From The Inside Looking Out: Report-76: For Jews Only

by Jerry Levin, CPT, December 9th

Sooner or later it was bound to happen; and the other day it did. It occurred when I was
attempting to lead a small group of international fact finders down a mile stretch of street along which the four tiny Israeli arch orthodox arch nationalist Israeli squatter-settlements in Hebron are situated. The name of the street is Shuhada Street, and it runs along the western perimeter of the Old City. By the late 1990s all four of the small neo-Jewish neighborhoods had been staked out, firmly established, and built up. Then protected by the Israeli army and police they continued to expand by stealth and force into neighboring Palestinian areas overrunning homes and shops. This despite the fact that Oslo I and II “peace process” bargaining was supposed to have put a lock on squatter-settlement expansion everywhere in the Occupied Territories.

To celebrate and commemorate the so-called Oslo “peace process” in Hebron, USAID, the United States Agency for International Development, poured millions of dollars into improving Shuhada Street for the use of everyone living or visiting there: Palestinians, Israelis, and
Internationals. But CPTers who have been in Hebron since the mid 1990s will tell you that even after the street was rebuilt, squatter-settlers with the connivance of the Israeli military and
police have been giving the bird to USAID and its naïve intentions by trying to make Shuhada Street Arab and interntionaal free…and still are. So, as I was saying, sooner or later it was bound to happen; and just the other day a dreary decade after the big US AID fix-up project, an Israeli sentry, like a puppet on a string relayed telephoned orders from a high ranking army commander that my little group of fact finders had to leave the street because it is “for Jews
only.”

Of course, that is not strictly true, the handful of Palestinians living there, who have not succumbed to the violent pressure to pack up and leave that is constantly being exerted by squatter-settlers as well as their Jewish supporters from out of town, are allowed to stay on. But they must show special identification cards to get into and out of the zone. But no other Palestinians, including relatives, are allowed in; and, of course, while the squatter-settlers are allowed to speed menacingly along the street in their cars, often scattering Palestinians and internationals in their wake, the Palestinians are obliged to carry every thing they need, all the necessities of life, in on foot.

Meanwhile at the end of Shuhada Street where the Ibrahimi Mosque (the site of the tombs of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and their wives) are located, the Israeli army pressured by the squatter-settlers and their supporters outside the city have been successful in breaching
agreements reached years ago as to how many days a year the mosque and the special security zone in which it sits are to be “for Jews only.” The mosque and the area are supposed to be closed to Muslims approximately thirty days a year. The understanding was reached in order to accommodate the large number of ecstatic Jewish visitors that pour into the area on the most significant Jewish religious and festival days.

But over the years the number of “for Jews only” days at the mosque has increased fifty percent, up to approximately forty-five days. Nidal Tamimi, secretary to the Mayor of Hebron, complains that the Israeli military doesn’t just close the mosque and the area to Muslims; they also give the visiting Jewish multitudes free run of the mosque. Loud triumphant singing, clapping, and dancing can be heard coming from inside the normally solemn and prayerfully reverent structure. Meanwhile the Israeli military is allowing Jewish wedding celebrations and other kinds of loud partying to take place in the large garden and open space situated alongside the mosque. Particularly obnoxious to Muslims is the serving of alcohol-based drinks in such a sacred precinct. Moreover, often as the partying progresses, the drinking contributes to an inevitable rising of the noise level. The lavish sound-amplified catered affairs last well into
the night disturbing Muslims families living close by. But there is no authority to which they can turn for help when their peace is thus disturbed.

Squatter-settler children are being raised on the principal that Shuhada Street should be “for Jews only;” and their elders continue to encourage them to do something about it, namely throw rocks – not just stones – at Palestinians and internationals trying to make their way along it. This continues to be a terrible problem for Palestinian boys and girls who must make their way from the Old City or other parts of Hebron into Shuhada Street and then cross it in order to get to school. The problem is especially acute on Saturday, the Jewish Sabbath. Packs of squatter-settler boys on their way to and from religious services at the synagogue that was carved out of the Ibrahimi Mosque in the mid 1990s often gang up on defenseless Palestinian kids usually much younger than themselves. They not only stone the children but often kick and push them down and about as well.

