, finding out the truth about the situation here. And yeah, I think, I mean, obviously, I want to be here to show solidarity with Palestinians, but also like to, like, see, for myself, to be able to, like, communicate with my family and like, try and explain to them what’s really happening here because like, although some of them are sympathetic to the cause, they’re very inactive. And it’s, it’s very easy for them to just like, live their lives, sort of ignoring what is happening just like a few miles away from them. And yeah, I want to try and show them what’s really going on and hopefully inspire them to – and empower them to – actually stand in solidarity with Palestinians. And yeah, I think also as a Jewish person, it’s particularly important to, for me to – I guess I have, there’s definitely guilt there. And I feel like I almost need to like show that not all Jewish people are Zionists.

Nicole 16:55

Yeah like a final question, I guess is, what would you say to someone who’s maybe like, on the fence about coming, like thinking about it, maybe they’re saving up for it, but they’re just not quite sure whether to come on up. And you know, there’s only a handful of us here. And I know from friends, they’ve talked about this history of ISM, where there was like hundreds of people here all over the West Bank doing different things. And it’s quite – like you said at the beginning with the pandemic, it’s really affected the amount of people coming. So, obviously, you know, we’re hoping with this podcast that people will listen, and that will inspire them to join ISM here, but yeah, what would you say to anyone that was considering it, but not quite sure yet?

Maria 17:32

Yeah. I mean, I guess it’s individual cases. But I would generally encourage people to come. It’s, even though it’s a tough experience, but you grow a lot as a person. And there’s so much to learn from people here on the ground. And I think just seeing things with your own eyes is so much different than like reading or listening to stories. And yeah, like Palestinians are absolutely amazing. And there’s lots of support on the ground. And yeah, we’re saying like, there are challenges there, like people should think about so again, depends on individual situation. But yeah, I think just think that you will never be forced to do things or to be in situation where you don’t want to be in. So if you want to start with like a lighter approach and just understanding the situation. There will be room to do that and maybe just go around and talk to families like without necessarily being involved in maybe [a] conflict situation, although that might happen. I mean, it is at risk that you need to consider. But I think in general, it’s been such a like eye opening experience. That yeah, I cannot think of one reason not to come here.

Herbie 18:43

Yeah, coming here for me was like such a daunting challenge. But one that I like… I’m 100% so glad that I made. I think that if you’re like, unsure and you probably have like a lot of questions and uncertainties, like you can get in touch with ISM by email and attend a training and they’ll answer all of the questions that you have. Yeah, as Maria said, like, it’s just I mean, for me, it’s like definitely been like a life changing experience in a good way. And yeah, you’re stronger than you think you are. And you can, like, you know, I think the Palestinian people are incredibly resilient and face these things every day. And I think we are in a very privileged position to be able to like, come here and witness this and then go back home. And I think you won’t regret coming.

The International Solidarity Movement podcast episode four: People’s Resistance in the South Hebron Hills

In the fourth episode of the International Solidarity Movement podcast we speak to Hafez Hurreini, a veteran organiser from the village of At-Tuwani. Hafez is the father of Sami, who we interviewed in episode three.

When we did our interview, Hafez had a metal pin in his arm after a brutal attack by settlers in September 2022. His attackers had claimed that it was Hafez that attacked them, and he was arrested and imprisoned. It was only because of footage of the attack taken by international volunteers proving what really happened that Hafez escaped a long prison sentence.

We asked Hafez about the work of the Popular Resistance Committee of the South Hebron Hills, and about the successes they have had in their struggle.Hafez was also involved in founding the Popular Struggle
Co-ordination Committee, and he talks about that too.

