Salfit District Week of Non-violent Resistance

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Where: Salfit District, West Bank
When: Saturday, July 16 – Thursday, July 21, 2005

Residents of the Salfit District join with international and Israeli peace activists to hold a week of non-violent resistance actions from Saturday, July 16 through Thursday, July 21. These actions are organized by the Popular Committee Against the Wall and supported by the International Solidarity Movement and International Womens Peace Service.

Activists will march along the route of the Apartheid Wall to see first-hand the ongoing construction of the Wall and meet with residents who have been severely impacted by the confiscation of land for the Wall. They will also learn about the growing non-violent movement in the region, which has held more than 50 non-violent protests against the Wall during the last year.

The section of the Wall around the illegal Ariel settlement is located approximately 20 km inside the Green Line. It’s slated to confiscate approximately 6,243 acres (24,972 dunums) from the villages of Hares, Kifl Hares, Marda, Iskaka and Salfit Many other villages in the Salfit district, including Mas-ha, Az-Zawiya, Rafat, and Deir Ballut have also lost land due to the construction of the Wall.

  • Sat, July 16 Marchers will gather at Marda at 9:00 a.m. to meet with village residents, then march from Iskaka to Salfit along the route of the Wall
  • Sun, July 17 March from Salfit to Kifl Haris, Deir Istia, Wadi Qana, and Haris
  • Mon, July 18 Visits to villages of Sarta, Biddya, and Mas-ha
  • Tues, July 19 Visit Hani Aamer’s home which has been enclosed by the Wall in Mas’ha, visits to Az Zawiya and Rafat, meet with families who have land confiscated due to Wall construction
  • Wed, July 20 Meeting with the village council, participants in the summer camp, and Women for Life in Az Zawiya, 10-2 p.m.
  • Thurs, July 21 Deir Ballut, march to nearly completed school where construction has been frozen by the Israeli army; visits to Kafr ad Dik and Bruqin.

46 killed, 462 injured, 1249 arrested in three months

Saed Bannoura, IMEMC & Agencies

The Palestinian Ministry of Interior issued a new report on the continuous military violations carried out by the Israeli army in the occupied territories between March 1 and June 30, 2005. In dozens of military invasions and operations carried out by the army in the Palestinian territories, 46 Palestinian residents were killed and 462 were injured. Additionally, the report said, 1,249 Palestinians were arrested during army raids on Palestinian cities, towns, villages and refugee camps.

Israel has also released 900 prisoners after the Sharm Al-Sheikh cease-fire agreement.

Israeli military orders annexed around 33,803 Dumans (approximately 10,000 acres) of farmlands for the Wall, settlements, settlement roads, and military usage. The Israeli army repeatedly invaded Palestinian areas and carried out military operations, especially in the West Bank cities of Hebron, Nablus, Tulkarem and Jenin. Military roadblocks and checkpoints remained closed in most cases, barring the residents from leaving their areas. Dozens of residents, including children, were injured in separate attacks carried out by
extremist settlers in the West Bank.

The most recent attack was carried out by an extremist settler group of the Ramat Yeshai illegal outpost in Hebron. One child and two residents were injured. Also on July 13, settlers attacked and burned a home in Aseera al-Qibliyya village near the West Bank city of Nablus.

The Interior Ministry report also noted that Palestinian resistance fighters fired 434 homemade shells since the Sharm al-Sheikh understanding was reached on March 8, 2005. 197 of the shells landed and exploded in Palestinian areas. Eight residents were killed, 71 injured and 5 homes were damaged.

All Eyes On Gaza Disengagement

What May Come After the Evacuation of Jewish Settlers from the Gaza Strip?
A Warning from Israel

By Uri Davis, Ilan Pappe, and Tamar Yaron

We feel that it is urgent and necessary to raise the alarm regarding what may come during and after evacuation of Jewish settlers from the Gaza Strip occupied by Israel in 1967, in the event that the evacuation is implemented.