In fact, on Saturday, “Shabbat Shalom,” the ancient Hebrew Sabbath salutation of faith and peace that one hears constantly being uttered along Shuhada Street is the opposite of reassuring to its defenseless Palestinian residents and those trying to help them. On that day the
squatter-settlers exponentially augmented by throngs of visiting often violently militant co-religionists ratchet up their campaigns to emphasize the “for Jews only” character of the neighborhood they would like to impose. Indeed it was a foreign co-religionist not a
squatter-settler who recently seriously injured an international human rights activist on Shuhada Street by hitting her cheek with an empty bottle. It was clear something was up when the visitors started shouting loudly at the internationals. “Do you think Jesus was gay?” and other such taunts. Then some of the men began spitting and kicking the internationals. The sneak attack quickly followed. The international, a teenage girl, was struck hard. Her cheekbone was shattered and required plastic surgery.

Throughout the ordeal the Israeli military and police were ineffectual. After the girl was hurt, the attackers were allowed to stay close by cheering and clapping while attempts were made to attend to the girl’s bloody wound. Others were allowed to stand close enough to her, as she lay prone in the street, so that pictures could be taken of them grinning and giving a gleeful “thumbs up.” Although settler medics refused to give her direct medical attention, an Israeli army medic did. After considerable delay she was taken to a hospital in Jerusalem. Neither the Israeli military nor police interfered with the foreigner responsible for the injury.

In fairness to other Jews present, when a CPTer asked one of the soldiers why the settlers and visitors cheered, he responded somewhat shaken that it was because “someone had been hurt.” Then he added disgustedly, “They are sick.” Also a Jewish onlooker approached the group of internationals huddled around the injured woman and said, “Excuse me. I am sorry. This shouldn’t have happened.”

So much for Shabbat Shalom in Hebron. In fact, one friendly soldier recently advised a CPT colleague to stop wishing settlers passing by a heartfelt and respectful, “Shabbat Shalom.” “You know,” he said quite sincerely, “you shouldn’t say `Shabbat Shalom’ to these people. It only makes them angry.”

To receive CPT Hebron’s weekly reports, news alerts and other messages concerning its violence reduction activities, send your request to be added to its E-mail list to cptheb@palnet.com. And to discover more about Christian Peacemaker Teams, please visit the website at: www.cpt.org.

IOF target Bilin non-violent activist

by the ISM media team, December 8th

UPDATE 7pm Ahmed has been taken from the police station to Ofer military detention centre. He has been accused of damaging the illegal apartheid wall, resisting arrest and being in a Closed Military Zone.

At today’s peaceful demo against the illegal apartheid wall in Bil’in the IOF assaulted and abducted Bil’in peace activist Ahmed Abu Hasssan, 34. Ahmed was attacked by 10 soldiers as he pulled at a razor wire fence that forms part of the illegal wall regime in Bil’in. Female activists who came to his aid were beaten and had their hair pulled by the soldiers. Ahmed was dragged away by soldiers holding him by the scruff of the neck and was then blindfolded. Bil’in residents are targeted every week for arrest due to their role in highlighting the apartheid Israeli occupation.

As protesters marched to the gate in the wall soldiers were occupying the house of a Bilin resident and standing on the roof. After singing and chanting at the gate, some demonstrators protested with banners and flags along the route of the wall whilst others pulled on the razor wire. This led to an immediate display of military force and Ahmed’s arrest.

UN observers and the director of Amnesty International Irene Khan were present in the village during the demonstration and did interviews with villagers and non-violent activists about the Occupation land theft in Bil’in and repression of local residents. Ahmed is only the latest in a long line of Bil’in residents to be abducted and held by the IOF.

Azzun ‘Atma Farmer Resists Land Annexation

by the ISM media team, December 6th


a construction boss with court documents and DCO official talking to Sameh

Azzun ‘Atma farmer Sameh Yousef scored a small victory in his struggle against the theft of his land today when the IOF pledged to erect a fence on the edge of his field rather than 15 metres inside it. The IOF is constructing a second wall around the village of Azzun ‘Atma, 2 kms from the Green Line between the Israeli colonies of Sha’are Tikva and Oranit.

The IOF originally intended to ghettoize Sameh’s land by building a fence on its edge beside a colonialist road, but yesterday construction workers accompanied by soldiers appeared and began digging up his field 15 metres from the road. Sameh grows potatoes and corn on this land. Sameh protested as he had been previously assured the destruction would take place on the edge of his land. When 2 local human rights workers arrived they were threatened with arrest and the confiscation of their photographic equipment. Despite a 100-metre strip of topsoil and crops having been excavated and dumped beside the road Sameh was determined not to accept the loss of 27 dunums of his land and asked HRWs to accompany him the following day to non-violently resist this land theft.


topsoil from Sameh’s land dumped beside the road

Early this morning Sameh arrived at the scene with his two children and 8 HRWs, shortly before the arrival of the construction workers accompanied by the IOF. Once it was clear Sameh was not going to allow the annexation of his land, the DCO was contacted in order to clarify the original illegal order for the construction of the fence. After 6 hours of remonstrating, the DCO arrived to concede defeat in their attempts to annex Sameh’s land and vowed to construct the illegal fence beside the road on the edge of his land. The excavated topsoil and crops were transfered back to their original location.


