IMEMC: Palestine Investment Conference – Changing the face of the crisis

By Aaron Lakoff – International Middle East Media Center

To view original article click here

An interview with Dawood Hamoudeh of Stop the Wall

The Palestine Investment Conference (PIC), taking place in Bethlehem from May 21-23, has enthusiastically declared “Palestine is open for business”. The conference, which draws together around 1200 Palestinian, Israeli, and international private investors and government delegations, is aimed at jumpstarting the process of integrating Palestine into the global economy.

While $2 billion USD worth of projects are being planned and inked at the PIC, almost entirely absent from the agenda is any mention that the Palestinian territories have been under the longest illegal military occupation in recent history.

While some are optimistic at the economic opportunities that such a conference could bring to the impoverished West Bank and Gaza Strip, others are critical of the conference, charging that it is being used as a tool to normalize Israeli apartheid policies in the region.

Dawood Hamoudeh is an organizer with the Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign (www.stopthewall.org), based in Ramallah. Hamoudeh recently authored a report entitled “Development or Normalization? A critique of West Bank development approaches and projects”.

The IMEMC’s Aaron Lakoff spoke with Hamoudeh over the phone about his views on the PIC in Bethlehem, and current obstacles to Palestinian economic life, particularly with regards to tourism and agriculture.

– To download a copy of Dawood Hamoudeh’s report, click here

– To view the Stop the Wall statement about the Palestine Investment Conference, click here

Aaron: Stop the Wall put out a statement very critical of the Palestine Investment Conference (PIC), as well as a report called “Development or Normalization”. Can you talk about what you see are some of the problematic aspects of a conference like this taking place in the West Bank?

Dawood: First of all, I must say that we are not against the idea this conference. Totally the opposite. We believe that the Palestinian community does need such conferences.

Our main problem is on how this conference was organized, and which projects were proposed and planned in general.

We are in a crisis economical situation, and we need such a conference to gather all the efforts to get out of this crisis. What is important in these conferences is the projects and the plans, the invited people and so on.

The schedule and plans of this conference were put in place without consulting the major Palestinian society institutions, NGO’s, politicians, activists. It was only minimized to a group of people – some businessmen who designed the whole conference plan. This imprisoned the whole Palestinian society in these individuals’ ideals.

The other issue is with the announced projects at this conference. First of all, most of these projects were proposed in the 1990’s. None of them are new, and none of them are connecting to the realities on the ground today.

For example, they are talking about a huge agricultural project in the Jordan Valley and other places. Now, when we look at the wall, it is confiscating and annexing to Israel around 82% of the water resources. Bethlehem, where the PIC is being hosted, has been suffering for three years of shortfalls of water resources, and people are not able to drink a sufficient amount of water during the summer periods. This year has been considered the worst year in water resources in the last 30 years because of droughts last winter. But here they are talking about agricultural projects. How can you water these agricultural projects if the wall confiscates your water resources? Or if the occupation authorities are not giving you your share of underground water or water from the Jordan River? If your cities and people are already suffering from a shortage of water?

What they are actually doing is changing the face of the crisis to another kind of crisis. We do have a food security problem, and an agricultural project could fix it, but this will make our water shortage problem worse and worse.

They are just replacing problems with other problems and not really trying to build up a real plan to solve problems here.

Aaron: At this conference they are discussing $2 billion USD in projects which could be implemented in the Palestinian territories. A lot of that is focused on tourism. In the statement which was put out by Stop the Wall, it mentions tourism in Bethlehem, stating that in Bethlehem, tourism projects have been put forward that put Israel’s illegal wall into their workings. Can you elaborate on that, looking at how the proposed tourist projects propose to work around the wall in the West Bank?

Dawood: For the last 40 years, since the beginning of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the Israelis are the only ones who control the borders in this area, and in historic Palestine. Even after the signing of the Oslo agreements, this became a key issue with the Israeli authorities. And until today, they continue to control who is allowed to enter.

