Haaretz: “Sweden Labels Golan Wines: Made in Occupied Syrian Land”

By Amiram Barkat, Haaretz , 8th June 2006

Sweden has started to note that wines produced in the Golan Heights originate in “Israel, occupied Syrian land,” the Golan Heights Winery has informed the Israeli Embassy in Sweden. Winery sources told Haaretz that the step is unprecedented and worrisome. The embassy is investigating claims that the warning is being issued for several wines on the Web site of the Swedish government’s chain of shops that sell wine. The chain is the only Swedish body permitted to market alcoholic beverages.

Swedish Jews have protested the step, claiming that the new way of listing the wines from the Golan Heights is a political move by a government body. The sources also said such an indication had never been made regarding any other country – not even South Africa during apartheid. The Golan Heights Winery approached the commercial attache at the Israeli Embassy in Stockholm this week, and requested Foreign Ministry intervention. “We produce wine, not politics,” the winery said yesterday, adding, “happily, this subject does not bother most consumers in Europe.”

President of South African Trade Unions Congress: “Israel is an apartheid state”

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

President Willie Madisha, the head of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) yesterday issued an open letter in support of the Canadian CUPE’s recent unanimous resolution to support the international campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel.

This is a blow against those apologists of Israeli policy who try to play down the comparsions often made between South African policies of the apartheid-era and current Israeli polcies that systematically discriminate against Palestinians. The text of the open letter is below.


The President
Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) Ontario
June 6, 2006

Brother Sid Ryan,

On behalf over 1.2 million South African workers organized under the banner of COSATU I greet you in the name of worker internationalism. It is this solidarity, since the formation of the very first union and across space and time, often in the face of harsh repression, that provided vital moral succour and allowed workers to strengthen their resolve against oppression and exploitation.

In this spirit and with great pride, I congratulate CUPE Ontario for their historic resolution on May 27th in support of the Palestinian people – those living under occupation and those millions of Palestinian refugees living in the Diaspora. We fully support your resolution.

As someone who lived in apartheid South Africa and who has visited Palestine I say with confidence that Israel is an apartheid state. In fact, I believe that some of Israel’s actions make the actions of South Africa’s apartheid regime appear pale by comparison.

The latest outrage by the apartheid Israeli regime-the construction of the hideous Apartheid Wall-condemned by the International Court of Justice- extends the occupation of Palestinian lands, disrupts the already precarious economic, social, health and education well being of an entire people and entrenches the Bantustanisation of Palestine.

When the governments of the world turn a blind eye to these injustices; when they are seduced by apartheid Israel’s justification of brutality through the pretext of ‘security’; when they silence criticism of state terror through the canard of ‘anti-semitism’-then it is time for the global workers movement to stand firm and principled against hypocrisy and double standards. We cannot remain silent any longer. It is time to stand in word and in deed with the peoples of the Middle East and heed their call to support the struggle against occupation. There will be no peace in this region and in the world, without justice.

Despite the action of some Western governments and big business, workers and democrats of the world including the citizens of Canada, heeded our call when we struggled against apartheid. Boycotts, disinvestments and sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa hastened our march to democracy. Why should it be different for Palestinians? In the face of an intransigent, arrogant, racist and brutal Israeli state, this strategy of isolation-particularly since the vast majority of Palestinians support it-should be applied to Israel as well. It is a peaceful option.

South African workers will never forget the support given by the Israeli state to the apartheid South African regime. In the same way we will never forget the thousands of acts of solidarity of ordinary citizens around the world who sustained our struggle through the boycott weapon.

COSATU supports the demand that Apartheid Israel must respect and implement all resolutions passed by the United Nations; that the right of return of Palestinian refugees must not be compromised; that Israel respects the democratically elected government of Palestine; and that Palestinian taxes collected by Israel must be returned to the elected representatives of Palestine unconditionally.

