2 June | International Solidarity Movement | Dheisha, Bethlehem
On the morning of Thursday the 2nd of June, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) stormed Dheisha refugee camp, south of the West Bank town of Bethlehem, at dawn to arrest several residents. In the process of their operation soldiers shot 29-year-old Ayman Muhaisen with live ammunition several times, after which he succumbed to his wounds. Two other Palestinians were reportedly injured with live ammunition, according to the Red Crescent.
Poster of martyr Ayman Muhaisen
Ayman leaves behind three children, including a 7-month-old son and a daughter who had just graduated from kindergarten a day before. That afternoon, the streets of Dheisha were filled from Ayman’s home across to the cemetery by Artas as thousands came to mourn him and show their defiance in the face of yet another killing. Ayman rests in a cemetery that after the last few years is literally overflowing with martyrs since an IOF commander publicly threatened to disable every youth in the camp in 2019.
Funeral procession of Ayman Muhaisen in Dheisha, West Bank
ISM met with Naji Odeh, director of independent non-profit Laylac organisation, who spoke about the increasing frequency of such raids by the IOF, which have turned particularly deadly in the past few years: “these raids have become a normality in Dheisha, witnessing some 2-3 of these a week”. Ayman’s death exemplifies the brutality of such arrests, in which soldiers do not hesitate to use live ammunition.
A Palestinian youth called Mahmoud took ISM to the location where Ayman was shot just in front of his house, showing us where several bullets made holes in the walls and all across the residential neighbourhood. Just beside the corner where traces of his dried blood could still be seen was a mural with the names and pictures of previous martyrs killed in this area – the last of which, a blank image with a question mark with simply the word مين؟ or who? Inscribed on top. “We never know who will be next. It could be any of us”, Naji said.
Mural of martyrs in Dheisha, West Bank
Naji set up Laylac with the aim of assisting, educating and providing support for young Palestinians from both Dheisha and across the West Bank who have grown up and continue to live in an environment subjected to such brutal outcomes of the Israeli apartheid regime. Reliant on completely independent funding and dozens of volunteers, Laylac has helped children from the refugee camp continue their studies as the coronavirus pandemic halted many educational systems across the West Bank. The organisation also collaborates with several local schools in organising activities from portrait classes to trips abroad to France. Mahmoud, aged 13, and who witnessed the cold-blooded killing of Ayman Muhaisen in today’s morning raid, is one of many students who will travel abroad for the first time in their lives with the help of Laylac.
December 1st | International Solidarity Movement | Al Khalil, occupied Palestine
Last Saturday, November 23rd, was ‘Sarah’s day’, a festivity for the Jewish community that gathers Israeli settlers from all around the occupied Palestinian Territories and Jews travelling from abroad, in the Palestinian city of Al Khalil (also known as Hebron). This year in particular, there has been a special effort by the Hebron Fund to bring as many devotees as possible, who converged in the ‘H2’ zone of Al Khalil, including the old city area and all the surrounding illegal Israeli settlements.
A sign on Shuhada Street, Hebron,
In their daily life, Palestinians’ right of movement in this zone is severely restricted, and at times forbidden. The incoming celebrations worsened, if possible, the situation. In response to the huge influx of settlers and people coming from abroad, military involvement was significantly increased.
The outcome of these three different factors -massive presence of zionists, increased military presence and effective closing down of the area for the Palestinian residents – was a situation in which the incoming crowds were legitimated to do any type of action inside a de-facto ‘amusement-park’, with the complicity of the army, whose effective duty is to control and suppress local people and activists. The situation resembled the conditions under which the first settlement in Hebron was created. In 1968, a group of Israeli zionists reserved hotel rooms in the old city during a Jewish holiday. Their stay evolved into a permanent occupation, protected by Israeli soldiers and endorsed by the Israeli government.
Banner put by zionists during Sarah’s day.