But in many cases, Palestinian businessmen in the tourism sector kind of managed to organize tourist and pilgrimage delegations to come here and to stay in hotels in Bethlehem or Jerusalem. And this showed these tourists the problems of the Palestinians under occupation, and the procedures that this occupation was taking against them. So the Israelis want to end this on one hand, and on the other hand, they want to keep this business as alive as possible to generate income for their institutions and businessmen.

When they talk about pilgrims coming to Bethlehem, the number is around 2 million. In 2 years it will become 4 million. But when you look at the city of Bethlehem and what is happening there, you have a city surrounded from all directions by the wall, a built up wall around the north, a wall under construction in the west, and 2 other walls being planned (one under construction, and the other isn’t). So this city will be totally surrounded by walls. And Jerusalem, which used to make up 52% of Palestine’s tourism industry, is totally annexed by walls to Israel. So they have totally destroyed this sector of tourism in Bethlehem and Jerusalem.

Here at this conference (PIC), and since the Annapolis conference (in November, 2007), they are promoting a joint tourist project internationally which focuses on pilgrims. But these pilgrims will come to stay mainly in Israeli hotels. They will go for a couple of hours, or maybe 2 nights, to Bethlehem to visit the churches, and then back again to the Israeli hotels. When the wall is finished around Bethlehem, no tourist will be in Bethlehem if the Israelis don’t let them in.

The best example is this conference itself taking place in Bethlehem. All the invitees had to receive permits from the Israelis to participate in the conference. For example, people from Gaza had to apply for an Israeli permit to come to the West Bank. Businesspeople from the north of the West Bank needed permits to enter Bethlehem to join the conference. International, foreign, and Arab delegations also needed permits from the Israelis to be able to come to this conference. So this issue will remain under the Israeli control.

Unfortunately, the only thing that the P.A (Palestinian Authority) is mentioning in the tourism project is beautifying the military checkpoints, and making them friendlier by distributing chocolate or cards to people coming through them.

So in general, this will do two things. The first is that Bethlehem tourism depends on foreign pilgrims who are under Israeli control. The second is that this project totally ignores internal or domestic tourism. For example, the Christians who live in the Jenin district in the north of the West Bank are not able to join Christian ceremonies such as New Year or Christmas in Bethlehem because of the checkpoints. So instead of calling for removing checkpoints to allow this domestic tourism, they completely ignore that to talk about foreign pilgrims who are coming from outside the West Bank.

Aaron: The report also mentions the World Bank, and the role that it has played in development projects in Palestine. The World Bank plays quite a large role in development throughout the world, sometimes not to the benefit of local communities. Can you talk a bit about institutions like the World Bank, the role that they’ve played in Palestine, and whether you see that role as a positive thing or a negative thing?

Dawood: As I said, none of these projects (being discussed at the PIC) are new. But the new thing is that more and more they are trying to legitimize the occupation procedures and the whole apartheid system which has been built here in the West Bank.

The World Bank is one of the main institutions that have a major role in this. Since the 90’s, and since the beginning of Oslo, the international community was saying that the only viability which will be allowed for the Palestinians with a state or authority in the region is doing a joint project with the Israelis, and not an independent economical project. This remained a general feature of politicians or institutions such as the Rand corporation in the USA and other research centers. But it was not developed to on-the-ground plans in detail and how these projects should be implemented.

Then the World Bank came in. In December 2004, the World Bank distributed a document talking about the Palestinian economy. It touched mainly on three sectors; the industrial sector, water, and electricity. And the summary of the three sectors was clearly that there is no hope for any independent Palestinian economy, and the only way was to build joint projects with the Israelis. And since then, everything planned here in the West Bank has been based on this summary. The Israeli procedures on the ground are based on this plan. For example, they announced the expansion of most of the industrial settlements in the West Bank, to include more Palestinian labor.
They started launching “border industrial zones” – industrial zones between the wall and the Green Line. Now they are talking with the PA about joint border industrial zones in the same zones as the wall.

The World Bank is not only promoting, but also building in the same strategy and trying to promote it internationally as a peace-building project. And now, the so-called Palestinian Development Plan is being discussed at the PIC in Bethlehem. It is programmed and designed with consultants from the World Bank and the British Development and Investment Institution, a semi-governmental institution.

