The Independent: “Music therapy: The pied piper of Balata”

by Donald Macintyre, 30th October

The Palestinian children of the West Bank grow up amid the sounds of guns and bombs. But a project inspired by Professor Nigel Osborne is determined to help them listen to a different tune. Donald Macintyre reports

The Reid Professor of Music at Edinburgh University, and one of Britain’s foremost contemporary composers, is somehow managing simultaneously to play the guitar, dance, and conduct a class of 30 children in their lusty performance – in Mandinga – of a West African folk song.

The song, he has explained to the children sitting round him, concerns a cunning spider, who, uninvited to a village feast, beguiles a villager who comes down to the nearby river for water, so that he never returns. Then another villager is sent. And so on, until the whole village has been mesmerised by the spider’s magical drumming. And then the spider runs to the now deserted village and consumes the feast.

The children, armed with shakers, triangles, chime bars and drums, enthusiastically beat out the rhythm as the words of the chorus – roughly transliterated as “Pigin do me so, kongo ayeri, ayeri kongo”- resounds through the open windows of the community centre, bringing to life a song created more than 1,000 years and a continent away.

The electricity brought to this room by the multi-tasking Nigel Osborne would be surprising enough even if it was not happening in the heart of the West Bank’s most populous-and most problematic- Palestinian refugee camp, scene of some of the worst bloodshed during the past six years of conflict.

This is Balata, a stronghold of armed militancy and the target of at times almost daily Israeli incursions, where 150 Palestinians have been killed since the intifada began six years ago. It is also one of the most densely populated places on earth, home to 30,000 civilians who live in less than two square kilometres of cement-block housing packed so closely together that fat people cannot squeeze into some of the alleys between them.

Professor Osborne, whose works have been performed by orchestras across the world from the Berlin Symphony to the Los Angeles Philharmonic, who has seen his operas play at Glyndebourne and the English National Opera, has come to Nablus to practise what he has preached for more than a decade: the huge potential of music to rehabilitate war-traumatised children.

He first asks the children to join him in singing a melodic African chant, increasing the volume and then reducing it to a whisper. Then he has them clap in time. Then he introduces them, still clapping, to the rhythm, then, with his guitar, to the tune, and then finally – for those that need it – to the words of an old Arab song: Aya Zeyn al-Abidin/Ir Wrd, Ir Wrd/Imfitah Baynil/Besatin [“Zeyn ul Abidin, you are like a rose that blooms in the garden”.]

“I have loved Arabic music for a long time – longer than you,” he tells the children through the interpreter Assim Eshtaya, 27, a school counsellor in Nablus. “I won’t say more, but longer. Now the notes in the song we learnt come from a very old traditional Arab scale.” He plays the notes on his guitar. “Now I have a proposal. Would you like to create a new song with Arabic music?”

And so, with Professor Osborne allowing the children to decide the words of the song, which he suggests should be about friendship, and then to choose the melody, note by note, the song comes into being: “Dear friends, friends for ever, friends for ever,” the whole group sings in Arabic.

Professor Osborne is here to support a project which he has inspired but which has been run by a tireless fellow Scot, trained counsellor and unpaid volunteer Sheena Boyle, who spent much of the summer training fourth-year Palestinian psychology students to oversee music sessions for traumatised children.

A UN children’s fund report in January declared that “Palestinian children are showing increasing signs of psychosocial distress, manifested in aggressive behaviour, low achievement, nightmares and bedwetting.” Palestinian social workers say that in a place like Balata, almost every child is traumatised to a greater or lesser extent.

Samia Tangi, 12, is the fifth of seven children. She has lived with an aunt since her divorced mother was jailed for helping to prepare a bomb for an attack in Israel. Her father is absent in Jordan. Samia, whose aunt says she weeps a lot, seems to enjoy being here. “I like what you are doing,” she tells Professor Osborne through the translator. “I liked it when we sang ‘Aya Zeyn’.” She shyly shows visitors two of the drawings she is keeping for her mother’s eventual return. One shows the refugee camp at night; the gate of her school – the sign Balata Girl’s School clearly written; Israeli helicopters flying over head; tanks in the streets, a boy throwing stones at them. Another – entitled “mum’s day” has a heart and a lighted candle.