Links:

Reimagining Liberation through the Popular Committees – by Layth Hanbali for Al Shabaka

Armed settlers assaulted a Palestinian man. Guess who’s in jail? by Oren Ziv for 972 Magazine

Masafer Yatta – communities Israel is trying to drive out – by Btselem

Save Masafer Yatta website

International Solidarity Movement call to action – Masafer Yatta

If you would like an explanation of the terms used in this podcast, youI can find a useful glossary on pages 140-154 of Shoal Collective’s Ebook

Supported by Shoal Collective

Transcript

(you can also see this by clicking transcript in the player above)

Length: 24:50

Introduction 00:01

Hey, welcome to international solidarity movement podcast [followed by Arabic translation]

Tom 00:18

Hello and welcome to episode four of the International Solidarity Movement podcast. In the last episode we heard from Sami Hurreini, about the anti-colonial struggle of young people. In this episode, we’ll hear from his father – Hafez Hurreini. omomWhen we did our interview, Hafez had a metal pin in his arm after a brutal attack by settlers in September 2022. His attackers had claimed that it was Hafez that attacked them, and he was arrested and imprisoned. It was only because of footage of the attack taken by international volunteers proving what really happened that Hafez escaped a long sentence. Hafez is a veteran organiser, who helped to establish the popular resistance committee of the South Hebron hills in the early 2000s. Popular Committees as a method of resistance have a long history in Palestine, going back to the late 1970s, and we’ve included a historical article about these committees as part of our show notes. We asked Hafez about the work of the Popular Resistance Committee of the South Hebron Hills, and about the successes they have had in their struggle. Years later, Hafez was also involved in founding the Popular Struggle Co-ordination Committee, and he’ll talk about that too. Right now International Solidarity Movement is calling for volunteers to come and support the struggle in Masafer Yatta and the South Hebron Hills. You can find out how by taking a look at the ISM website at palsolidarity.org We hope you enjoy the interview: Okay, so we’re here with Hafez Hurreini in At-Tuwani in the South Hebron Hills. And we’re going to talk about the history of the struggle here in the South Hebron Hills. I wanted to start off by asking about what it was like growing up. And first of all, did you grow up in this area? And what was it like growing up for you?

Hafez 02:13

Yes. I was born and I grew up in the village of At-Tuwani. Now I am 51 years old. Yeah, when, when I was growing up and when I opened my eyes, around, you know. I start[ed] like seeing all these injustices around by, you know, [them] stealing our land and establishing settlements, settlers attacks against us, all these things, you know. You know, as a child at night that this is like kind of occupation, and colonization or whatever. But, you know, little by little, I thought, like, knowing about this. This is an occupation. This is an apartheid. This is an ethnic cleansing against our people and injustices in this area.

Tom 03:09

Can you tell me when was – when did you first start to be active and to organize against the occupation and the settlements in the area?

Hafez 03:20

Practically, I started the end of 1999 and in 2000. After the eviction crime that coincided with Israeli occupation of evicting Masafer Yata villages, which in the area that [was] declared by the Israeli authority as a Firing Zone Area, and I remember that. Like it was in November 1999, that big Israeli military forces raided these villages with big military trucks and bulldozers. And they started just like destroying tents, caves, wells for the water, and then they just put the Palestinian families’ things on these military trucks, and they threw them to the other side of [the road] Route 317. that they consider it as kind of broader way to ethnically cleanse the Palestinians, the big Palestinian town here. So at that time, I started like my activism, and by you know, involving, in bringing media attention and bringing solidarity for the area, and just to – you know – try to resist that crime at the time, the eviction. Yeah, and then I started like, involving [myself] with more Palestinian activist[s] in the area, and you know, we manage to create, like, a body for the area to resist the occupation and the settlements around. Activists from all over the South Hebron Hills. And we founded the Popular Committee of the South Hebron Hills. Yeah, at that time, and according to what was happening around, it was completely clear that all the Palestinian human rights [was] violated under this occupation by the Israeli forces and by the settlers, it means we must like defend our rights.

But at the same time, we have to think deeply about – about which [what] is like an effective way to resist that? According to our experience and our knowledge, that [the] occupation has the power – I mean, internally inside the Israeli society, and outside, that, you know, they control the media and they show the Israelis and the internationals that the Palestinians always like kind of terrorist – yeah, like terrorist people. And they want just like, you know, to convince the Israelis. It means you – we have to like switch the way of the resistance, you know, we shouldn’t like follow our anger and just like to respond in a violent way. And it means we have to organize our own selves to go through non-violent means at that time. Yeah. And then we started our activities in non-violent means. I mean demonstrations, actions all over the area.

