Non-violent Bil’in activist Ayad Burnat, released on bail

by the ISM media team, November 28th


from a demonstration on 8th September this year

Bil’in peace activist Ayad Burnat, who was arrested at a peaceful demonstration in Bil’in last Friday has been released from Ofer military prison on NIS 4,000 bail. He was detained for four days on the false charges of violating a military order, causing property damage to the apartheid wall and assaulting a military officer. The IOF has yet to issue an indictment or any evidence of these charges.

During the almost two-year long campaign of weekly protests against the apartheid wall cutting though their land, countless villagers from Bil’in have been targetted for arrest by the IOF. Last week four non-violent activists were seized from their homes in the middle of the night by the IOF and held for nearly 24 hours ‘for a chat’ about their role in the weekly protests. Despite this campaign of intimidation the spirit of resistance in Bil’in refuses to die.

Soccer showdown shakes shuhada street

by ISM Hebron, November 28th

On Sunday, at around 2:30pm, three neighborhood kids came by our place for the afternoon soccer game they’d scheduled with us. I was not planning on playing, and I am no good at soccer, but playing against 11-year-olds evens the odds a bit. So we bought two soccer balls, pumped them up, and headed straight for the flattest part of this neighborhood — Shuhada Street.

Once a lively neighborhood shopping area, Shuhada Street and the surrounding area got a lot quieter after the Baruch Goldstein massacre in 1994 *. The old city market around the corner was shut down in 1997, roadblocks were placed on Shuhada Street in 2001, and the area was finally closed by military order in 2002. At one end of Shuhada Street is the Tel Rumeida checkpoint, and at the other end is the Beit Hadassah, Jews-only settlement. Some of the houses here are, on occasion, used by the Israeli military, but many are kept empty. This place, like much of the old city, is a ghost town — even the people who live in the area don’t play or hang out here.

We didn’t even get three kicks in before Israeli soldiers told us to stop. Of course we didn’t take them too seriously at first (who the hell has a problem with soccer?) and kept on aimlessly kicking around. The soldiers got more insistent so we stopped what we were doing; as some of us moved the game to the top of very steep hill, the rest stayed to negotiate and argue. “These kids live here, and you’re telling them that they can’t play here? Where else are they supposed to play?”

To this, the soldier –an American serving in the Israeli military– responded, “For you to try to make the children play here is very irresponsible. This is seen as provocative, you know. The Jews see a crowd of Arabs and they will then throw stones, just as when Arabs see a crowd of Jews they will throw stones. My job is to keep the peace here and protect the Jews. You can go play at the top of the street.” He said this despite the fact that the soldiers regularly allow the Jewish settlers to play in their army posts at the top of Tel Rumeida street, right next to Palestinian homes.

And so began another stupid, pointless verbal confrontation.


The daily view of Shuhada street under occupation

As some human rights workers attempted to negotiate with the soldiers on the scene and their superiors on the telephone, the rest of us went to the top of the hill on Tel Rumeida Street to start a game with some teenagers. Incidentally, a couple of weeks ago, the soldiers prohibited the kids from playing at the top of the hill — exactly where they told us to go play this time. We divided into mixed groups of three for “winner stays loser leaves;” for every goal scored, the losing team would be replaced by another team; in short, each team plays until they are scored against.

With all the action up at the top of the hill, I had totally forgotten all about Shuhada street until an American human rights worker came up the street to tell us that, after 90 minutes, the DCO (District Co-ordination Office, the civilian administration wing of the Israeli military in the West Bank) verified her claim —that the kids had every right to play on their own street. At that the soldiers relented.

During this time, though, the soldiers had told the kids they couldn’t play on Shuhada street and shooed them away, so we figured that a few of us would go down and kick the ball around ourselves, so we did. After a few minutes, a couple of kids approached —with some noticeable trepidation– and joined in. Bit by bit, the Shuhada street kids, after seeing that it was okay to play here, came out of their houses and joined in. Bit by bit, passers-by stopped to crack a smile and maybe even kick a ball.