Doha Bakr, 13, was six when she saw the body of her 18-year- old brother brought home at the beginning of the intifada. Her account, delivered without emotion fastens on a seemingly extraneous detail; how he had told his mother that he wanted to take a shower, but hearing the water would take time to heat up, walked to the nearby Jacob’s Well, never to return alive. He may have been throwing stones; he was shot in the head.

Mahmoud Diab, 12, is the boisterous life and soul of today’s session, shooting out his suggestion for the words like a rapper. Mrs Boyle says his mother told her he is unpopular because he is “too clever”, though at the music session he has made more friends. Like many children in the camp, Mahmoud still occasionally wets his bed. Yet he is politically precocious, saying he supports Hamas because “everyone is against them” . His mother said before the sessions started that he wanted to be a suicide bomber when he grew up; today, at any rate, he says he wants to be a ” scientist and a leader in an Islamic band”. He adds: “I like it here because it is fun and we make new friends.”

Professor Osborne’s belief in the therapeutic and transformational power of music in the most unpromising circumstances is no passing fad. He graduated in music from Oxford in the late 1960s (where as the composer of a Cinderella produced by Gyles Brandreth, he coached Eliza Manningham-Buller, future head of the British Security Service, to sing for her part as the fairy godmother).

He was a music therapist for a spell as a young man but it was as a human rights activist, enraged by the failure of the international community to protect Bosnia from Serb aggression, that he went to Sarajevo in 1993.

Horrified by the impact of the siege on children, he devised, with two Bosnian artists, the idea of running creative workshops for children caught up in the conflict. “The idea was just so the children could have a bit of fun,” he recalls. “I was surprised how the therapeutic idea emerged out of it.” For a visionary who has worked in several conflict zones, including Chechnya and Georgia, Professor Osborne has an unexpected streak of humility. He is careful to distinguish between clinical music therapy and the kind of session he is doing in Nablus, or those he ran in Sarajevo, and west Bosnia, where he was inevitably called – at least by journalists – “the Pied Piper of Mostar”.

But ever since noticing what he has described as the “palpable wave of energy” emanating from the Sarajevo children, he has believed passionately that “music assists these [traumatised] children, helping communication between individuals and within groups, creating trust joy, safety, cognitive repair and the incomparable self-esteem brought by creativity.”

In a forthcoming – and in part highly technical – paper, he also reviews recent scientific findings on the physical effects of music on the one hand and post-traumatic stress on the other to make a persuasive case that music can be useful in regulating some functions of the body, such as heartbeat and breathing, known to be disturbed by repeated shock or fear.

Post-traumatic stress causes in different victims the opposite extremes of both “hyperarousal”and unusually subdued behaviour, he says and describes how in his experience in Bosnia: “It was not unusual for generally melancholic and reticent groups to leave a session laughing or dancing, or groups … of hyperactive children to leave calm and focused.”

Certainly, the Balata community leaders seem delighted with the success of the project. Mrs Boyle’s July training sessions involved 90 children in three Nablus refugee camps – with others having to be turned away. ” During the month, the results were clear for everyone to see,” said Shaer Badawi of Balata’s Yafa centre. “The children were happier.”

Balata is a bleak place to grow up. Almost every alley and lane is decorated with a “martyr poster” showing dead men and boys carrying guns, whether they were in fact militants or not. These provide almost the only role model for young boys. On a tour of the camp, Professor Osborne met a nine-year-old boy who every day visits the grave of his father, a dead militant, while – not untypically – brandishing a frighteningly realistic toy M16.

Professor Osborne has no illusions that music will somehow stop all young people picking up real guns in the future. But he says: “I hope we can offer an alternative path, a path where human energy can be put to creative, not destructive purposes.”

The problem, of course, is money. Kamal Shoraty, the Palestinian co-ordinator of the project, would like to extend it across the West Bank. But the summer sessions were run on a shoestring budget of around £6,300; there are not even enough simple musical instruments for more than one session at a time.