Those supporting the ideology of Zionism and the pro-Israeli lobby will muster their substantial resources against you. Despite these pressures, we ask you not to doubt for a single moment the correctness of your just stand. We salute the courage and vision of CUPE Ontario’s leadership and members in unanimously passing resolution 50. Your unwavering resolve inspires us, we who lived through decades of apartheid oppression, as it will undoubtedly inspire and endear you to millions of Palestinian and other freedom loving people throughout the world.

In Solidarity,

Willie Madisha
President
Congress of South African Trade Unions.

Ma’ariv: Not Everyone Gets a Birthright

Original in Ma’ariv, 4th June 2006 – translation by Rann.
Also included below is an article from Salon.com on the politics of the Birthright program

A young American woman was denied enrty in the Zionist Birthright-Israel project, after she requested a tour of refugee camps and villages in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

by Eli Bradnestein

As part of the Birthright-Israel program the state of Israel tries to implant some Zionism in young people from abroad and to bring them on a 10-day tour of Israel. Recently, the directors of the program decided to cancel the participation of one young American woman. The reason: she planned to hop over for a visit to the PA at the end of the trip.

The young woman, named Sierra, planned to go on a 6-day tour organized by a competing organization called ‘Birthright Unplugged’. “The purpose of the visit in Israel is to learn from both sides, the Israeli and the Palestinian about their situation,” said Sierra. “I wanted to travel to Israel to learn and to deapen my ties with Jewish culture and religion, and also to learn about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict not through some organization or the media.” Sierra added that she does not consider this to be a reason to cancel her arrival.

The tour of the OPT includes visits to villages and refugee camps and meetings with residents of the OPT and Israeli leftists. Birthright Unplugged usually recruits its participants from among those who come to Israel for free through Birthright-Israel. They charge around US$300 for the visit to the OPT.

“We started this program so that tour participants could meet Palestinians and learn from them first-hand about the situation in Israel and Palestine and so that they can use their knowledge to bring positive change to the world”, said Hannah Mermolstein, one of the founder of the organization, “in preventing Sierra from taking part in this educational experience, Birthright Israel only proves our necessity all the more strongly.”

A number of American Jews have already donated the cost of Sierra’s flight so that she can participate in the tour of the OPT.

The marketing director of Birthright-Israel, Gidi Mark said that “we supply an educational tour to young Jews that have never been to Israel before and want to familiarize them with Israel and the traditions of the Jewish people.”

Mark emphasized that “we will not take those who are merely looking for funding for a plane ticket to actually got to the OPT. There are enough who just want to come and get to know Israel.”

WHAT CAN YOU DO? from www.birthrightunplugged.org
1) Call Birthright Israel and tell them what you think about their attempt to stop people from learning firsthand about the situation in Israel/Palestine. Birthright Israel phone number: 888-99-ISRAEL (994-7723). Israel Outdoors program (the specific program Sierra planned to go on): 800-566-4611.

2) Support Sierra to come on Birthright Unplugged. Now that she is not going on a Birthright Israel trip, she needs to raise the money for a plane ticket if she wants to join our Unplugged trip. We want to send a message to Birthright Israel that they can’t stop people from learning. Please contact us ASAP at info@birthrightunplugged.org if you are interested in sending a donation to help buy Sierra a plane ticket, and let us know how much you are able to give.

3) Donate to Birthright Unplugged to support our important work at a time like this! As walls and barriers continue to go up, we are more committed than ever to continue our work and cross those barriers. To send a tax-deductible donation to Birthright Unplugged, please make checks out to the Gandhian Foundation, with a notation in the memo line for “Birthright Unplugged”, and send to Birthright Unplugged, 18 Northview Drive, Glenside, PA 19038. (If you don’t need a tax deduction you are welcome to make checks out directly to Birthright Unplugged.)

COME, SEE PALESTINE!
By Rachel Shabi
Salon.com
June 5, 2006

The fight is on for the hearts of young Jewish Americans. The battlefield is Israel and Palestine. It’s a hopelessly unequal battle — one side has considerably more clout and cash and, currently, appeal. But this struggle hits the core of what it means to be an American Jew in a modern political context.