What it was possible to witness from the participants in the Sarah’s day celebrations, seemed to be all the frustration and the rage cumulated during the year, crystallized, materialising into the basest actions, and enabled by an unlimited sense of power. These feelings were exemplified by banners such as “Palestine never existed… and never will” [source: Hebron Fund]. They transformed into overt hostility and aggression against the international activists observing the events. They emerged as physically violent attacks with pepper spray against unarmed Palestinian civilians, including children. This culminated with the stoning of a two-years old sleeping child.
A 2 years old kid stoned by the settlers in Tel Rumeida.
This gathering of zionists seems to flush out all the frustration due to the incompleteness of the apartheid process: the Palestinians in Al Khalil are guilty of not being fully subjugated by the racist policies of the state of Israel, and such a gathering is a good opportunity to remind them of the hierarchy that is supposed to be in place.
In view of all this, several questions are raised.
First of all, of course, why? Why such a rage and such a violent spirit? Does Israel not have enough? Illegally occupying a vast majority of Palestinian land seems not to be sufficient. The real occupation and the true oppression is carried out through the routine and persistent humiliation of Palestinians, and the feeling of impotence with which local people are left after every attack. However, it does not take much time for the Palestinians to resume their usual spirit of resistance. Their resilience is stronger than the fascist soul of a bunch of extremist settlers.
Secondly, what is the role of the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) present there? On
Friday afternoon, a group of almost 150 settlers attacked a barber shop on the way to the Kyriat Arba illegal settlement, assaulting the five people inside with pepper spray, wood and furniture. All around, a huge presence of IOF soldiers; did they stop this fascist aggression?
A couple of hours later, a 12 years old child was attacked by a group of settlers, spraying him with pepper spray and kicking him whilst on the ground. Nearby soldiers were stationed at an observation tower 50 meters away; did the soldiers intervene?
A 12 years old Palestinian kid gased and then kicked by the settlers.
In both cases the soldiers did not stop the violence. They observed, and they waited. They waited and watched while the illegal settlers vented their hatred against the Palestinians. At what expense?
A further, even more extreme example, took place on Saturday afternoon. The family of a Palestinian activist living in the Tel Rumeida neighbour (within the ‘H2’ zone) was gathered together in their home, when a group of settlers climbed on the roof and entered their garden. After shouting verbal abuse, the settlers began to throw stones at the house, the family came outside trying, in vain, to convince them to go away. One of the stones passed, not by chance, through a window and hit the two year old nephew of the activist, who was sleeping inside. The soldiers were on the rooftop, “containing” (i.e. observing) the settlers. A Palestinian ambulance could not reach Tel Rumeida: Palestinians are forbidden to drive inside ‘H2’. The only way for the family of the injured child to get him to safety and medical treatment, was to hold him and run, through the throngs of yelling settlers, towards the closest checkpoint. Then they could only hope for the medics to be able to pass the control and take the child. There are at least two past examples this not being possible. In one case, the victim died waiting at the checkpoint. On this occasion, mercifully the child could reach the ambulance, and the medical staff were able to take him to the waiting ambulance.
Palestinian medical staff trying to pass the check point 56 in order to enter Shuada street.
Hence it seems clear that the role of the IOF is not to prevent clashes. Not even to defend the Israelis. Their role is to indulge the settlers, whatever the price to pay for the others. In their amusement-park there is no place for disrupters, such as activists, adult and child Palestinians, who are systematically and brutally repressed.
IOF during Sarah’s day.
In the end, what should Palestinians do in order not just to be spectators of their own everlasting humiliation? The answer is more complicated than ever. As time passes by, the imbalance of power shifts further away from them, as the recent US declaration highlights. Active resistance is undermined by both the continued oppression of the Israeli police and the internal conflicts within the Palestinians factions. The presence of international activists helps in documenting the constant violations of basic rights, but is certainly not enough to change the inertia of the dynamics. While hope for change by pure political means weakens, space is created for more radical, and sometimes more appealing, answers based on the juxtaposition of Islamist ideas to the zionist arguments. The international powers, focused on the pure capitalistic interest of maintaining good relationships with Israel as an ally, are responsible for this radicalisation. They, and all those who turn a blind eye to the injustices happening here lose the right to judge the Palestinian means of resistance, in the face of an oppression in which they are accomplices.