Aaron: In the statement, Stop the Wall says, “while peace talks have stalled, development projects continue that implicitly recognize expanded borders, annexations and settlements.” Given the fact that the PA, along with the Israeli government of Ehud Olmert, and the Quartet for Middle East Peace are pushing toward a two-state solution that we could even see by the end of 2008 if everything goes according to their plans, can you talk about this investment conference in the context of these peace talks and Palestine having its own state.

Dawood: Again, since Oslo, these peace talks were aiming to achieve a two-state solution. But there was a big shift in 2003 when they began seriously discussing a Palestinian state. The funny thing is that from 2003 until today, the international community, the politicians, and even unfortunately some Palestinian politicians are talking about a viable Palestinian state with continuity. Until today, you will hardly find a politician mentioning the Palestinian state. They are always connecting it to viability and (territorial) continuity, which is really weird, because the definition of a state if you look in any dictionary should be viability and continuity. But insisting on mentioning these two terms along with the Palestinian state raised many questions about these negotiations.

The terminology continued in this way until February 2005, when Ariel Sharon announced his disengagement plan in the Gaza Strip. And within this disengagement plan, the Israeli government published for the first time the official maps for the wall, for the security zones, for the military zones, and so on. It became clearer what their plans were for the West Bank.

And the Israeli expectations were that this wall would be finished by the end of 2008. So on the remaining parts of the West Bank, which is 54% of the total land which will remain in ghettos, surrounded by walls in all directions, this remaining land they will allow an announcement of a Palestinian state.

But again, we are talking about around 22 isolated ghettos with no land, no resources, no border, and no real continuity. That is why they had to talk about continuity and viability. The viability is these joint economic projects which are being discussed at this moment in the Bethlehem conference.

So this is the relationship between the Bethlehem conference and the peace negotiations which are happening now.

They expect that there will be a group of Palestinian, Israeli, and international businessmen who will join each other and build a group of industrial zones, and a group of agro-industrial zones. The Palestinians living in these ghettos will start working in these industrial zones. They expect that in 15 years, there will be around 500 000 Palestinian workers working in these industrial areas. This is the only viability that the Israeli and the Quartet are allowing for the Palestinians in these negotiations.

Aaron: Can you talk about what you see as a more viable solution than the PIC? What needs to happen in Palestine to attain real economic security?

Dawood: There are two solutions. We need to start talking about a one-state solution, where everyone has equal rights whether you are Jewish, Christian, Muslim, or otherwise. The other thing is that if they still insist on talking about a two-state solution, then the first step should be totally ending the occupation in the West Bank and Gaza, meaning evacuating the settlements and the Israelis retreating to the 1967 borders. They need to give the PA the full political control and responsibility on this area. Then, if the Palestinian state later decided to do a joint project, then that’s its own business.

– Aaron Lakoff is an independent journalist from Montreal, Canada, currently volunteering with the IMEMC in Palestine. He can be reached at aaron (at) resist.ca.

Haaretz – Panel: Ultra-Orthodox settlement should be city, despite illegal construction

By Akiva Eldar, published in Haaretz.

To view original article click here

The ultra-Orthodox settlement of Modi’in Illit in the West Bank should be granted city status despite suspicions that its council members were involved in authorizing illegal construction, an ad hoc committee set up by the Interior Ministry has recommended.

The committee’s decision contradicts expert opinions that severely criticized Modi’in Illit’s council for its involvement in approving the construction of Matityahu East, a new neighborhood that borders the Palestinian town of Bil’in.

Construction of Matityahu East was brought to a halt about two years ago after a petition filed by Peace Now and Bil’in residents to the High Court of Justice, claiming that the project lacked proper permits.

“[The petition] has exposed a serious phenomenon of building without plans or permits, or with permits issued devoid of a complete plan,” the High Court justices wrote.