This summer, record numbers of young Jewish Americans will travel to Israel — despite concern over security. Most of them will arrive courtesy of pro-Israel organizations that seek to connect Diaspora Jews to Judaism and Israel. They will be on a free tour of the Jewish state, presented to them as a gift, their “birthright.”

But others will travel with Palestine solidarity campaigners who hold that being both American and Jewish (as are nearly 6 million U.S. citizens) brings with it a responsibility to at the very least understand the Palestinian position. They’ll visit the West Bank and witness firsthand the effects of the occupation in Palestine.

These latter tours are still in infancy but word about them is rapidly spreading through American campuses and Jewish networks. So, two camps with diametrically opposed intentions are targeting exactly the same audience of young American Jewry. And the cutting-edge cool tool on both sides of the terrain is a holiday. Well, of sorts.

The context is about six years old. Having identified Diaspora Jews as being hopelessly lapsed and in danger of intermarrying into extinction, two New Yorkers, Michael Steinhardt and Charles Bronfman, founded Taglit-birthright israel. Billionaire Bronfman inherited the Canadian Seagram’s liquor empire while Steinhardt made a small fortune as a Wall Street wizard. The latter, a self-proclaimed atheist, is nonetheless worried that Judaism is in danger of becoming obsolete. Both feature high up on a list of Israel’s most generous philanthropists.

“The vision is to ensure the continued existence of the Jewish people because of the very high rate of assimilation,” says Gidi Mark, Taglit’s director of marketing. He admits that what might appear to be a severe stance against multiculturalism is a “bold and ambitious plan.” But he believes it has “changed dramatically the attitude of Jewish young adults to Israel.” Taglit offers Diaspora Jews between the ages of 18 and 26 a free, 10-day tour of Israel, their “birthright” or “homeland” country, courtesy of the Israeli government, United Jewish Communities and private philanthropists. Since 2000, Taglit has taken 100,000 young Jews, 75 percent of whom are North American, to Israel. That’s an impressive figure, although one Israeli academic has noted that young American Jews might equally be interested in a free trip to the Bahamas.

But the Taglit organization is indeed a success story. Prior to it, around 1,500 Jews of the same cohort would come to the country each year. Now around 22,000 visit Israel annually on Taglit trips; places fill up rapidly and waiting lists are at bursting point. And these trips achieve what they set out to do. They are, says Mark, “the most effective Jewish educational project in the world.” That’s measured by polls that question former birthrighters on their feelings of connection to the Israeli state; those strong feelings don’t diminish even six years after Taglit trips.

Birthright trips to Israel are many-flavored — there are trek-focused, religious, secular or graduate and professional varieties. It’s a packed schedule, socializing is a key component and sleep-deprivation is a given. Traveling in groups of 40 in security-escorted buses, birthrighters might take in the Dead Sea, Tel Aviv nightlife, a trip to Masada or a kibbutz visit. But the essentials are the same. All trips in some way cover modern Israel, Zionism and the Holocaust; all have Israeli escorts. And absolutely non-negotiable is a visit to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem — the remains of the second Jewish temple and therefore the holy of holies for Judaism.

Posters to the Taglit Web site enthuse about the birthright trip as a life-changing experience that showed them the “gift of being Jewish” and led them to conclude, as one trip alumini writes, “Wherever I stand, I stand with Israel.” They speak of the emotional charge and the effects on young Americans just beginning to define their own identity; for many, it is their first trip
abroad.

But some former birthrighters say that there’s no such thing as a free holiday. They question whether Taglit may be pushing them a little too hard to have a profound experience, particularly at the Wailing Wall. “Our tour leader got everyone to close their eyes and put their hands on the shoulders of the person in front of them,” says one tripper. “He walked us all in a line to a spot where we could get a high-up view of the wall. Then he said something like, ‘Your ancestors were praying towards this wall for generations.’ And you open your eyes and there it is … and there are tears streaming down everyone’s faces.”