Israeli plan for the renewed confiscation of lands around Alei Zahav illegal settlement.
The Israeli Occupation Forces have recently announced a new sequence of land seizures in eleven villages in Salfeet (Salfit) District and three in the Qalqilya area of Occupied Palestine. The total amount of land being confiscated, for “military/security” reasons, is the equivalent of nearly one million square metres. 850,000 of this is for the compulsory renewal of notices of land confiscation that had already been issued, the rest is made up of new illegal acquisitions.
Plan for the renewed confiscation of lands around Ari’el illegal settlement.
Residents in the fourteen villages – which include Bruqeen, Iskaka, Deir Istiya and Zawiya – were given notice of the seizures within the last two weeks. They were allowed just seven days to register appeals with the Israeli court. Many were unable to do so within the tight deadline, which required producing notarised copies of land title deeds, and the additional expense of hiring a lawyer to represent them. Based on bitter past experience the majority of residents, however, chose not to register appeals, as the Israeli courts have proven themselves to be completely unwilling previously to overturn any order raised by the military that cite ‘security concerns’.
A view of Marda village, overwhelmed by the Ari’el illegal settlement.
Despite some appeals having been lodged with the court, the Israeli Army has nonetheless continued to occupy the confiscated land in question, and erected fences and other barriers on the disputed new land. Residents can now only gain access to tend crops or pick olives if they apply to the Israeli Army for a permit to enter their own land. This still means they have to pass through checkpoints and face humiliating delays, ID checks, bag searches and body searches.
International Solidarity Movement | Ramallah, occupied Palestine
Like here in Kafr ad-Dik illegal Israeli settlements were built close to the Palestinian farmers land. Settlers are not hesitant to harass and threaten the Palestinian families during the harvest.
Tthe International Solidarity Movement (ISM) is issuing an urgent call for volunteers to join us for the 2018 Olive Harvest Campaign at the invitation of Palestinian communities.
The olive tree is a national symbol for Palestinians. As thousands of olive trees have been bulldozed, uprooted and burned by Israeli settlers and the military —over half a million olive and fruit trees have been destroyed since September 2000—harvesting has become more than a source of livelihood; it has become a form of resistance.
The olive harvest is an annual affirmation of Palestinians’ historical, spiritual, and economic connection to their land, and a rejection of Israeli efforts to seize it. Despite efforts by Israeli settlers and soldiers to prevent them from accessing their land, Palestinian communities have remained steadfast in refusing to give up their olive harvest.
ISM volunteers join Palestinian farming communities “on the ground” each year to harvest olives, in areas where Palestinians face settler and military violence when working their land. Frequently, the Israeli administration sets farmers a very limited access and time to harvest their olives. In some areas, Palestinians face settler and military violence when working their land and harvesting their olives. Your presence can make a big difference, with Palestinian communities stating that the presence of international volunteers reduces the risk of extreme violence from Israeli settlers and the Israeli army.
We support Palestinians’ assertion of their right to earn their livelihoods and be present on their lands. International solidarity activists engage in non-violent intervention and documentation:practical support which enables many families to pick their olives.
The harvest will begin in early-October and run until mid-November. We request a minimum two-week commitment from volunteers but stress that long-termers are needed as well. We kindly ask volunteers to start arriving in the first week of October, so team are trained and well prepared when the harvest begins.
Training
ISM will host mandatory two-day training sessions for prospective volunteers before they do any work on the ground.
Please send an email to ismtraining@riseup.net to register as a volunteer.
Other ways to help: Donate
For those who can’t make it on this period and want to help they can donate or help in fundraising money.
Donating will help provide funds for farmers to hire unemployed Palestinians during olive harvest; especially women with little or no other income, university students wanting to earn money to cover school fees and living expenses, graduates waiting to get a paying job or others in need.
The main benefits of hiring Palestinians for olive harvest include: (1) supporting unemployed workers; (2) encouraging more Palestinians to work the land, to join their neighbours, to support the farmers; (3) getting more people “on the ground” supporting olive harvest, and ensuring a higher proportion of Palestinians to internationals; (4) enabling internationals to focus more on their special role as needed (recording, documentation, protection) versus just harvesting olives.