DCO official and construction worker

Despite a fruitful day of steadfast resistance, it remains to be seen whether the soldiers will keep their word.

WAC: “Beit Hanoun’s wounded at Ichilov Hospital”

by Nir Nader, Workers Advice Centre

Imad Abu Amara leads me through the corridors of the Ted Arison Tower of Ichilov Hospital, to the wounded victims of the massacre at Beit Hanoun. Imad, 50, is not among Beit Hanoun’s wounded. He is from Rafah, and already very familiar with hospital admissions. For 16 years he has been nursing his wife who was traumatized by shelling near their home which killed two and wounded dozens. But now a new slaughter has overshadowed the victims of the last shelling – who now remembers this killing?

On the fifth floor we meet Nahil Athamneh and Abed el-Hakim Athamneh, both Beit Hanoun residents in their forties. On Wednesday the 8th of November, at ten past five in the morning, they woke up in terror to the deafening sound of bombing. “They had never shelled our neighborhood before. The army has been bombing for two years already, but never near us,” Abed el-Hakim says. “The day before, they patrolled our neighborhood, entered houses to check for Qassam rockets, and even joked with us and smoked a narghile [hookah].” He stops talking abruptly and stares at the wall.

Five minutes, twenty killed

“At ten past five the first shell landed,” Nahil continues where Abed el-Hakim stopped. “Within a few seconds we heard shouts. I went outside and saw another shell land, and ran to see what had happened to the people living there. They are all members of my family. I saw them running down the stairs to escape, then a shell caught them, leaving chaos of blood and body parts.”

“I picked up my 12 year old cousin Muhammad Jamal Athamneh and saw that his hand was severed. I put him in a car that was going to the new Beit Hanoun hospital, which was opened just four months ago. Then I came back to pick up someone else, and saw my cousin’s hand on the ground. I ran to the car to put the severed hand in too.

“There was a minute of silence, with only the sounds of the wounded and dust in the air. I ran down the passage between the damaged houses with two friends, Sagar Adwan and Muhammad Athamneh, to take out the wounded, Sagar and Muhammad had already reached the entrance of the house when I suddenly heard the screech of a shell behind me. I crouched against the wall and the shell hit the entrance, killing nine people who were trying to escape, including my two friends.

“There was lots of dust and smoke. It was impossible to enter the houses. Then the first ambulance came. The shells continued to fall. The shelling lasted five minutes and killed 19 people [another died at Ichilov Hospital – N.N.]… Now nobody wants to live in that neighborhood. They are scared there will be more bombings. The neighborhood is empty – everyone has gone to stay with other members of their families,” Nahil adds.

A visit to Tel Aviv

Abed el-Hakim Athamneh came to Ichilov Hospital with his nephew Ahmed Masound Athamneh, 21, who has recently become engaged. He was sleeping when the first shell landed. In the minute before the second shell landed, he was unable to escape with the others and a wall collapsed on top of him. “That is what saved him,” says Abed el-Hakim. Ahmed’s father and three sisters were killed. His mother Jamila is hospitalized in the next room.

He continues “Before the shelling, Beit Hanoun was under curfew for five days. About 2000 men above the age of 16 were arrested from our neighborhood alone. They were handcuffed and blindfolded and taken to be interrogated in the school yard. For five days they questioned them one by one, and released only those whose interrogation was completed.”

Abed el-Hakim Athamneh worked for 14 years in construction in Israel, but since the Intifada he has not worked – six years without work. “They have locked us in a refuse to open the gate. We live off UN contributions. Once a month we get some basic necessities. Israel claims it is shelling because of the Qassams, but it is not us who fire the rockets. At five in the morning we are in bed. They shell innocent people while they sleep,” Abed el-Hakim says.

“It’s the workers who bear the brunt. Not only do they leave us without work – they bomb us too. I worked on many buildings in Tel Aviv. I know the city better than I know Gaza. I used to get up at four in the morning and return home at eight in the evening. I haven’t been in Tel Aviv for six years. I never thought I would return under these circumstances.”