One 25-year-old graduate student from Chicago describes the last day of the trip, on a Tel Aviv beach. “It’s a really hot day and one guy from our trip runs into the water, and the sea’s beautiful, at a perfect temperature for swimming and he says, ‘OK, OK, I’m a Zionist!’ It’s facetiously said, but also ironic because that’s exactly what [tour leaders] want.” This graduate is still with the young Jewish woman he met while on the trip last summer. The matchmaking element is a key component of birthright trips, say past participants. After all, the idea is to stem the assimilation tendencies of Diaspora Jews.

What worries critics, however, is not the “I love being Jewish” outcome of a trip to Israel but the underpinning political goals of Taglit. Susan, a 27-year-old Seattle student, took the Taglit tour last year. She was struck, she says, by “the levels of Zionism” and the prevalence of anti-Palestinian comments during her trip, organized through the University of Washington (campuses often coordinate birthright trips). She didn’t like the tour leader expressing his view as universal truth while leaving out facts that supported the Palestinian side.

The Taglit tour might encourage tears at the Wailing Wall, but the 8-meter-high, concrete separation wall snaking through the West Bank is rarely mentioned. When it is, says Susan, the context is dismissive. “At one point I saw what looked like the [separation] wall in the distance and asked our guide about it,” she says. “The guide gave a very terse response about how, yes, that was the wall and, see everyone, the Palestinians are trying to drive ‘us’ from ‘our land’ and so we must keep ‘them’ out.” Taglit trips do not go beyond the Green Line marking the internationally recognized border between Israel and Palestine. According to one former birthrighter, the Green Line was not even marked on the map he was given on the tour.

The Taglit trip, one former participant says, does a good job of “tugging at one’s Jewish heartstrings,” and then seeks to equate being Jewish with the need for Israel to “protect us and all the Jews.” According to Susan, her attempts to redress the pro-Israel slant were not welcome. Group discussions were zealously facilitated and stuck to a narrow script that excluded any conversations about how participants felt about Israeli policy.

Aaron took the trip in December 2004 when he was 22; he’s now back in Canada where he lives and works in community radio. He believes Taglit aims to encourage pro-Israel activism overseas. His trip leaders, he says, “kept emphasizing how much we could do to help on campus at universities.” He adds: “This point was driven a lot: that Israel is suffering from constant insecurity and a state of war against them, and the way we can prevent that is to try and promote Israel’s good image back home.”

Taglit bats off any accusations of having a political agenda. “I don’t think it’s political for Jews to support Israel,” says Mark. “It should be an integral part of every Jew’s identity.” Mark draws a distinction between supporting Israel and supporting Israel’s policies. He adds that Taglit trips incorporate organizers and speakers from a variety of backgrounds and viewpoints. As to why Taglit trips don’t go to the West Bank, he first cites the security issue and then says, “We feel that people first of all should feel strong about their own identity and then know about other ethnic groups.”

For those who want a different experience of the region, there’s now an altogether different sort of trip on offer. Last year, around 30 young Jewish Americans took the first Birthright Unplugged trips to the West Bank. “It changed my world,” says Jessy Tolkan, 26, a political consultant from Washington, D.C., who was on one of the Unplugged trips last year. “Everything I had learned as a Jewish person prior to the trip was turned totally upside down.”

If Taglit trips gloss over the Palestinian experience, Unplugged trips live it. Traveling on Palestinian transport and staying in Palestinian homes, participants experience for themselves the difficulties of life under occupation.

“We are offering an opportunity for Jewish people to be exposed to a narrative and life experience that they would rarely encounter,” says Hanna Mermelstein, an American Jew who co-founded the project with Dunya Alwan, an American-Iraqi of Muslim and Jewish descent. Both are members of the International Women’s Peace Service, which supports the nonviolent Palestinian struggle against the Israeli occupation. An architect by training, Alwan became involved in social justice work prior to the first Gulf War, and by 2002 was engaged in human rights and education work in Palestine.

Mermelstein has a degree in international and intercultural studies, women’s studies, and peace studies; she turned her energies to the Israel-Palestine conflict during the second intifada.