Professor Osborne says that if he was Swedish he would have direct access to funds from the country’s development agency. But the Government has so far rejected appeals for funding, which depends on a few individual donors and Rotarian-type fund-raising events in Scotland. Yet Professor Osborne calculates that a mere £50,000 would allow children in eight Nablus centres to take part in one session a week throughout the year.

At a meeting of Balata community leaders last Friday to express their appreciation to Professor Osborne and Mrs Boyle, Ahmed Dwaikat, of the Palestinian union of psychologists and social workers, said that the musical sessions have helped to a “better view of school” in depressed and underperforming children. But that’s not all. “Here children feel they have to grow up very fast,” he said. “We want to give them the feeling that it’s all right to be a child, to enjoy the things that are for children.”

Two Brothers Arrested in Balata Refugee Camp

by ISM Nablus, Monday 30th October


Photo credit: Ma’an News Agency

About five o’clock this morning, Israeli Special Forces invaded Balata refugee camp east of Nablus. It was an unusually quiet military incursion and a large number of Balata inhabitants did not even notice the Israeli army presence until a few children started throwing stones at jeeps stationed in key corners of the camp to cut off streets and alleyways. An Apache helicopter hovered overhead during the entire operation and other reinforcements in the form of Merkava tanks stood by outside the camp perimeter in case of widespread resistance.

Israeli forces followed 20-year old Mo’az Maseemi to his home and waited until he had closed the door behind him. When they knocked on the door, Mo’az asked who it was, to which one of the Israeli soldiers answered “Me!” in Arabic. Mo’az then opened the door, only to be faced with six assault rifles pointed at his head. Mo’az Maseemi, wanted by the Israeli military for some time, was taken away to an unknown location, without even being allowed time to put his shoes on. His 23-year old brother Mahmoud Maseemi, although not officially wanted, was also abducted from his home at gunpoint.

A third member of the Maseemi family was arrested by Israeli forces only ten days earlier. Israeli Special Forces operations are a common occurrence in Nablus. In the last month, 10 men have been arrested during nightly operations in the camp. Israel claims these men are to have been “wanted” by the Israeli military – always for undisclosed reasons and based on information from secret sources. Many of the people arrested in Palestine end up being held in administrative detention for years at a time, without charge or trial.

Olive Harvest Faces Obstacles from Israeli Army: Three Nablus Region Reports from the 25th and 27th of October

by ISM Nablus affinity groups and ISM Media team

Harvest Continues in Salim Despite Occupation

Wednesday 25th October: With Eid celebrations complete, the annual olive harvest continued today in villages across the West bank. In the village of Salim near to Nablus city, volunteers with the International Solidarity Movement were invited by local Palestinians to help with the harvesting of their olives in the groves close to the Israeli settlement of Elon Moreh.

On the approach to the olive groves, villagers were stopped by soldiers of the Israeli occupation forces. They were controlling the gate through which Palestinians must go to cross the settler-only roads, which stand between their village and their land agricultural land. After requiring the villagers to show their IDs, the Palestinian villagers continued their journey on to the olive groves.

Salim’s olive groves are situated in the beautiful valleys to the east of Nablus, commanding stunning views of the city and on a clear day, the hills of Jordan. However, this local environment has been marred by the sprawl of Israeli settlements, and colonial outposts on the hilltops surrounding the olive groves (all structures Israel builds in the occupied territories in order to house its civilian population are illegal under international law). In the course of the construction of these illegal settlements and settler-only apartheid roads, some 80 dunnums of land have been confiscated by the Israeli army from Salim.

One Palestinian family from the village told volunteers how they had had 350 olive trees, which had been destroyed last year by settlers. They also indicated the loss of large areas of fertile land which they were no longer able to access due to the continued construction of the illegal settlements and settler-only roads. The lands had been previously used for growing cereals and vegetables. This land now lies unused – a vexatious waste of natural resources and a serious blow to the economy of Salim.