And then, at the same time, we, we also – we fighted them by their own law and their own rules. So back to the eviction – we contacted like Israeli lawyers, Palestinians, internationals, and we managed like to raise the issue of eviction to the Israeli Supreme Court. So after about three months of eviction, there was like, this decision that said that the Palestinians can get back to their villages. But at the same time, you know, the case is still open, like, kind of negotiation between the Palestinians. And the resistance of Masafer Yatta and the military administration, you know, to find some kind of a solution. So since 2000, until last May 2022 there was like the final decision, that the Supreme Court gave the army the green light to evict again, and to destroy again, Masafer Yatta.

Tom 07:37

You mentioned around 20 years ago, the formation of the Popular Committee in the South Hebron Hills. So can you explain the idea of a Popular Committee? And where this idea comes from? Is it an idea that existed already in Palestine? Were you organizing with, with other popular committees in other areas?

Hafez 07:58

So, South Hebron Hills and Masafer Yatta is [an] integral part of the whole West Bank and integral part of the Palestinian villages, that they are resisting in Area C, according to [the] Oslo Accords. When we started, like organizing resistance from South Hebron Hills under this kind of principle, you know. We have to defend our own rights, like by non-violent means. It means we have like to achieve a progress on the ground, you know, and we have, and we must, like, share the reality here. So I mean, in this way, because, you know, all the Palestinians, you know, [are] under threat of the occupation. And even if they are like silent, if they – if they don’t resist. But already, it’s, it’s kind of, you know, the daily resistance of the Palestinians, you know, for example, freedom of movement, you know, usually, and almost every day, we have like checkpoints, or harassment, and between the villages… We talk about the confiscation of the land under different excuses, you know. So the Palestinians go to defend their rights. I mean, to stop the stealing of the Palestinian land, usually they’ve got arrested and, you know. The Palestinians, even when they go to cultivate, to work on their land, you know, they end up [with] threat of being, you know, attacked by settlers, or being arrested. And, you know, the children when they go to their school, you know, the same story. We have the struggle with children until today, you know, that Palestinian children, you know, they can’t like reach their schools safely. They have to be escorted by Israeli soldiers, you know, to protect them from the settlers. So, in general, all the Palestinians, they are resisting. But you know, we took the responsibility, how to unify, I mean, this resistance, by creating this body that represents all the villages in Masafer Yatta, and how to keep going and defending our own rights.

So, yeah. So we, we can see that we succeeded, like to keep the resistance, like alive until this moment, and we can see, say that, you know, we get to successes. But at the same time, we can say that, the big success [is] that you know, we are still existing on our land, and in our villages until this moment. If you can imagine the whole and the huge suffering of the Palestinians, you can see around, you know, all the Palestinian villages around without any basic human services for life, you know; water, electricity, roads etc. So you can see, they have none of these.

In addition to all these crimes that’s committed by the Israeli army and by settlers, but you know, at the same time, until this, this moment, you know, the Palestinians you know, they are practicing sumud, which is a kind of reality that people still have the steadfastness to stay, and the determination to continue even so with all these, you know, crimes that’s committed by the occupation. So with this we, you know, we continue, and we have, like, even relationships with other popular committees in different places, you know, in the West Bank, from here until the north.

And me personally, I am one of the founder[s] of the PSCC, which is like the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee that [was] established in 2009. And I am a board member of this committee that represents the Palestinian popular committees in the whole West Bank. And we still going and, you know, recently, because, you know, like, we are getting old and you know how to keep the resistance and defending of the Palestinian rights alive. So, me personally, I am the founder of the Youth of Sumud group that, you know. They are continuing to struggle, I mean, because, you know, all the younger generation, you know, they are following the way.

Tom 12:20

And you mentioned that the Popular Committee was like helping to organize resistance for all the villages of Masafer Yatta. And I wondered how would you organize? Would there be representatives from each of the communities who would take part in the Popular Committee? I wondered how that how that was.

