Family Appeals Decision to Close Investigation on Shooting of US Citizen Tristan Anderson

Popular Struggle Coordination Committee

12 March 2010

Tristan Anderson
Tristan Anderson
This week the parents of Tristan Anderson filed an appeal on the decision to close the investigation concerning their son’s injury.– The 38 year-old American was critically injured by a high velocity tear gas projectile shot by Israeli Border Police in the West Bank village of Nili’in on March 13, 2009. The basic grounds for the appeal include undeniable negligence in the investigation. This negligence particularly involves two critical errors in the investigation conducted by the Investigative unit of the SJ District (West Bank) Israeli Police Force:

Mistaken identity: There were several Border Police squads in Nili’in at the time of Tristan’s injury, but only one of them was interviewed by investigators. A thorough examination of the facts shows that the squad interviewed was the wrong one.

No field visit: The investigation team did not visit the scene of the incident or nearby viewpoints from which it would have been possible to understand distances and positions described by eyewitnesses to the incident.

On the day of Tristan’s injury, there were several police squads in Nili’in – one stationed at a position known as “Antenna Hill” and another positioned closer to the village center. Since the squad stationed at Antenna Hill reported injuring a person, this squad was questioned regarding Tristan Anderson. However, it is now clear that there was more than one injury on March 13, 2009 – with one such injury having been reported by the squad stationed on Antenna Hill. These police officers report having hit a person in a completely different location and with an entirely different description than that of Tristan. For example, the police officers reported hitting a stone thrower whose face was covered, whereas several eyewitnesses attest to the fact that Tristan’s face was not covered at all on that day and that he did not throw stones. Furthermore, eyewitnesses to Tristan’s injury report that the tear gas canister came from a different direction than Antenna Hill, the same area in which the second squad was stationed. It is clear that these mistakes stem from the fact that investigators never visited the scene of the incident.

Attorney Michael Sfard: The astonishing negligence of this investigation and of the prosecutorial team that monitored its outcome is unacceptable, but it epitomizes Israel’s culture of impunity. Tristan’s case is actually not rare; it represents hundreds of other cases of Palestinian victims whose investigations have also failed.

One year after his shooting, Anderson is still hospitalized in Tel Hashomer hospital, with severe permanent brain damage of a yet uncertain degree. The severity of his condition still does not allow his transfer back home to the US.

To view a summary of the appeal in English, click here

Israel: end crackdown on Anti-Wall activists

Human Rights Watch

5 March 2010

Israel should immediately end its arbitrary detention of Palestinians protesting the separation barrier, Human Rights Watch said today. Israel is building most of the barrier inside the West Bank rather than along the Green Line, in violation of international humanitarian law. In recent months, Israeli military authorities have arbitrarily arrested and denied due process rights to several dozen Palestinian anti-wall protesters.

Israel has detained Palestinians who advocate non-violent protests against the separation barrier and charged them based on questionable evidence, including allegedly coerced confessions. Israeli authorities have also denied detainees from villages that have staged protests against the barrier, including children, access to lawyers and family members. Many of the protests have been in villages that lost substantial amounts of land when the barrier was built.

“Israel is arresting people for peacefully protesting a barrier built illegally on their lands that harms their livelihoods,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “The Israeli authorities are effectively banning peaceful expression of political speech by bringing spurious charges against demonstrators, plus detaining children and adults without basic due process protections.”

Demonstrations against the separation barrier often turn violent, with Palestinian youths throwing rocks at Israeli soldiers. Israeli troops have regularly responded by using stun and tear gas grenades to disperse protesters, and the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem has documented the Israeli military’s use of live and rubber-coated bullets on several occasions. Violence at demonstrations may result in the arrest of those who participate in or incite violence, but it does not justify the arrest of activists who have simply called for or supported peaceful protests against the wall, Human Rights Watch said.