The two women met in Palestine in 2003. They both led various international delegations in the West Bank. As a result of those experiences, they identified a need to set up opportunities for Jews who cannot otherwise visit the area or are simply too afraid to. The conflict in Israel and Palestine has many distortions, one of which is the perception that Jews are not welcome in the territories. “We planned the itinerary with Palestinians and asked them, ‘Look, do you want American Jews to come here?’ They said, ‘Yes, these are exactly the people we want to come to our communities.'” Starting with an orientation meeting in Jerusalem, Unplugged goes to Bethlehem and nearby Deheishe refugee camp, Hebron, Ramallah, the northern region of Salfit, and finally a destroyed Palestinian village on the Israel side of the Green Line. (The trips cost $350 excluding travel to Israel.)

“Mostly, it just takes you to places and you see things with your own eyes, things that are self-evident and require no explanation whatsoever,” says one former Unplugged participant. It’s enough, he adds, just to see the effect of the separation wall and countless checkpoints on daily Palestinian life. Many Unplugged participants take the trip directly after a Taglit tour of Israel and recommend doing so. Of course, at this point, with less than 100 participants, the Unplugged Tour’s impact on young Jews is only a footstep compared to the stampede of the established Taglit tour.

To Taglit leaders, the birthright trips have had some unwanted consequences. Some participants have used the trips to either “birthleft” or “desert,” as they put it. Trippers ranging from a handful to hundreds, depending on whom you ask, have crossed the Green Line into the Occupied Territories after the Israel trip, to work with the International Solidarity Movement. This organization defines itself as “a Palestinian organization committed to resisting the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land using non-violent, direct-action methods and principles.” ISM delivers food and medicine to houses under curfew, supporting demonstrations — currently against the separation wall — and documenting violations of human rights. In March 2003, an American activist with ISM was killed by an Israeli bulldozer while trying to protect a home from demolition in the Gaza strip. The Israeli government accuses it of supporting terrorism and often refuses entry to its volunteers.

Jacob Rosenblum, a 22-year-old from Portland, Ore., traveled with Taglit in 2004. “I wasn’t there for the birthright trip,” he says. “It was just my vehicle to get to Israel and Palestine. After the trip, he participated in ISM training and volunteered in Nablus, Tulkarem and Qalqilya. Similarly, says Aaron, the Canadian radio worker, “My plan all along was to spend two months in the West Bank with the ISM.” While in the West Bank, he tried “to do as much independent radio journalism as possible,” while also involved with “general ISM things like accompanying farmers who face settler harassment and delivering bread and medicine to people under curfew.” Lora Gordon, 24, from Chicago, didn’t plan on taking such a course of action after her Taglit trip in 2002. But she ended up spending 10 months working with ISM in the then heavily invaded Gaza strip, engaging in media work, staying with families whose homes were threatened with demolition, and teaching English to high school students.

Taglit is not too thrilled with these developments, mainly because it funds the ISM volunteers’ travel to Israel. “It is taking advantage of the Jewish money that sends people to Israel, exploiting this money to promote an agenda which is not the agenda of the people who funded Taglit,” says Mark. Potential candidates who are discovered to have a “hidden agenda” are not allowed onto the trips.

But “birthlefters” have no qualms over misused money. They say the idea of a blanket Jewish birthright to Israel is fundamentally flawed, given that countless Diaspora Palestinians are accorded no such right. “Billions of dollars are used to give free trips to American kids and if the Israel government funds it then that comes through the U.S., people’s tax dollars,” says Gordon. She sees anti-occupation work as a good use of that money. Others point out that in the P.R. battle between pro-Israelis and pro-Palestinians, the former has huge resources while the latter “has to do bake sales to fund our next event.” Moreover, says Gordon, “If Birthright is going to weed people out according to politics, then it’s not really about Judaism anymore.”