We held back on getting this statement published and circulated, seeking additional feedback from our peers. The publication in Ha’aretz (22 June 2005) quoting statements by General (Reserves) Eival Giladi, the head of the Coordination and Strategy team of the Prime Minister’s Office, motivated us not to delay publication and circulation any further. Confirming our worst fears, General (Res.) Eival Giladi went on record in print and on television to the effect that “Israel will act in a very resolute manner in order to prevent terror attacks and [militant] fire while the disengagement is being implemented” and that “If pinpoint response proves insufficient, we may have to use weaponry that causes major collateral damage, including helicopters and planes, with mounting danger to surrounding people.”

We believe that one primary, unstated motive for the determination of the government of the State of Israel to get the Jewish settlers of the Qatif (Katif) settlement block out of the Gaza Strip may be to keep them out of harm’s way when the Israeli government and military possibly trigger an intensified mass attack on the approximately one and a half million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, of whom about half are 1948 Palestine refugees.

The scenario could be similar to what has already happened in the past – a tactic that Ariel Sharon has used many times in his military career – i.e., utilizing provocation in order to launch massive attacks.

Following this pattern, we believe that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Defence Minister Shaul Mofaz are considering to utilize provocation for vicious attacks in the near future on the approximately one and a half million Palestinian inhabitants of the Gaza Strip: a possible combination of intensified state terror and mass killing. The Israeli army is not likely to risk the kind of casualties to its soldiers that would be involved in employing ground troops on a large scale in the Gaza Strip. With General Dan Halutz as Chief of Staff they don’t need to. It was General Dan Halutz, in his capacity as Commander of the Israeli Air Force, who authorized the bombing of a civilian Gaza City quarter with a bomb weighing one ton, and then went on record as saying that he sleeps well and that the only thing he feels when dropping a bomb is a slight bump of the aircraft.

The initiators of this alarm have been active for many decades in the defense of human rights inside the State of Israel and beyond. We do not have the academic evidence to support our feeling, but given past behavior, ideological leanings and current media spin initiated by the Israeli government and military, we believe that the designs of the State of Israel are clear, and we submit that our educated intuition with matters pertaining to the defense of human rights has been more often correct than otherwise.

We urge all those who share the concern above to add their names to ours and urgently give this alarm as wide a circulation as possible.

Circulating and publishing this text may constitute a significant factor in deterring the Israeli government, thus protecting the Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip from this very possible catastrophe and contributing to prevent yet more war crimes from occurring.

Please sign, circulate, and publish this alarm without delay! call for action from peace and human rights organizations now:

Please send notification of your signature to Tamar Yaron: tiyaron@hazorea.org.il

Beyond the wall

Something is astir in Bilin — mass Palestinian demonstrations based on non-violence and Israeli participation.
Graham Usher reports from the West Bank village
weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/751/re1.htm

Sheikh Taysir Al-Tammimi, one of the leading Islamic clerics in the West Bank, gently pulls away the barbed wire that has been laid before him. He then spreads out his prayer mat, facing Mecca. A hundred or so Palestinians cross the imaginary line that once demarcated the coiled border and kneel behind him. Fifty Israeli soldiers stand and look. As the prayer ends, two hundred people quietly applaud, some of them foreign activists from the International Solidarity Movement (ISM), most of them Israeli Jews, from different parts of the Israeli peace camp. It is an act of non-violent protest of almost Gandhian simplicity. For the moment, it works. Israel’s military phalanx, its iron wall, is rendered politically and morally mute.

We are in Bilin, a minuscule Palestinian village two and a half miles east of the Green Line. Before the demonstrators — behind the Israeli soldiers — is a scar of freshly razed white earth, the preliminary ruptures for the next section of the West Bank wall. Behind that is the vast, sprawling settlement metropolis of Modin Illit, which the wall “defends” by devouring 600 of Bilin’s 1,000 acres of land.

Since February, Bilin’s 1,600 residents have mounted 50 demonstrations against the wall. Two principles govern them. One is non- violence. One day they chain themselves to olive trees, demonstrating that the wall not only steals their land but their lifeblood. Another day they give out letters to the troops, explaining in Hebrew that the struggle is “not against Israel as a state but against Israel as an occupation”.