In December 2009, military prosecutors charged Abdallah Abu Rahme, a high-school teacher in the West Bank village of Bil’in who is a leading advocate of non-violent resistance, with illegal possession of weapons in connection with an art exhibit, in the shape of a peace sign, that he built out of used Israeli army bullets and tear gas canisters. The weapons charge states that Abu Rahme, a member of Bil’in’s Popular Committee against the Wall and Settlements, used “M16 bullets and gas and stun grenades” for “an exhibition [that] showed people what means the security forces employ.”

A military court also charged him with throwing stones at soldiers and incitement for organizing demonstrations that included stone throwing. An Israeli protester, Jonathan Pollack, acknowledged Palestinian youths often have thrown stones but told Human Rights Watch that he had attended “dozens” of protests with Abu Rahme and had never seen him throw stones. Abu Rahme remains in detention.

The Israeli military in August detained Mohammed Khatib, a leader of the Bil’in Popular Committee and the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee, which organize protests against the separation barrier, and charged him with “stone throwing” at a Bil’in demonstration in November 2008. Khatib’s passport shows that he was on New Caledonia, a Pacific island, when the alleged incident occurred. He was released on August 9, 2009, on condition that he present himself at a police station at the time of weekly anti-wall protests, effectively barring him from participating, his lawyers said.

The military detained him again and charged Khatib with incitement on January 28, 2010, a day after the Israeli news website Ynet quoted him as saying: “We are on the eve of an intifada.” His lawyer said that security services justified the detention on the grounds of “incitement materials” confiscated from his home, which proved to be records of his trial. He was released on February 3. Khatib has published articles calling for non-violent protests, including in the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and The Nation magazine. Khatib has also been active in lobbying for divestment from companies whose operations support violations of international law by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

Military authorities also detained Zeydoun Srour, a member of the Popular Committee against the Wall in Ni’lin, on January 12, charging him with throwing stones during a demonstration, despite a letter from his employer and stamped and dated forms signed by Srour showing that he was working his normal shift at the time of the alleged incident.

“Israel’s security concerns do not justify detaining or prosecuting peaceful Palestinian activists,” Whitson said. “The Israeli government should immediately order an end to ongoing harassment of Palestinians who peacefully protest the separation barrier.”

Mohammad Srour, also a member of the Popular Committee in Ni’lin, was arrested on July 20 by the Israeli army while returning from Geneva, where he appeared before the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict (the Goldstone Commission). Srour’s testimony to the UN mission described the fatal shooting by Israeli forces of two Ni’lin residents on December 28, 2008, at a demonstration against Israel’s military offensive in the Gaza Strip. Srour was taken to Ofer prison for interrogation and was released on bail three days later without having been charged. In its report to the Human Rights Council, the Goldstone Commission expressed its concern that Srour’s detention “may have been a consequence of his appearance before the Mission.”

Cases brought against Palestinians for throwing stones and cases under the military’s overbroad incitement law frequently raise serious due process concerns, Human Rights Watch said. Prosecutions of anti-wall activists have been based on testimony from witnesses who say their statements were obtained under coercive threats. A16-year-old witness against Mohammed Khatib testified on January 4 that he signed a false statement claiming that Khatib was throwing stones at a demonstration only after his interrogator “cursed me and told me that I should either sign or he would beat me,” according to a military-court transcript.

Another 16-year-old from Bil’in said he signed a false statement alleging that Bil’in’s Popular Committee members incited others to throw stones because his interrogator threatened to accuse him of “many things that I did and they were not true, that I had gas grenades, Molotovs, that I threw stones, and I was afraid of that.”

Other Palestinians detained in anti-wall demonstrations have also alleged coercion by Israeli interrogators. A man whom lawyers say is mentally challenged testified on January 21 that he had falsely confessed to throwing a Molotov bomb at an Israeli army jeep after soldiers placed him inside a cockroach-infested cell, threatened to throw boiling water on him, and burned him with lit cigarettes, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. The Israeli military had no record of a jeep being attacked, Haaretz reported.