Within 15 minutes the neighborhood kids from this block were doing something they haven’t done in AGES — playing on their own streets. It may have taken a bunch of pushy internationals with cell phones to get a green light, but it took the Shuhada street kids to transform their neighborhood from a militarized ghost town into the best soccer field in Hebron.

Goal after goal under a setting sun, I saw six soldiers watching the game from their checkpoint and thought, “how could anyone see anything wrong in what these kids are doing?” I hope that some hearts were touched — I can’t imagine how anyone could find fault with what they tried to stop, and I never will. Maybe the soldiers looked down the street and thought, “man, those kids have every right to be here, and we were wrong to stop it.” Maybe they looked down Shuhada Street and saw something beautiful.

* Baruch Goldstein was a Jewish fundamentalist settler from America who in 1994 killed 29 Palestinians at prayer in the Ibrahimi mosque in Hebron.

Carmel-Agrexco’s UK headquarters blockaded for the third time

from Indymedia UK, November 27th

For the second time this year [previous action], Palestine Solidarity activists blockaded Israeli company Carmel-Agrexco’s UK headquarters in Hayes, Middlesex, in the early morning of 26 Nov 2006 [press release]. The action was part of an ongoing non-violent protest against recurrent breaches of human rights and international law in the occupied territories of Palestine and to highlight Agrexco’s illegal activity in court.

The blockaders braved torrential rain for nearly 6 hours, completely stopping all deliveries to and from the depot. A structure was erected from metal fence panels, blocking Agrexco’s main gate. Two activists were locked onto the company’s vehicle access gate, inside the company grounds, while another two secured the second gate.

Once again, Agrexco made a decision not to prosecute the blockaders for fear of the negative publicity another court case could generate [see previous trial].


Do you think the police don’t want people to see the banner!

Carmel-Agrexco in Hayes is the main UK depot of Israel’s 50% state-owned export company. Agrexco is responsible for exporting the majority of fruit and veg from illegal settlements in the West Bank to the UK. The UK is a large part of the market for settlement produce, making up 60% of Agrexco’s total exports.

Agrexco profit from Israel’s illegal occupation and entrenched system of apartheid in the occupied Palestinian territories. In the Jordan Valley region of the occupied West Bank, Agrexco cultivate stolen Palestinian land while Palestinians work for them for less than a living wage. Carmel-Agrexco can deliver fruit and veg to Europe in 24 hours while the produce of Palestinian farmers rots in the fields because the farmers are prevented from bringing it through Israeli military checkpoints.

Text of letter to Carmel-Agrexco
Report on Carmel’s involvement in the Jordan Valley
War on Want’s report: Profiting from the Occupation

Apartheid wall legitimized by Israeli supreme court

Haaretz: “Court rejects petition to change route of J’lem envelope fence”

by Yuval Yoaz, November 26th

An expanded panel of nine High Court of Justice judges, headed by retired Supreme Court president Aharon Barak, on Sunday rejected petitions claiming the route of the West Bank separation fence near the village of Bir Naballah, north of Jerusalem, is illegal.

The judges said they were persuaded the route of the fence is based on security considerations rather than political motivations.

The judges noted, however, that the present petitions did not fully examine the ‘gates regime,’ under which the army has promised to operate agricultural gates that would allow farmers to pass in order to work on their lands.

“The petitioners retain the right to petition the court again if they are not satisfied by the arrangements in place,” the judges’ statement said.

The fence near Bir Naballah is part of the “Jerusalem envelope,” the section of the separation fence surrounding Jerusalem.

The “Bir Naballah enclave” was formed when the north section of the Jerusalem envelope was erected, leaving five villages – Bir Naballah, Beit Hanina, El-Jib, Al-Jadira, Qalandiyah – trapped between the fence’s route and Jerusalem’s municipal border.

The five villages have a total population of about 16,500 residents, some of whom carry Israeli identification cards.

The fence encircles the five villages, but roads are being paved to connect them to the areas of Ramallah and Beit Surik in the West Bank, in order to preserve the residents’ way of life. The roads are scheduled for completion within a month.

Three of the petitions were presented by residents of the villages, who claim the fence violates international law and goes against the High Court ruling that found parts of the fence near Beit Surik and the Alfei Menashe settlement to be illegal.