Hafez 12:39

As I said before, like, the Palestinians, they are struggling and resisting in their daily life, but when there’s like a big action that, you know, to respond [to], for example, for stealing Palestinian land under you know, [the] military, army, [or] whatever. So, we invite everyone, you know, just to come. Because, you know, actually, there exists on the ground a big resistance. This is like, additional things to do it. So, it’s like, an open for everyone. So, is it free, you know, to join that. And most of the Palestinians here, like, you know, they are involved and we are like, you know, activists in this, because – if they today, if they steal your own land, tomorrow, they will steal mine. It means, you know, we have to be together in order to just stop that, you know.

Tom 13:33

And has the resistance organized by the popular committees, has it been open for men and women to take part?

Hafez 13:40

Yeah, we have a very long experience with that. So we can say, in 2006, the occupation army started like establishing a wall to separate the whole area. I mean, establishing this wall along the bypass Route 317. It was completely clear for us, like, you know [if] they succeed, like to build this wall, it means they will cut the movement. And they will prevent the Palestinians to move from the [one to the] other side of the road. Okay. So, at that time, we started, like organizing weekly demonstrations, and the participants were everyone: Men, women, young, old, you know – even children, you know. They participated in that. So we used to go down to the roads, to sit down and block the road. Okay, so for about more than one and a half years for that, I mean, weekly demonstrations. Okay. At the same time, they keep, like, you know, working on that, which was along, about, 41 kilometers in the south in one way [direction]. And really they finished that, but at the same time, you as I said before, usually we go through – we fight them through their own law. Because, you know, the army, they were like saying “this is for security reasons, you know, [that] we are building that wall”, which it is completely not, okay.

And then by lawyers, you know, there was like another decision by the Supreme Court that said that the wall was illegal. Building that wall was illegal. It said it should be dismantled, okay. But as usual, you know, that was like a decision. If we, if we didn’t continue, you know, demonstrating against that [wall] they will never dismantle the wall. So we demonstrated until, you know, we forced them to dismantle and remove that wall. That was one of the big successes for the non-violent resistance and, you know, the participants. Everyone participated, you know, so the role of the women in particular, it was, you know, completely clear for everyone.

Tom 16:07

And you said that the formation of the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee, it was a way to kind of work together with other Popular Committees around around the West Bank?

Hafez 16:16

Yes, yes. Well, you know, when we thought about like founding like this committee, the main goal was to unify the non-violent resistance all over the West Bank, so we succeeded to do it. I mean, if there’s like a demonstration for them in Bil’In Okay, so all of the committees, you know, they join or they participate in the demonstration there. So if we had demonstrations in Kafr Qaddum, or Nabi Salih, or in Jordan Valley, or here, there is something for everyone, everyone is joining.

Tom 16:51

And you and your comrades in the popular committees, do you have like a shared vision for what you’re working towards, amongst yourselves?

Hafez 17:00

Actually, you know, we are struggling. And mainly we are work[ing as] human rights defenders, and, you know, we defend our basic human rights, you know. That’s like, you know, we are activists, but you know. We must like keep this alive, because we are fighting a state, okay? And [it is a] colonizing state, you know, that, you know, [they are] working day and night, just, you know, to ethnically cleanse all of us, you know. It means that, you know, we must do our best, I mean, to continue the struggle and never give up, you know. If we give up and stop for a day, you know, it means we will die, and we will leave soon.

So, yeah, that’s why, you know, we are thinking about, you know, how to keep this choice of the resistance to keep it alive through the, like, the new generation, I mean, let people to keep going with that. But at the same time, you know, the site, you know, we trust, like our determination, you know, but also we ask in everyone who believe in the human rights and to the whole world – just to take part and to be part of this struggle,

Tom 18:14

Okay. And one of the concepts that you’ve talked about in the interview so far is the concept of sumud or steadfastness and that’s a term that we hear very often here in Palestine, when people talk about their resistance, but the people listening outside of Palestine might not be so familiar with this idea. So could you just explain kind of what it means to you here in Palestine?