This week they are commemorating the first anniversary of the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) ruling on the wall: that it and the settlements it “effectively annexes” are illegal under every tenet of international law and must be dismantled. A mock up “scales of injustice” has been erected on the back of a truck. On one weight, the lesser one, hangs the world; on the other, the heavier, hangs Israel. Uncle Sam holds the balance. It tells much of what you need to know about the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The army has not responded in kind. Since the protests began over 100 Palestinians, Israelis and other have been injured from teargas, beatings, rubber coated steel bullets and live ammunition. Dozens have been arrested, including, in June, two of Bilin’s brothers, Abdullah and Rateb Abu Rahme, allegedly for throwing stones. An Israeli military judge dismissed the charge after the army’s own videotapes showed it to be spurious. The prayers too were eventually dispersed in an explosion of tear gas and rubber bullets, leaving 14 injured, four arrested and an ambulance struck by gunfire.

But the iron fist has not quelled the protests. On the contrary, they have grown — which brings us to the second principle.

All of the demonstrations have been joint actions by Palestinians and Israelis, backed by the ISM. They march together, plan together, organise together and in some cases live together, with Israelis maintaining a vigil in the village to monitor the army’s arrest raids, which usually come the night after the demonstrations.

Together with like demonstrations in the neighbouring villages of Budrus and Biddu, Bilin represents the most concerted joint Palestinian-Israeli protest since the Intifada began and consigned the two peoples to their ghettos: ideological in the case of the Israelis, physical in the case of the Palestinians. This is as significant as the ICJ ruling and the non-violence, says Israeli peace activist, Adam Keller.

“In many ways the wall is a physical manifestation of what has happened to the two peoples ideologically. The demonstrations in Bilin and elsewhere challenge this segregation. By joining the struggle here Israelis are signalling they want to integrate, not only with the Palestinians, but with the region — which is the ultimate precondition for peace,” he says.

No one would argue (least of all Keller) that the Israelis who come to Bilin are representative of Israeli opinion. They are its radical fringes. But as a veteran of the protests of the Lebanese and the first Intifada he knows that what was once deemed heretical can become the heritage. “We know these demonstrations won’t become mainstream today, but they can become the catalyst for the mainstream in the future,” says Shaul Moghrabi-Bergen from Anarchists Against the Wall, the most active Israeli group in Bilin.

Is a similar catalyst being formed on the Palestinian side, beyond the confines of Bilin, Budrus and Biddu? The first row of worshippers behind Al-Tammimi comprised representatives from all the PLO factions, including (like Keller) veterans from the Lebanese war and first Intifada. But they were joined by delegations from Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

This is new. For years the Islamists adjured non-violent protest in favour of the armed struggle. They also refused all joint activities with Israelis as an implicit recognition of the “Zionist enemy”. Today they are marching alongside the Anarchists Against the Wall. “We are not against these demonstrations,” says Hassan Youssef, Hamas’s West Bank spokesman. “Hamas, like all the Palestinian people, is giving Israel a chance.”

The chance is based on two considerations. The first is the only road from ICJ ruling to enforcement is through international public opinion, including, critically, Israeli opinion. It is only when the Israeli peace camp as a whole supports the Palestinian struggle on the bases of international law that it will shed its implicitly racist notions of demographic separation in favour of a genuinely anti-colonial sentiment. The second is that critical breach in Israeli opinion is more likely to be wrought through non-violent struggle than violent and uncoordinated resistance. “When we demonstrate non-violently the world at least is with us. When we resist violently, it isn’t,” says Bilin resident Samir Banar, beneath the skewed scales of injustice.

Abdallah Abu Rahme, The Palestinian Gandhi Arrested in Bili’n

During today’s non-violent demonstration in Bil’in, two members of the popular committee against the wall, AbedAllah abu Rachme, The Palestinian Gahndi and Akram AlKhateeb were arrested. In addition, two Israeli peace activists, Einat Pudnacharni and Michal Greenberg were arrested. Initially, Israelis and four internationals were also detained, but they were later released. 10 demonstrators were wounded; 2 by rubber bullets, and 2 Israelis were beaten during their arrest.