The Council for Peace and Security proposed an alternative route for the fence, but it was rejected as well.

“We don’t have the liberty of preferring the notion of security proposed by the Council for Peace and Security – we must place the military commander’s opinion at the root of our verdict,” Barak said.

“It is clear the military commander went to great efforts in planning the fence in a manner that would limit the harm to the residents of the Bir Naballah enclave as much as possible.”

Barak admitted that were the roads not being paved, the court’s decision on the Bir Naballah enclave would match its decision on the Alfei Menashe enclave, branding the fence invalid.

The petitioners claimed that the considerations behind the fence are political rather than security-minded, and that the fence’s purpose is to “annex Givat Ze’ev and the nearby Israeli communities to the jurisdiction of Jerusalem.”

The roads being paved would, in their opinion, would have “demeaning results and lead to a reality of a ruling people and a ruled people; a people driving on highways and a people imprisoned behind fences, with driving trenches and sunken roads.”

The High Court also rejected petitions by Givat Ze’ev residents and their municipality demanding that the fence be pushed farther from their territory, into the Arab villages.

Ynet: “Politics of uncertainty”

by Laila al-Hadad, November 27th,

Hope gives way to disappointment as Palestinians wait for crossing to open

My family and I are on our way back to Gaza from the US. We flew in to Cairo last week, and from there embarked on a five hour taxi ride to the border town of al-Arish, 50 km from the border with Gaza.

We rest in al-Arish for the night.

We carried false hopes the night before last, hopes transmitted down the taxi driver’s grapevine, the ones who run the Cairo-Rafah circuit, that the border would open early that morning. So we kept our bags packed, slept early to the crashing of the Mediterranean – the same ones that just a few kilometers down, crashed down on Gaza’s besieged shores.

But it is 4, then 5, then 6 AM, and the border does not open.

And my heart begins to twinge, recalling the last time I tried to cross Rafah; recalling how I could not, for 55 days; 55 days during which my son learned to lift himself up into the world, during which he took his first fleeting steps, in a land which was not ours; 55 days of aloneness and displacement.

The local convenience storeowner tells us he hears the border may open Thursday -“but you know how it is, all rumors.” No one can be certain. Even the Egyptian border officials admit that ultimately, the orders come from the Israeli side.

It’s as though they take pleasure as we languish in the uncertainty. The perpetual never-knowing. As though they intend for us to sit and think and drive ourselves crazy with thought. I call an Israeli military spokesperson, then the Ministry of Defense, who direct me back to the spokesperson’s office, and they to another two offices; I learn nothing.

As an Israeli friend put it, “uncertainty is used as part of the almost endless repertoire of occupation.”

Even the Palestinian soccer team has been unable to leave Gaza because of the Rafah closure, to attend the Asian games. No one is exempt. Peasant or pro-football player, we are equally vulnerable.

Long days

It is now our fifth day in al-Arish. Rafah Crossing has been closed more or less for more than six months, opening only occasionally to let through thousands of stranded Palestinians. And then it closes again.

Every night, it’s the same ritual. We pack all our things, sleep early, and wake up at 5 to call the border.

We’ve rented a small beachside vacation flat here. They are cheap – cheaper than Cairo, and certainly cheaper than hotels, and are usually rented out to Palestinians like us, waiting for the border to open. Its low season now, and the going rate is a mere USD 12 a night.

In the summer, when the border was closed, rates jumped to a minimum of USD 35 a night -and that’s if you could find an available flat. We can afford it. But for many Palestinians who come to Egypt for medical treatment, and without large amounts of savings, even this meager rental fee can begin to add up.

Palestinian slum

During times of extended closure, like this summer, and last year, al-Arish becomes a Palestinian slum. Thousands of penniless Palestinians, having finished their savings and never anticipating the length of the closure, end up on the streets.

In response, the Egyptian police no longer allow Palestinians driving up from Cairo past the Egyptian port city of al-Qantara if the border is closed and al-Arish becomes too crowded.

“They turn it into a ghetto. That and the Israelis didn’t want them blowing up holes in the border again to get through,” explains the taxi driver nonchalantly.

Young Palestinian men on their way to Gaza have it worse off: They are confined to the Cairo Airport or the border itself, under military escort – and only after surrendering their passports.