The detained activists are from Ni’lin, Bil’in, and several other Palestinian villages inside the West Bank that have been directly affected by Israel’s separation barrier. The barrier – in some places a fence, in others an eight-meter-high concrete wall with guard towers – was ostensibly built to protect against suicide bombers. However, unlike a similar barrier between Israel and Gaza, it does not follow the 1967 border between Israel and the West Bank. Instead, 85 percent of the barrier’s route lies inside the West Bank, separating Palestinian residents from their lands, restricting their movement, and in some places effectively confiscating occupied territory, all unlawful under international humanitarian law.

Lawyers for detained activists also told Human Rights Watch of cases in which Israeli security services raided several West Bank villages that have been the site of anti-wall demonstrations and detained and interrogated residents, including children, and denied them access to lawyers and family members. Israeli military orders require allowing detainees to contact lawyers before interrogation and allowing detained children to have family members present.

Nery Ramati, a lawyer representing several detainees, told Human Rights Watch of three cases in which Israeli authorities refused to allow him to speak to boys in detention, all ages 14 and 15, from the villages of Bil’in and Budrus, or to allow the boys’ relatives to be present, before their interrogation at the Shaar Benyamin police station. Military courts authorized the detention of one boy for a month for allegedly throwing stones at the separation barrier. The court ruled that there was no alternative to detention, but ignored the fact that Israeli movement restrictions had prevented the boy’s father and uncle from presenting evidence of an alternative to detention to the court. The boy was held in jail for an entire month, until his uncle was able to come from Ramallah.

In several cases, Israeli military authorities took children to a building operated by the Israeli Shin Bet security agency in the Ofer military camp to which lawyers and family members are denied access. Under international treaties to which Israel is a party, children may be detained only as a last resort and for the shortest possible period of time.

Under laws applicable in Israel and to Israeli settlers in the West Bank, a child is anyone under 18 years old, a standard consistent with international law. Military laws applicable to Palestinians in the West Bank, however, define anyone over 16 as an adult. Israeli law requires the prosecution to justify that the detention of an Israeli child is “necessary” to prevent the child from committing illegal acts until the trial is over, requires the court to consider documentation from a social worker about how detention will affect the child, and limits the period of pre-sentence detention to nine months. Israeli military laws provide none of these safeguards for Palestinian children and allow pre-sentence detention of up to two years.

Israeli military authorities in recent months placed two anti-wall activists in administrative detention, failing to charge them with any crime and detaining them on the basis of secret evidence they were not allowed to see or challenge in court. The military detained Mohammad Othman, 34, an activist with the “Stop the Wall” organization, on September 22, 2009 when he returned to the West Bank from a trip to Norway, where he spoke about the separation barrier and urged boycotting companies that support Israeli human rights violations. An Israeli military court barred Othman from seeing his lawyer and family for two weeks during his 113-day administrative detention, before his release on January 12.

The Israeli authorities also detained Jamal Juma’a, 47, the coordinator of the “Stop the Wall” campaign, on December 16, 2009 and denied him access to his lawyer for nine days, except for a brief visit at a court hearing during which Juma’a was blindfolded. Israel barred international observers from attending a court hearing before Juma’a’s release on January 12. Both men publicly advocated non-violent protest, including an article Juma’a published on the Huffington Post website on October 28, 2009.

Israeli military authorities have also repeatedly raided the West Bank offices of organizations involved in non-violent advocacy against the separation barrier. In February, the military raided the offices of Stop the Wall and the International Solidarity Movement, both located in Ramallah. (Israel ostensibly ceded Ramallah and other areas of the West Bank to the control of the Palestinian Authority under the Oslo Agreements of 1995.)

Background

Israeli military authorities have detained scores of Palestinians, including children, involved in protests against the wall. According to the Palestinian prisoners’ rights group Addameer, 35 residents of Bil’in have been arrested since June 2009, most during nighttime raids; 113 have been arrested from the neighboring village of Ni’ilin in the last 18 months.

Israel applies military orders, issued by the commander of the occupied territory, as law in the West Bank. Article 7(a) of Military Order 101 of 1967 criminalizes as “incitement” any act of “attempting, whether verbally or otherwise, to influence public opinion in the Area in a way that may disturb the public peace or public order.” Military Order 378 of 1970 imposes sentences of up to 20 years for throwing stones.