Hafez 18:38

You know, sumud became like, kind of a very deep meaning for the Palestinian life itself, that [is] present [in] the Palestinian life itself. For example, in here, I mean, being – or living in – in this situation, if you can imagine. That all your basic human rights is violated every single day, okay. And if it’s like violated, it means [either] to defend your rights, or to give up and you know, to help [to] let the occupation to reach their goal. But as the people, you know, believe in their own rights, and they know, well, that the goal of the occupation with all these aggressive tools, all these violations, with all these attacks, their main goal is to kick you out. So practicing your life, defending your own rights under this such situation, it’s like the resistance and this, like this is the sumud itself. This became kind of part of our own culture, that sumud is being connected to the land, defending your rights, whatever the price is. So that’s why you know, you can see the Palestinians for, for example: me myself, you know, my mother, many times got attacked by settlers, like, on our own land. She was hospitalised, she got fractured in her jaw, in her leg, in her head, okay. But she never thought about [to] give up and to go away from the land.

And what happened also with me, myself, [I have] been attacked so many times, and you know. Just like three months ago, [on] September 12 [2022] I also got attacked, you know, I fractured my two arms, and I [got] arrested and so on. But even so, whatever happened and whatever will happen to me: I never, I never will leave my land. Because you know it’s completely clear what they do. It’s like, pushing me to leave my land, but I never do it. And this is, you know, practicing my life. Okay. Under all these, you know, violations. Under all these crimes, under all these attacks, this is the real sumud, this is like, for me surely, it’s like the the meaning for sumud.

Tom 21:08

Thank you. Is there anything else you’d like to say to people listening from from outside?

Hafez 21:13

Yeah, for sure. You know, like, it’s kind of a message for everyone who believe in human rights, who believes in peace, who believes in dignity. [They] must like take steps in that. That’s like, you know, all the people all over the world. They have like their own government, but maybe most of them will see and they never trust like those governments. Because you know, they are under pressure by the global policy. We can say, that [will] never be on our side, but you know, we are calling every human being who believes in peace and dignity and believes in human rights – [they] must stand with us to get our rights, you know. What’s going on that, you know, we are facing here in Palestine in South Hebron Hills we are facing the ethnic cleansing which is a big war crime. And everyone must like stand with us, you know, even [when] you know, probably you can’t come – here – to see by your own eyes,

what’s going on. But at least you know, you can try just to learn more about what’s going on here. Because, you know, we can see all the Western people and the Western world, they are victims, mostly they are victims of the Israeli propaganda around the whole world. And you should open your eyes, and to see the reality and to be part of the struggle to stop the crimes that’s being committed since decades against us in Palestine

So this is my message, you know, you have to act and you have to be part of our own struggle against, like, the Israeli occupation and against apartheid, and the ethnic cleansing that we are facing.. Finally, would you like to see more international volunteers coming here to join the struggle in Masafer Yatta? So, really, I invite everyone to come down and to be part of our own struggle here, you know. We feel that you know, we can breathe through like all these activists who are coming from all over – around the world – just like to, I mean, to join us and to be with us like on the ground. Because I said before, and I keep saying: we are fighting in our daily life. Yani to survive and to defend our rights. And the basic human rights is really violated every single day. That’s why, you know, I am calling everyone to and invit[ing] everyone just like to come down and to be part of, to be with us in our struggle.

Tom 24:08

Thank you very much Hafez, and yeah, if people want to learn more about the struggle in Masafer Yatta you can take a look at the Save Masafer Yatta website. And to learn about joining the struggle as an internationalist you can, you can look at the International Solidarity Movement website, which is palsolidarity.org. But thanks so much for, for talking, talking to me this evening. Yeah, thanks so much. And, yeah, we wish you victory in the struggle and we wish for a free Palestine.

 

Announcing the International Solidarity Movement podcast

Welcome to the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) podcast. ISM is a Palestinian-led group which – for more than 20 years – has provided an important platform for international volunteers to join and support the popular resistance against Israel’s colonial occupation of Palestine.

This podcast has been made by ISM volunteers, aiming to amplify voices from the Palestinian struggle – and raise awareness of ISM’s work. Find out more about ISM at www.palsolidarity.org