During the committee’s hearings, the city council comptroller and Interior Ministry officials severely criticized Modi’in Illit’s council. A representative of the Israel Defense Forces, meanwhile, told the committee that the city was in a “state of lawlessness.”

One of the committee’s two members, however, is suspected of being in a conflict of interest. Committee member Zvi Cohen, the mayor of the nearby ultra-Orthodox town of Elad, recently told a local weekly newspaper that he has close ties to Rabbi Yitzhak Guterman, the mayor of Modi’in Illit.

“We have loose ties [to Guterman] due to a number of common interests that aren’t necessarily related to our geographic proximity,” Cohen told the paper.

Criticism of the construction of Matityahu East, which envisions 42 buildings containing around 1,500 apartments, began in September 2004.

Moshe Moskowitz of the Civil Administration, the highest authority for planning and construction in the West Bank, wrote to the Modi’in council comptroller that the council authorized the project even though it was beyond its jurisdiction.

“Construction authorization for the new project of Matityahu East was no doubt given against the instructions of the existing [master] plan and therefore was not within the licensing authority’s power,” Moskowitz wrote.

The petitioners’ attorney, Michael Sfard, who asked that construction be halted, said the planning authorities knew about the illegal circumstances and did nothing to stop the project.

“The takeover of the lands was carried out by a conspiracy involving private developers and Israeli authorities. Thus, criminal companies that stole private Palestinian lands won the protection of the fence – which was intended as a means of security and became a tool for annexation – as well as backing from the planning authorities, whose approval laundered the offenses,” Sfard wrote.

In the decision to legalize construction of the new neighborhood, the Supreme Planning Council for Judea and Samaria conceded that it had no master plan for Modi’in Illit, but cited an exception in Jordanian law – the basis for Israeli law in the West Bank – by which small communities do not require a master plan for the construction of new neighborhoods.

According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, Modi’in Illit had 33,200 residents as of September 2006.

PCHR FACTSHEET: Extra-Judicial Executions of Palestinians by the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) January– March 2008.

PCHR FACTSHEET: Extra-Judicial Executions of Palestinians by the Israeli
Occupation Forces (IOF) January– March 2008.

To download the full factsheet from PCHR, click here

The Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) continue to implement a systematic policy of extra-judicial executions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). From the beginning of the second Intifada in September 2000 until the end of March 2008, the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) have extra-judicially executed 724 Palestinian men, women and children.

IOF claim these Palestinians are wanted by the Israel security services, and have been “targeted” because they pose serious threats to Israel’s security. The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) has investigated and documented these extra-judicial executions in depth. The Centre has concluded that the IOF has consistently acted with utter disregard for the lives of Palestinian civilians in the OPT, and continues to carry out state sanctioned extra-judicial executions, thereby consistently violating international human rights law.

IOF utilize a host of rhetorical terms, such as “self defence, military response, Palestinian terrorists/ militants” in order to claim these extra-judicial executions are essential preventative responses which ensure the continuing security of the State of Israel. However, the facts on the ground reveal although in the overwhelming majority of cases the Palestinian suspects could have been arrested, no efforts were made to either apprehend or arrest them, and they were instead extra-judicially executed. IOF continue to employ the rhetoric of national security in order to justify why it extra-judicially executes suspects, as opposed to apprehending, arresting and questioning them according to due process. Since September 2000, in addition to executing almost 500 suspects, the IOF has also executed 228 civilian bystanders, including 77 children, who were not suspected of having committed any crimes.

During the first quarter of 2008 (January 1- March 31, 2008) the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) documented the extra-judicial executions of 32 Palestinians by IOF in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Twenty six of the victims were specifically targeted by the IOF – nineteen were targeted in the Gaza Strip and seven in the West Bank. In addition, six bystanders were killed during the carrying out of these extra-judicial execution operations in the Gaza Strip.