Both Israeli and international courts have found the route of the separation barrier in the West Bank to be illegal. The International Court of Justice ruled in a 2004 advisory opinion that the wall’s route was illegal because its construction inside the West Bank was not justified by security concerns and contributed to violations of international humanitarian law applicable to occupied territory by impeding Palestinians’ freedom of movement, destroying property, and contributing to unlawful Israeli settlement practices. Israel’s High Court of Justice has ruled that the wall must be rerouted in several places, including near Bil’in and Jayyous, because the harm caused to Palestinians was disproportionate, although the rulings would allow the barrier to remain inside the West Bank in these and other areas.

The activists whom Israel has arrested in recent months organized protests in areas directly affected by Israel’s separation barrier. In Jayyous, home to Mohammad Othman. the wall cut the village off from 75 percent of its farmland, with the aim of facilitating the expansion of a settlement, Zufim, on that land, the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem says. “Stop the Wall” supported marches by civilian protesters against the separation barrier in Jayyous. In response to a petition from the village, Israel’s Supreme Court ordered the Israel Defense Forces to re-route the wall around Jayyous on the grounds that the prior route was due to Zufim’s expansion plans. The Israeli military rerouted the wall in one area around Zufim after a court proceeding, but has not rerouted the barrier elsewhere.

Abdallah Abu Rahme is from Bil’in, a village where the wall cut off 50 percent of the land. The Israeli settlement of Mattityahu East is being built on the land to which the village no longer has access. In September 2007, after years of protests organized by Bil’in’s Popular Committee, Israel’s Supreme Court ruled that the separation barrier in Bil’in must be rerouted to allow access to more of Bil’in’s land, and the military recently began survey work preliminary to rerouting the barrier.

Ni’lin Wards Off IOF Invasion

International Solidarity Movement

26 February 2010

Nearly 100 youth of Ni’lin were tear gassed and shot at with rubber-coated steel bullets as the IDF attempted to invade their village. Near the edge of the village, the soldiers scaled a house to attack the demonstrators from a heightened vantage point.

Ni'lin 26/2/2010
Ni'lin 26/2/2010

Undeterred by inclement weather, residents of Ni’lin attempted to reach the Apartheid Wall for their weekly demonstration. The rolling thunder accentuated their chants which demanded justice, the destruction of the wall that kept them from their crops and to be heard. However, the protest’s course was redirected after the Israeli soldiers brought two military jeeps and tried to enter the village.

IOF Invades Home in Ni'lin
IOF Invades Home in Ni'lin

The Palestinian protesters walked up to the gate of their village where they were met with volleys of tear gas. The demonstration retreated, and the Israeli forces moved forward, entering a Palestinian home, climbing onto the roof and firing down into the street. Other soldiers moved behind buildings to fire on the protesters from the side. At this point, the Palestinians built an improvised road blockade to stop the soldiers from advancing further into their village. This was successful, and prevented the military from wreaking further havoc on villagers in their residences. This position was held for approximately two hours, after which residents returned home and soldiers moved out of the area.

The Clouds over Ni'lin
The Clouds over Ni'lin

Israel began construction of the Wall on Ni’lin’s land in 2004, but stopped after an injunction order issued by the Israeli Supreme Court (ISC). Despite the previous order and a 2004 ruling from the International Court of Justice declaring the Wall illegal, construction of the Wall began again in May 2008. Following the return of Israeli bulldozers to their lands, residents of Ni’lin have launched a grassroots campaign to protest the massive land theft, including demonstrations and direct actions.

The original route of the Wall, which Israel began constructing in 2004, was ruled illegal by the ISC, as was a second, marginally less obtrusive proposed route (http://www.poica.org/editor/case_studies/view.php?recordID=622). The most recent path, now completed, still cuts deep into Ni’lin’s land. The Wall has been built to include plans, not yet approved by the Army’s planning authority, for a cemetery and an industrial zone for the illegal settlement Modi’in Ilit.