Olive picking in Salim today progressed without serious incident, and in spite of the numerous obstacles put in the way of the villagers by the Israeli army and the continued colonisation of their land, villages were in good spirits. However, as volunteers were returning to the village, reports were coming in of a violent settler attack on Palestinians, also out picking olives on their land in a village west of Nablus. With several weeks of the olive harvest to go in the occupied west bank, it remains to be seen whether or not settlers and soldiers will continue the violence, intimidation and theft that have marred the olive harvest of 2006 so far.

“This is not peace!” – Olive Harvesters in Awarta Face Obstacles from Settlers and Soldiers

Friday 27th October: Sitting in the shade of an olive tree, drinking tea out of a thermos, it is easy to forget where you are. Walking among a throng of chatty, giggly children in a stunningly beautiful valley framed by gently rolling mountains, you could be forgiven for letting your guard down for a moment. That is, until a military jeep comes careening down the road at 100km/h and an 8-year old Palestinian boy hangs out of the window of a car driving toward it – his face distorted and feigning terror, screaming at the top of his voice. Then you are reminded that this is Awarta, a village south of Nablus city and adjacent to the ever expanding and notoriously violent Israeli settlement of Itamar, and that the calm moments always precede a storm.

Awarta’s olive groves are located between the Palestinian village and the Israeli settlement, the latter’s caravan and watchtower outposts spread out on hilltops in every direction. A dirt path leading up to the gate in the outer perimeter settlement fence divides the land directly facing the settlement into east and west, while a tarmac road leads deeper into the groves in the south-west. All of the land is under direct threat from Israeli colonist attacks and Itamar has recently erected a second perimeter fence around its original border, thus confiscating even more fertile land and further decimating Awarta’s olive harvest.

The Palestinian villagers are now afraid of even approaching the fence to pick olives from the trees. “If we go within 50m of the fence, the settlers go mad. They will cut down more of our trees and pollute our water. This is what they always do”, says one anonymously speaking villager with land adjacent to, and on the far side of the barrier. In light of these obvious risks, the harvesters’ resolve to pick every last olive this year is especially impressive. Even if the Israeli army decide not to protect the Palestinians villagers in accordance to the Israeli High Court decision taken earlier this year, where it was stipulated that Palestinian farmers have a right to enter and work their land, with or without DCO* permission, and that the military commander in the area must defend this right. In the past, the Israeli army have often opted for declaring Palestinian land that deem likely to be target by Israeli colonists “closed military zones.” They have justified this by saying that the law is aimed to protect the Palestinian residents, but has in reality, saved them from any real confrontation with Israeli colonists, while at the same time often preventing Palestinians from farming their olives. The court ruling clearly says that this is no longer allowed and that territorial closure is subject to a number of strict preconditions.

This decision is important to many Palestinian farmers. It provides them with a legal weapon to use in fighting for their rights to their land. Apart from land in “red zones,” which are not subject to such rapid changes as “closed military zones,” and can be checked on military maps, all farmers should in theory be unhindered and protected in working their land and harvesting their olives this season. The result on the ground in Awarta has been that a large number of military vehicles carrying soldiers and police patrol the area during the day, driving back and forth and occasionally stopping in certain areas. This is truly a schizophrenic experience for many of the villagers. Accustomed to avoiding any contact with the Israeli military, they are now forced to rely on them for protection against Israeli colonists. Old habits die hard and the children still squeal “jeish” (“army” in Arabic) and move closer to their parents whenever a jeep speeds by.

As was clearly illustrated yesterday, scepticism as to the military’s motives is warranted. A family of olive pickers was chased away by Israeli soldiers while attempting to harvest on land near one of the outposts west of the dirt path. Colonists from Itamar claim that this land has been sold to them, while the Palestinian owners dismiss this as malicious lies and carry with them deeds to the 187 dunums concerned. Their work on the land having been brutally interrupted, the family has now contacted the DCO in Nablus, requesting that they act as arbitrator between the disputees and offer protection to the family during the harvest. “We are expecting a reply from them on Tuesday, but will go to harvest our olives regardless of their decision”, says one of the family’s adult sons.