PCHR reiterates that the IOF policy of extra-judicial executions in the OPT is illegal under international human rights law. This is made explicit in the (1949) Fourth Geneva Convention (Article 3 (d)) which states that “the passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions without previous judgement pronounced by a regularly constituted court affording all the judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples” is prohibited at any time and in any place “whatsoever.” In addition, Article 32 of the same Convention states,

“The High Contracting Parties specifically agree that each of them is prohibited from taking any measure of such a character as to cause the physical suffering or extermination of protected persons in their hands. This prohibition applies not only to murder, torture, corporal punishment, mutilation and medical or scientific experiments not necessitated by the medical treatment of a protected person, but also to any other measures of brutality whether applied by civilian or military agents.”

J-Post: Quiet inauguration for West Bank police HQ

By Etgar Lefkovits, published in the Jerusalem Post on 20th May 2008. To view original article click here

A new police station has quietly opened in E1, an area between Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement of Ma’ale Adumim that has been a subject of continuing controversy.

The station, which will serve as the new Israel Police headquarters in the West Bank, is already being used, and 99 percent of the police units have already moved in, Judea and Samaria police spokesman Danny Poleg said Monday.

The heavily-guarded station, which is located up a winding barren hilltop on the outskirts of Ma’ale Adumim, appeared to be fully operative on Monday.

A journalist who came to the site was not allowed to enter the station’s gated compound. Israel Police: Judea and Samaria District read a huge sign at the entrance to the site.

The official inauguration of the site was abruptly postponed in March, and an opening ceremony has still not been set, officials said Monday.

At the time, the Internal Security Ministry had cited “technical and bureaucratic reasons” for the postponement, which coincided with a visit by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to Jerusalem and the West Bank.

The US has strongly opposed any Israeli construction plans in the area.

Ma’ale Adumim Municipality spokesman Hezky Zissman said Monday that all municipal permits were now in order, and that the site has been operational for the last two weeks.

The station, whose construction was approved by the government in 2005, will replace the dilapidated station in east Jerusalem which has served as the headquarters for the West Bank police for decades.

Three years ago, the government of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon promised the Americans to freeze a contested major residential construction project in E1, but continued to build the police station.

The long-planned construction of 3,500 housing units is part of a decade-old government plan for E1, which would link the major suburban Jerusalem settlement to the capital.

The proposal had been subject to fierce Palestinian opposition because it would complete a circle of Jewish settlement around east Jerusalem, cutting it off from the West Bank.

Amid Palestinian protest and international opposition, the Americans also voiced their opposition to the construction plan in meetings with Israeli officials.

In 2005, when final approval of the plan seemed imminent, Israel agreed to American demands for a building freeze.

Despite international criticism, Israel has pledged to continue building in east Jerusalem as well as in the major settlement blocs in the West Bank, even as a construction freeze continues elsewhere in the territories.

Olmert has said that building in Jerusalem and the West Bank population centers are “not in the same status” as construction elsewhere in the West Bank.

Israel plans to keep several major settlement blocs – including Ma’ale Adumim – as part of any final peace treaty with the Palestinians.

The road map calls on Israel to halt settlement activity in the West Bank, while requiring the Palestinians to dismantle terror groups.

Meanwhile, the soon-to-be-vacated former site of the police station in east Jerusalem, which is located on privately-owned Jewish land, is expected to be handed over to a right-wing Jewish group, which plans to settle Jewish residents in the area, officials said.

Counterpunch: Paramilitary police attack Al-Nakba march

By Jonathan Cook in Nazareth

To view original article, published in Counterpunch on the 16th May 2008, click here

It has been a week of adulation from world leaders, ostentatious displays of military prowess, and street parties. Heads of state have rubbed shoulders with celebrities to pay homage to the Jewish state on its 60th birthday, while a million Israelis reportedly headed off to the country’s forests to enjoy the national pastime: a barbecue.

But this year’s Independence Day festivities have concealed as much as they have revealed. The images of joy and celebration seen by the world have failed to acknowledge the reality of a deeply divided Israel, shared by two peoples with conflicting memories and claims to the land.

They have also served to shield from view the fact that the Palestinians’ dispossession is continuing in both the occupied territories and inside Israel itself. Far from being a historical event, Israel’s “independence” — and the ever greater toll it is inflicting on the Palestinian people — is very much a live issue.