Since the Wall was built to annex more land to the nearby settlements rather than in a militarily strategic manner, demonstrators have been able to repeatedly dismantle parts of the electronic fence and razor-wire surrounding it. Consequently, the army has erected a 15-25 feet tall concrete wall, in addition to the electronic fence. The section of the Wall in Ni’lin is the only part of the route where a concrete wall has been erected in response to civilian, unarmed protest.

Attorney Sfard: Israeli police investigation of shooting of Tristan Anderson “gravely negligent”

Alternative Information Center

1 February 2010

Yesterday’s announcement by the Israeli Ministry of Justice not to indict anyone in the March 2009 shooting and critically injuring of American activist Tristan Anderson at a non-violent demonstration in the West Bank village of Ni’ilin was based on a “gravely negligent” investigation by the Israeli police, says Israeli attorney Michel Sfard, who represents Tristan and his family.

“We were notified two weeks ago that Israel decided to close this case, and our subsequent study of the investigation file led us to call this press conference,” noted Sfard, who met with local and international journalists in Jerusalem at the office of the Alternative Information Center (AIC).

“The investigation of the Judea and Samaria District Police into the shooting of Tristan Anderson was gravely negligent,” stated Sfard. He noted that the police investigation team did not even interview the officers located in the center of Ni’ilin, one of three companies of border police operating in the village that day and the ones almost certain to be directly involved in shooting Anderson, according to the ballistic evidence. “I am embarrassed to say that the investigation team did not even go to Ni’ilin, the scene of the shooting,” added Sfard. “If a Jewish man had been shot and wounded, there is no doubt that the entire village would be under curfew and Israel would do everything possible to investigate.”

Seven Palestinian and international eyewitnesses to Israel’s shooting of Tristan conclusively demonstrated that Tristan was neither masked nor throwing rocks, as the Israeli police claim. Attorney Sfard and Israeli activist Jonathan Pollack, a long-time friend of Tristan, showed photographs from the village, illustrating the impossibility of Israel’s description of the shooting.

Sfard will now file an administrative appeal with the Israeli Attorney General, demanding that the investigation be reopened. “There is little chance that the Attorney General will not accept this appeal, at least in order to interrogate the border police officers from the central command,” believes Sfard.

The Anderson family wants Israel to take responsibility for shooting Tristan, which means both bringing the people involved to justice and helping to take care of Tristan, who will likely require assistance for the remainder of his life. In addition to demanding a thorough criminal investigation and appropriate indictments, the Anderson family is further filing a civil lawsuit in the case.

Israel signals tougher line on West Bank protests

Isabel Kershner | The New York Times

28 January 2010

Apparently concerned that the protests could spread, the Israeli Army and security forces have recently begun clamping down, arresting scores of local organizers and activists here and conducting nighttime raids on the homes of others.

Muhammad Amira, a schoolteacher and a member of Nilin’s popular committee, the group that organizes the protests, said his home was raided by the army in the early hours of Jan. 10. The soldiers checked his identity papers, poked around the house and looked in on his sleeping children, Mr. Amira said.

He added, “They came to say, ‘We know who you are.’ ”

Each Friday for the last five years, Palestinians have demonstrated against the barrier, bolstered by Israeli sympathizers and foreign volunteers who document the ensuing clashes with video cameras, often posting the most dramatic footage on YouTube.

Israel says the barrier, under construction since 2002, is essential to prevent suicide bombers from reaching its cities; the Palestinians oppose it on grounds that much of it runs through the territory of the West Bank.

While the weekly protests are billed as nonviolent resistance, they usually end in violent confrontations between the Israeli security forces and masked, stone-throwing Palestinian youths. “These are not sit-ins with people singing ‘We Shall Overcome,’ ” said Maj. Peter Lerner, a spokesman for the Israeli Army’s Central Command, which controls the West Bank. “These are violent, illegal, dangerous riots.”

Other Palestinians are “jumping on the bandwagon,” he said, and the protests “could slip out of control.”

The protests first took hold in the nearby village of Bilin, which became a symbol of Palestinian defiance after winning a ruling in the Israeli Supreme Court stipulating that the barrier must be rerouted to take in less agricultural land. According to military officials, work to move the barrier will start next month.