It is also clear that the Israeli military has a very limited capacity and/or will to prevent colonists’ attacks on Palestinians. The day before yesterday, two armed colonists from Tel Hayim wandered down the mountain at around four o’clock in the afternoon to threaten olive pickers and force them to leave their land. The military were at that time not present in that particular area of the massive expanse of olive groves. It also seems that no measures will be taken to prevent this from happening again.

Apart from the impracticalities of military protection, it is clearly not a politically or morally viable solution. The pretense that the Israeli military forces are maintaining a presence on the land “on the people’s orders” as one police officer put it, is just that – a pretense. The situation is better summed up in the words of a hard-pressed Awarta farmer, eager to finish the work as soon as possible: “We are happy the soldiers are here because the settlers may not come then. But this is not a solution. We, the Palestinians, want peace. And peace is not having soldiers shoot at our children one day and then wishing us a good day’s olive harvest the next.”

Awarta will continue its struggle for a good harvest and international supporters are more than welcome to join in. For a practical and powerful act of solidarity, come to Palestine. Harvesting is resisting!

* DCO: District Co-ordination Office. Formerly joint Israeli Palestinian institutions for the administration of civilian affairs in the occupied Palestinian territories, the Palestinian Authority was kicked out at the start of the second intifada. DCOs are affectively the civil administration wing of the Israeli military.

Beit Iba Overcomes Obstacles from the Israeli Army to Harvest Olives

Friday 27th October: Today, olive harvesting continued at Beit Iba. Villagers, including their 82-year-old grandmother and volunteers from the International Solidarity Movement and the International Women’s Peace Service, spent much of the day picking olives close to the Israeli army’s checkpoint at Beit Iba, to the Northwest of Nablus city. This site is also close to olive groves where villagers have been repeatedly driven off their land by the Israeli occupation forces in recent weeks. Today’s picking continued peacefully, and a large quantity of olives were harvested in between rain showers and lunch breaks (where international volunteers were invited to sample amazing homemade humous, cheese and bread brought by the villagers). However, harvesting could only begin once villagers had been given permission to enter their land by the Israeli occupation forces, and to do so, villagers had to climb over rolls of razor wire which were installed by the Israeli army a month ago. Children and a man with an amputated leg were among those who had to negotiate this obstacle. The Israeli occupation forces also told villagers that no vehicles could be brought close to the olive grove, thus making it difficult for the sacks of olives to be taken from the site. Despite these obstacles, and intermittent rain, villagers and volunteers persevered, and remain determined not to be denied access to their land.

Settler Colonists Beat Palestinian Family – One Palestinian Arrested

by ISM Nablus, October 27th

Palestinian farmers were today harvesting olives on their land between the quarry at Huwarra checkpoint and Berakhya settlement. A Palestinian house stands uninhabited in the middle of this area, casting a desolate shadow over the settler bus stop on the road below. The man who used to live there is longing for the day when he can move back to his home but remains pessimistic. The entire land has remained untouched for over 6 years, as Israeli colonists always threaten any Palestinians who dare to even approach it.

Today, however, a family of farmers from Burin decided to brave the Berakhya settlers and set off early this morning to harvest their olive trees. At twelve o’clock, six Israeli colonist men trespassed onto the land and, wielding a knife, proceeded to threaten the Ghazzal family, shouting at them to leave the land immediately. In front of their children, the father and mother were pushed and pulled around by colonists and beaten on the arms and chest.

A volunteer from Rabbis for Human Rights, Zachariah Sadea, was contacted. Upon arrival at the scene at around half past one, he immediately contacted the DCO in Nablus. Frightened by this, the Israeli colonists finally left the land, only to go to the police station in Huwarra military base in order to file a complaint against the family’s 18-year old son, Fatih Ghazzal. Claiming that Fatih had beaten, or threatened to beat up the Israeli colonists, they demanded that he be arrested.

At three o’clock, two Israeli soldiers drove up to the land where the family were harvesting; still recovering from the shock of the colonist attack. The soldiers arrested Fatih, beating him severely over the head as they did so. Zachariah Sadea, explaining to the soldiers that Fatih had not beaten the colonists but in fact had been attacked by them, attempted to physically prevent the arrest and was then also beaten by the soldiers.