Away from the cameras, a fifth of the Israeli population — more than one million Palestinian citizens — remembered al-Nakba, the Catastrophe of 1948 that befell the Palestinian people as the Jewish state was built on the ruins of their society.

As it has been doing for the past decade, Israel’s Palestinian minority staged an alternative act of commemoration: a procession of families, many of them refugees from the 1948 war, to one of more than 400 Palestinian villages erased by Israel in a monumental act of state vandalism after the fighting. The villages were destroyed to ensure that the 750,000 Palestinians expelled from the state under the cover of war never return.

But in a sign of how far Israel still is from coming to terms with the circumstances of its birth, this year’s march was forcibly broken up by the Israeli police. They clubbed unarmed demonstrators with batons and fired tear gas and stun grenades into crowds of families that included young children.

Although most of the refugees from the 1948 war — numbering in their millions — ended up in camps in neighbouring Arab states, a few remained inside Israel. Today one in four Palestinian citizens of Israel is either a refugee or descended from one. Not only have they been denied the right ever to return to their homes, like the other refugees, but many live tantalisingly close to their former communities.

The destroyed Palestinian villages have either been reinvented as exclusive Jewish communities or buried under the foliage of national forestation programmes overseen by the Jewish National Fund and paid for with charitable donations from American and European Jews.

There have been many Nakba processions held over the past week but the march across fields close by the city of Nazareth was the only one whose destination was a former Palestinian village now occupied by Jews.

The village of Saffuriya was bombed from the air for two hours in July 1948, in one of the first uses of air power by the new Jewish state. Most of Saffuriya’s 5,000 inhabitants fled northwards towards Lebanon, where they have spent six decades waiting for justice. But a small number went south towards Nazareth, where they sought sanctuary and eventually became Israeli citizens.

Today they live in a neighbourhood of Nazareth called Safafra, after their destroyed village. They look down into the valley where a Jewish farming community known as Zippori has been established on the ruins of their homes.

This year’s Nakba procession to Saffuriya was a small act of defiance by Palestinian citizens in returning to the village, even if only symbolically and for a few hours. The threat this posed to Israeli Jews’ enduring sense of their own exclusive victimhood was revealed in the unprovoked violence unleashed against the defenceless marchers, many of them children.

Like many others, I was there with a child — my five-month-old daughter. Fortunately, for her and my sake, we left after she grew tired from being in the heat for so long, moments before the trouble started.

When we left, things were entirely peaceful. Nonetheless, as we drove away, I saw members of a special paramilitary police unit known as the Yassam appearing on their motorbikes. The Yassam are effectively a hit squad, known for striking out first and asking questions later. Trouble invariably follows in their wake.

The events that unfolded that afternoon have been captured on mostly home-made videos that can be viewed on the internet, including here. The context for understanding these images is provided below in accounts from witnesses to the police attack:

Several thousand Palestinians, waving flags and chanting Palestinian songs, marched towards a forest planted on Saffuriya’s lands. Old people, some of whom remembered fleeing their villages in 1948, were joined by young families and several dozen sympathetic Israeli Jews. As the marchers headed towards Saffuriya’s spring, sealed off by the authorities with a metal fence a few years ago to stop the villagers collecting water, they were greeted with a small counter-demonstration by right-wing Israeli Jews.

They had taken over the fields on the other side of the main road at the entrance to what is now the Jewish community of Zippori. They waved Israeli flags and sang nationalist Hebrew songs, as armed riot police lined the edge of the road that separated the two demonstrations.

Tareq Shehadeh, head of the Nazareth Culture and Tourism Association whose parents were expelled from Saffuriya, said: “There were some 50 Jewish demonstrators who had been allowed to take over the planned destination of our march. Their rights automatically trumped ours, even though there were thousands of us there and only a handful of them.”

The police had their backs to the Jewish demonstrators while they faced off with the Palestinian procession. “It was as if they were telling us: we are here only for the benefit of Jews, not for you,” said Shehadeh. “It was a reminder, if we needed it, that this is a Jewish state and we are even less welcome than usual when we meet as Palestinians.”