No one cares

We go “downtown” today – all of one street – to buy some more food. We are buying in small rations, “just in the case the border opens tomorrow.” I feel like we’ve repeated that refrain a hundred times already. I go and check my email. I feel very alone; no one cares, no one knows, no one bothers to know. This is how Palestinian refugees must feel every day of their lives.

I read the news, skimming every headline and searching for anything about Rafah. Nothing. One piece about the Palestinian soccer team; another about the European monitors renewing their posts for another six months. We do not exist.

If you are “lucky” enough to be stuck here during times of extended closure, when things get really bad – when enough Palestinians die on the border waiting, or food and money are scarce enough for the Red Cross to get involved, then maybe, maybe you’ll get a mention.

And people will remember there are human beings waiting to return home or get out and go about their daily lives and things we do in our daily lives – no matter how mundane or critical those things might be. Waiting to be possessed once again.

But now, after six months, the closure is no longer newsworthy. Such is the state of the media – what is once abhorred becomes the status quo and effectively accepted.

Sieged

It used to be that anyone with an Israeli-issued travel permit or visa could cross Rafah into Gaza – but never refugees of course. Since the Disengagement last year, all that has changed.

With few exceptions (diplomats, UN and Red Cross staff, licensed journalists) no one besides residents of Gaza carrying Israeli-issued IDs can enter Gaza now. No foreigners, no Arabs, no West Bankers, not even spouses of Gaza residents, or Palestinian refugees.

A few more days pass. They seem like years.

For Palestinians, borders are a reminder – of our vulnerability and non-belonging, of our displacement and dispossession. It is a reminder – a painful one – of homeland lost. And of what could happen if what remains is lost again. When we are lost again, the way we lose a little bit of ourselves every time we cross and we wait to cross.

We wait our entire lives, as Palestinians. If not for a border or checkpoint to open, for a permit to be issued, for an incursion to end, for a time when we don’t have to wait anymore.

So it is here, 50 kilometers from Rafah’s border, that I am reminded once again of displacement. That I have become that “displaced stranger” to quote Palestinian poet Mourid Barghouti. Displacement is meant to be something that happens to someone else, he says. How true. To refugees that the world cares to forget. Who have no right of return. Who return to nowhere and everywhere in their minds a million times. When the border closes, we are one day closer to become that.

Of course, that refugee is Yassine, my husband, who cannot even get as far as Egypt to feel alone. Who cannot join me and Yousuf as we journey back and forth through Rafah.

But the Palestinian never forgets his aloneness. He is always, always reminded of it on borders. That, above all, is why I hate Rafah Crossing. That is why I hate borders. They remind me that I, like all Palestinians, belong to everywhere and nowhere at once. They are the Borders of Dispossession.

We’ve packed and unpacked our bags a dozen times. My mother finally gave in and opened hers up in a gesture of frustration – or maybe, pragmatism. It seems like a bad omen, but sometimes things work in reverse here: last time we were stuck waiting for the border to open, when we decided to buy more than a daily portion of food, the border opened.

Everyone is suddenly a credible source on the closure, and eager ears will listen to whatever information they provide.

One local jeweler insisted it would open at 4 PM yesterday – a suggestion that the taxi drivers laughed off; they placed their bets on Thursday – but Thursday has come and gone, and the border is still closed.

Atiya, our taxi driver, says he heard it wouldn’t open until the Muslim pilgrimage (Hajj), a few weeks from now. We’re inclined to believe him – taxi drivers have a vested interest in providing the most reliable information; their livelihood depends on it.

In the end, “security” is all that matters and all that ever will. As Palestinians, we’ve come to despise that word: Security. It is has become a deity more sacred than life itself. In its name, even murder can become a justifiable act.

We sleep, and wake up, and wait for the phone to ring for some news. Every time we receive a knock on the door we rush to see if the messenger brings good tidings. Today? Tomorrow? A week from now?

No, it’s only the local deaf man. He remembers us from last time, offers to take out our trash for some money and food.

We sit and watch the sunset. What does it know of waiting and anticipation and disappointment and hope – a million times in one day?