Devastated by the kidnapping of Fatih, the family carried the day’s harvest down to the checkpoint to wait for their beloved son and brother. As the rain poured down and friends of the family stopped to commiserate with them before passing through the checkpoint, Fatih was transported from Huwarra to the Ariel colony police station. Finally, the family left the checkpoint, hauling the sacks of olives onto their backs and piling into a taxi in teary-eyed silence.

The RHR volunteer will, as an eye-witness to the colonist attack, testify against their blatantly false accusations. The prospects of success are, however, bleak since a senior military commander is now claiming to have witnessed Fatih’s attack on the colonists, even though he was stationed on the other side of the hill at the time. Fatih is currently still being held at Ariel, awaiting legal assistance from Yesh Din.

For more details contact:
ISM Nablus 0599076568

BBC: “Harvest Hostilities”

In the following article the BBC misleadingly writes of “violent clashes” and “frequent clashes” between Palestinian farmers and Jewish settler colonists and the IOF during the olive harvest. However, later in the article the tear gas and live bullets used by the IOF are mentioned with no mention of any violence being used by the Palestinian farmers because there is none. The use of the term “clashes” twice at the beginning of the piece is typical of the biased reporting of Israeli aggression that can be expected from most Western mainstream media.

by Martin Patience, 24th October

Olive harvest sparks tensions

Before dawn, Kanaan al-Jamal, 38, hauls his two young children from their beds and along with his wife they set off to tend the olive groves close to their home.

In olive groves dotted across the rolling West Bank, Palestinian farmers are preparing for the harvest: pruning the trees, collecting spoilt olives, and preparing ground sheets under the trees to catch the fruit.

But the Palestinian farmers are also preparing for violent clashes.

“It’s a difficult time,” says Mr Jamal, referring to the harvest. “But the olive tree is part of our religion; it is part of our culture.”

During the olive picking season, tensions run high between Jewish settlers and the Israeli military on the one hand, and Palestinian farmers on the other.

Access Problems

Many of the West Bank’s olive groves lie close to Jewish settlements and there are frequent clashes between the two sides.

For years settlers have been attacking Palestinian farmers and chopping down their trees.

But this olive picking season is set to be different, insists the Israeli army.

The military has finally realised that it has to offer protection to Palestinian farmers.

A two-year court battle led by human rights groups now means that the Israeli army is required to beef up its protection of Palestinian olive farmers and allow them full access to their lands.

Palestinian farmers often require a permit from the army to visit their lands which lie close to Jewish settlements.

Last month, Israeli Defence Minister Amir Peretz announced that anyone interfering or harassing the farmers during the picking season would be dealt with severely.

Israeli Human rights groups are praising the move but say more needs to be done.

“I think the military has finally realised that it will have to offer some protection for the Palestinian farmers,” says Sarit Michaeli, a spokeswoman for the Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem.

“But access often depends on commanders in local areas and on a day-to-day basis.”

Mr Jamal, however, says that the Israeli army frequently prevents farmers from his town of Assera Shamiliya – located 5km north of Nablus – reaching their land.

“They say we have to co-ordinate with them,” he says. “But it’s impossible and it often takes days to get a permit. We don’t bother. Why should we? It’s our land.”

Mr Jamal says that Israeli soldiers riding in military jeeps often appear in the town’s groves. The soldiers fire tear gas and live bullets and bark at the villagers through loudspeakers to leave the area, he says.

Bumper Harvest

Some human rights groups accompany the Palestinian farmers to their groves to ensure they can gather their harvest.

Rabbi Ascherman, co-director of Rabbis for Human Rights, insists that the presence of his group helps the Palestinians negotiate with the army and ward off attacks by Jewish settlers.

“But the ideal situation would be if we didn’t need to be there,” he says. “The ideal situation would be if the farmers could just harvest in peace.”

For Mr Jamal and his family the coming weeks mean earlier mornings and harder work. But this is only the start, he says.

Problems arise when Palestinian farmers try and sell their produce because transport restrictions in the West Bank.

“When we start trying to sell the olives it’s a whole new battle with the Israeli authorities,” says Mr Jamal.