Behind Ahmed’s bed, Tel Aviv’s old northern quarter lies, and in the distance the Mediterranean can be seen. These workers from Beit Hanoun, whom circumstances have reduced to poverty, are stuck in the Gaza Strip and punished by orders forbidding them to reach their places of work. Now the same state the shells them, kills them and wounds them has given them the opportunity to get a glimpse of one of the richest cities in the Middle East.

“He wants us to take him on a tour of the city,” Abed el-Hakim confides as he glances at Ahmed. “We told him to have patience, to wait until he gets better – you can’t leave your bed like that, we said.”

“There are many well-educated people and many workers in Beit Hanoun,” Abed el-Hakim continues. Today they are all unemployed and just want to work. But there is no work. People who once worked for the PA for 1500 shekels a month make do with 400 shekels if they can get it… I use my savings to live. I opened a clothes store three years ago, but a week and a half ago the army smashed the windows and threw hand grenades inside the store. Everything was destroyed. Seven years ago, when my child would ask me for a shekel to buy some candy, I would give him five shekels. Today when he asks for a shekel, I tell him that I’ll give him one later and hope he’ll forget.

“I can’t think of a solution. And there is nobody we can turn to or sue or demonstrate against. There is no PA, no Hamas, no Abu Mazen. We don’t know where all this will lead. We’ve got used to living without any government, without any work and without a solution.”

The Guardian: “There has to be equality”

by Ismail Patel, December 5th

The Arab-Israeli conflict is unlike any other regional conflict. As the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, put it: “No other conflict carries such a powerful symbolic and emotional charge among people far removed from the battlefield.” Not surprisingly, this has had its impact on multicultural Britain, with different communities aligning themselves to varying degrees with the Israeli and Palestinian causes.

Everyone in a democracy has the right to argue for their views and engage in public debate. But there is no equality when it comes to how the British government treats those who want to give physical support to Israel and those who want to do the same for the Palestinians. Such double standards feed resentment in Britain’s Muslim community at the government’s failure to recognise its legitimate grievances, as highlighted in yesterday’s report by the thinktank Demos.

In recent months the media have reported on the recruitment of British Jews to fight in the Israeli army, now in its 40th year of occupation of Palestinian territory in defiance of international law and UN resolutions. Some are intending to emigrate; others to return to Britain after serving in the Israeli army. But we have not had a word of concern from the British government. In the Muslim community, however, the question is widely raised as to how British citizens can travel to another country and fight in its army of illegal occupation without any repercussions. Would that be the case if, say, a young Muslim or Briton of Palestinian origin travelled to the occupied Palestinian territories – let alone occupied Iraq – to protect his or her homeland or co-religionists? Of course not: such volunteers could expect to be arrested under this government’s anti-terrorism legislation as soon as they returned.

These Britons who go to fight for Israel are volunteering to serve in the frontline of Israel’s war in the illegally occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza. Some have acknowledged that they have been or will be engaged in the killing of Palestinians. Under international law they and those who facilitate their enlistment are committing war crimes.

Presumably the politicians’ silence can be explained by Britain’s support for the Israeli government, both diplomatic and military. But how does that sit with the government’s regular homilies to the Muslim community about citizenship and loyalty to the flag? It might be argued that as Israel is a state – unlike the Palestinian Authority or Palestinian political organisations – and Britons are entitled to dual citizenship, with any military-service obligations that entails, there can be no objection. But the fact that the Palestinian people have no state is of course at the heart of this uniquely internationally inflammatory conflict. And those fighting against the illegal occupation of their land are entitled to do so under international law.

The British government’s indifference to this recruitment is feeding the alienation and radicalisation of young Muslims, who can be labelled terrorists for even voicing support for the Palestinians.

Perhaps British citizens should not serve in foreign armies full stop. But the essential point is that there must be equality. If Britons are allowed to join the Israeli army, the same right should be accorded to those – particularly of Palestinian origin – who wish to volunteer to defend lands Israel occupies. Alternatively, both should be barred.

We need a shift in approach at the top. Tony Blair has expressed his desire to bring peace to the Middle East, but his actions – most recently his refusal to condemn Israel’s Beit Hanoun massacre at the UN – scarcely suggest an honest broker. At home and in the Middle East, it is time the British government showed some real even-handedness.

Ismail Patel is chair of the Leicester-based campaign Friends of Al-Aqsa
iap_foa@yahoo.co.uk