Like a creeping, part-time intifada, the Friday protests have been gaining ground. Nabi Saleh, another village near Ramallah, has become the newest focus of clashes, after Jewish settlers took over a natural spring on village land.

One recent Friday, a group of older villagers marched toward the spring. They were met with tear gas and stun grenades, and scuffled with soldiers on the road. Other villagers spilled down the hillsides swinging slingshots and pelted the Israelis with stones.

“Israel recognizes the threat of the popular movement and its potential for expanding,” said Jonathan Pollak, an Israeli anarchist and spokesman of the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee, which is based in Ramallah. “I think the goal is to quash it before it gets out of hand.”

In recent months the Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, and other leaders of the mainstream Fatah Party have adopted Bilin as a model of legitimate resistance.

The movement has also begun to attract international support. The Popular Struggle Coordination Committee receives financing from a Spanish governmental agency, according to the committee’s coordinator, Mohammed Khatib of Bilin.

“Bilin is no longer about the struggle for Bilin,” said Mr. Khatib, who was arrested in August and has been awaiting trial on an incitement charge. “This is part of a national struggle,” he said, adding that ending the Israeli occupation was the ultimate goal. Before dawn on Thursday soldiers came to Mr. Khatib’s home in Bilin and took him away again.

Israel security officials vehemently deny that they are acting to suppress civil disobedience, saying that security is their only concern. Among other things, they argue that the popular committees encourage demonstrators to sabotage the barrier, which Israel sees as a vital security tool.

The Israeli authorities have also turned their attention to the foreign activists, deporting those who have overstayed visas or violated their terms. In one case soldiers conducted a raid in the center of Ramallah, where the Palestinian Authority has its headquarters, to remove a Czech woman who had been working for the International Solidarity Movement, a pro-Palestinian group.

Israeli human rights groups like B’Tselem and Yesh Din have long complained of harsh measures used to quell the protests, including rubber bullets and .22-caliber live ammunition. The Israeli authorities say the live fire is meant to be used only in dangerous situations, and not for crowd control. But the human rights groups say that weapons are sometimes misused, apparently with impunity, with members of the security forces rarely held to account.

About a hundred soldiers and border police officers have been wounded in the clashes since 2008, according to the military. But the protesters are unarmed, their advocates argue, while the Israelis sometimes respond with potentially lethal force.

Tristan Anderson, 38, an American activist from Oakland, Calif., was severely wounded when he was struck in the forehead by a high-velocity tear-gas canister during a confrontation in Nilin last March.

After months in an Israeli hospital, Mr. Anderson has regained some movement on one side, and has started to talk. But he has serious brain damage, according to his mother, Nancy, and the prognosis is unclear.

The Andersons’ Israeli lawyer, Michael Sfard, is convinced that the tear-gas projectile was fired directly at the protesters, contrary to regulations. Yet the Israeli authorities who investigated the episode recently decided to close the case without filing charges.

The investigation found that the Israeli security forces had acted in line with regulations, according to Israeli officials. But witnesses insist the projectile was fired from a rise only about 60 yards from where Mr. Anderson stood. If it had been fired properly, in an arc, they contend, it would have flown hundreds of yards. Nineteen Palestinians have been killed in confrontations over the barrier since 2004. A month after Mr. Anderson was wounded, Bassem Abu Rahmah, a well-known Bilin activist, was killed when a similar type of tear-gas projectile struck him in the chest.

Aqel Srur, of Nilin, one of three Palestinians who gave testimony to the Israeli police in the Anderson case, was killed by a .22-caliber bullet in June.

So far, the activists seem undeterred. Salah Muhammad Khawajeh, a Nilin popular committee member and another local witness in the Anderson case, related that when he was summoned for questioning two months ago, he was warned that he could end up like Mr. Srur.

Mr. Khawajeh’s son, 9, was wounded in the back of the head by a rubber bullet at a protest this month.

But as Mr. Khawajeh put it, “We still come.”