Your donation would enable ISM to contribute 50% of each wage a farmer pays to otherwise unemployed Palestinians, which will ensure a fair wage to the workers and still be affordable for the farmers. Your donation of US$30-40 or EUR25-35 (both about NIS100-150) can pay the wages of a harvester for one or two days with the contribution of a farmer.
In addition to the olive harvest, there will be opportunities to participate in others kinds of grass-roots, non-violent resistance in Palestine.
ISM maintains a constant presence in Hebron (Al-Khalil), where settler harassment and violence is a regular occurrence. Lately, Israeli army violence has escalated for Palestinians living close to the illegal inner-city settlement. Israeli forces use Palestinian neighborhoods for military training, and heavily repress any form of resistance, responding with collective punishment as they lob dozens of teargas canisters and stun grenades onto Hebron’s population: even schoolchildren. With harassment, humiliation and violence a daily occurrence, ISM is present to document these extremely violent responses, and to serve as a protective presence by joining children and teachers going to school and make sure they return safely (school runs).
Amongst other places, ISM practices documentation and presence in the Jordan Valley, Umm Al-Kheir (South Hebron Hills) and Khan Al-Ahmar to stand up against cleansing.
In addition to these activities, we participate in the weekly demonstrations in different regions in the West Bank, for example in Bel’in and Kafr Qadum where our presence is requested, protesters face excessive force by the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) and are threatened with house demolition orders, all adding up to ethnic cleansing.
Other regions where ISM is asked to participate against the Occupying power’s violations of Human Rights and other International Laws is in Occupied East-Jerusalem and areas in 48.
Experiencing the situation for yourself is vital to adequately convey the reality of life in Palestine to your home communities and to re-frame the debate in a way that will expose Israel’s apartheid policies; creeping ethnic cleansing in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem as well as collective punishment and genocidal practices in Gaza.
Shavei Shomron, an illegal Israeli settlement located to the west of Nablus in the West Bank has advertised a tour of Nablus old city, Tel Balata and Joseph’s Well on the coming Tuesday evening – the 30th of January. According to the advert, the event will start with a meeting in the illegal settlement, before the tour begins at 10.30pm.
Whilst the advert claims that the intention of the meeting and excursion is to learn about the impact of the 1927 earthquake on Nablus’ development, the reality is that these events are excuses to incite violence and increase tension in the community. According to international law all West Bank settlements are illegal and Palestinians face increasing violence at the hands of the settlers, yet their infractions are rarely punished.
A similar excursion took place in November, when around twenty settlers were walking by Qusra village and shot a Palestinian man, Mahmoud Odeh. There are differing accounts of what occurred – the settlers claim that it was in self defense as they were attacked by stone throwers. The Palestinians say that it was a result of Odeh’s refusal to move from his land, which the settlers desired to walk through. In reaction to the attack, the village was shut down by the IDF for a number of days, and twenty Palestinians were arrested, one named Muhammad Wadi, has been charged with attempted murder. Despite the escalation of violence and claiming that they feared for their lives, the settlers insisted on returning a week later to finish their ‘walk’, this time with a heightened IDF presence and members of the Israeli Knesset; Agriculture Minister Uri Ariel and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Hotovely.
Unsurprisingly, there have been no repercussions for the settler who killed Mahmoud Odeh, the killer is is suspected of causing death by negligence, but settlers have rarely been prosecuted for their actions in the West Bank. Yesh Din found that just 85% of investigations into such cases (including violence, arson, damage to property, etc) ended without further action, and that the conviction of an Israeli civilian for their actions towards a Palestinian, were just 1.9%
The insistence of the settlers to return to Qusra, despite the bloodshed there, is sadly to be expected. Movements into Palestinian owned land are intended to anger and upset, intentionally causing fights and disagreements in order to collectively punish the Palestinian community and take land and destroy families. In the upcoming ‘tour’ of Nablus, we must be aware that the intention is to incite conflict and use it for political gain, as has been their tactic so frequently in the past.