The marchers turned away and headed uphill into the woods, to a clearing where Palestinian refugees recounted their memories.

When the event ended in late afternoon, the marchers headed back to the main road and their cars. In the police version, Palestinian youths blocked the road and threw stones at passing cars, forcing the police to use force to restore order.

Dozens of marchers were injured, including women and children, and two Arab Knesset members, Mohammed Barakeh and Wassel Taha, were bloodied by police batons. Mounted police charged into the crowds, while stun grenades and tear gas were liberally fired into fields being crossed by families. Eight youths were arrested.

Shehadeh, who was close to the police when the trouble began, and many other marchers say they saw the Jewish rightwingers throwing stones at them from behind the police. A handful of Palestinian youngsters responded in kind. Others add that the police were provoked by a young woman waving a Palestinian flag.

“None of the police were interested in stopping the Jews throwing stones. And even if a few Palestinian youths were reacting, you chase after them and arrest them, you don’t send police on mounted horseback charging into a crowd of families and fire tear gas and stun grenades at them. It was totally indiscriminate and reckless.”

Clouds of gas enveloped the slowest families as they struggled with their children to take cover in the forest.

Therese Zbeidat, a Dutch national who was there with her Palestinian husband Ali and their two teenage daughters, Dina and Awda, called the experiences of her family and others at the hands of the police “horrifying”.

“Until then it really was a family occasion. When the police fired the tear gas, there were a couple near us pushing a stroller down the stony track towards the road. A thick cloud of gas was coming towards us. I told the man to leave the stroller and run uphill as fast as he could with the baby.

“Later I found them with the baby retching, its eyes streaming and choking. It broke my heart. There were so many families with young children, and the police charge was just so unprovoked. It started from nothing.”

The 17-year-old boyfriend of Therese Zbeidat’s daughter, Awda, was among those arrested. “It was his first time at any kind of nationalist event,” she said. “He was with his mother, and when we started running up the hill away from the police on horseback, she stumbled and fell.

“He went to help her and the next thing a group of about 10 police were firing tear gas cannisters directly at him. Then they grabbed him by the keffiyah [scarf] around his neck and pulled him away. All he was doing was helping his mother!”

Later, Therese and her daughters thought they had made it to safety only to find themselves in the midst of another charge from a different direction, this time by police on foot. Awda was knocked to the ground and kicked in her leg, while Dina was threatened by a policeman who told her: “I will break your head.”

“I’ve been on several demonstrations before when the police have turned nasty,” said Therese, “but this was unlike anything I’ve seen. Those young children, some barely toddlers, amidst all that chaos crying for their parents – what a way to mark Independence Day!”

Jafar Farah, head of the political lobbying group Mossawa, who was there with his two young sons, found them a safe spot in the forest and rushed downhill to help ferry other children to safety.

The next day he attended a court hearing at which the police demanded that the eight arrested men be detained for a further seven days. Three, including a local journalist who had been beaten and had his camera stolen by police, were freed after the judge watched video footage of the confrontation taken by marchers.

Farah said of the Independence Day events: “For decades our community was banned from remembering publicly what happened to us as a people during the Nakba. Our teachers were sacked for mentioning it. We were not even supposed to know that we are Palestinians.

“And in addition, the police have regularly used violence against us to teach us our place. In October 2000, at the start of the intifada, 13 of our unarmed young men were shot dead for demonstrating. No one has ever been held accountable.

“Despite all that we started to believe that Israel was finally mature enough to let us remember our own national tragedy. Families came to show their children the ruins of the villages so they had an idea of where they came from. The procession was becoming a large and prominent event. People felt safe attending.

“But we were wrong, it seems. It looked to me very much like this attack by the police was planned. I think the authorities were unhappy about the success of the processions, and wanted them stopped.

“They may yet win. What parent will bring their children to the march next year knowing that they will be attacked by armed police?”

Jonathan Cook is a journalist and writer based in Nazareth (www.jkcook.net).