And yet this emerging dynamic, between Birthright and those who seek to counter it or provide alternatives, is precisely about Judaism. It comes up time and again when speaking to birthlefters who say that, prior to visiting the region, they felt unable to find a voice in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Raised on Jewish Sunday school and years of Jewish summer camp, Jessy Tolkan says, “I purposefully stayed away from the Israel-Palestine argument, unable to reconcile myself with being a pro-Israeli Jew and also a left-wing person.” After seeing the situation on the ground in Palestine, she says she felt “sad and angry that I had been lied to by the Jewish community that I was and continue to be proud of.” Until that point, she says, she had been “using a different framework to view the Israel-Palestine conflict that I use to view everything else in the world.”

Many of those who traveled in both regions say they left with a deeper connection to Judaism, challenging one very sacred cow: that a loyal relationship to Israel is fundamentally a part of Jewish identity. Gordon speaks of discovering the “joyful way of being Jewish, that Shabbat can mean dancing on the roof and singing songs and having a wonderful communal meal and then having a day working on your inner self.” Jacob Rosenblum says he returned from Israel and the territories more committed to Judaism and engaged with more moderate Jewish political groups. “I got really into claiming Judaism as my own and finding the religious parts and practice that really speak to me as a political activist,” he says.

Toronto Sun: “Protesting against Israeli apartheid”

By Sid Ryan, Toronto Sun. June 2, 2006

Last weekend, amid resolutions on health care, pensions, social services, education and matters of social justice, CUPE Ontario delegates attending our annual convention in Ottawa voted
overwhelmingly to support a global campaign against Israel’s apartheid-like policies until that state recognizes “the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination.”

The conditions in the occupied Palestinian territories have been likened to the apartheid system in South Africa. This was the official government policy of racial segregation that divided people
by the colour of their skin.

Blacks were segregated into so-called homelands, or Bantustans, with their own institutions and voting procedures. Non-whites were forced to carry passes to travel outside the Bantustans. Checkpoints were set up to police this racist policy. Blacks living in white South Africa were treated as less than citizens and only held rights in their far-away designated “homeland.” In effect, they became aliens in their own land.

As the famous Jewish South African cabinet minister, Ronnie Kasrils, who fought against the apartheid South African regime, said on a visit to Jerusalem, “Apartheid was an extension of the colonial project to dispossess people of their land. That is exactly what has happened in Israel and the occupied territories; the use of force and the law to take the land. That is what apartheid and Israel have in common.”

There are two groups of Palestinians living under Israeli rule. One group is in the Gaza Strip and occupied West Bank. The others are Israeli citizens, but even so with fewer rights than Jewish citizens of Israel regarding where they can live.

Those living in the occupied territories have no Israeli citizenship, yet are subject to the military might and laws of Israel and need the permission of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) to move about, thus restricting their ability to go to school, work or even get health care. Israel has allowed Israeli settlers to grab prime pieces of land and set-up settlements for Israelis only. The Palestinians are forced to use inferior quality roads that take hours longer to travel. The network of roads combined with the labyrinth of checkpoints has carved up Palestinian communities and created long and humiliating waiting periods at the checkpoints.

The former archbishop of Cape Town, Desmond Tutu, said after visiting the occupied territories, “I have seen the humiliation of Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about.” Israel is now building what has been called the “apartheid wall” because it has led to the expropriation of land, expelled Palestinians from their homes and separated farmers from their livelihood. As NDP foreign affairs critic Alexa McDonough said in a letter last week to Minister Peter MacKay, it is a “685 km barrier — deemed illegal by the International Court of Justice in July 2004 — which annexes 8% of the West Bank and places internationalized East Jerusalem firmly within a unilaterally-drawn Israeli border by 2008.”

It was this wall that spurred CUPE Ontario delegates to adopt a policy in support of an international campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions. Like members of many church congregations, a large number of organizations in Quebec and the 67,000-member union of
university lecturers in the United Kingdom, they are frustrated by Israel’s lack of response to what has been tried through reason and law with United Nations resolutions and the International Court of Justice. The resolution submitted by several CUPE Ontario locals was
designed to draw attention to the lives of ordinary innocent civilians living in horrific conditions in Palestine.

For the record, our members have also decided at a previous national convention to “call for and actively work towards an end to all acts of violence that take the lives of innocent people, whether they be Palestinian or Israeli.” We continue to support a negotiated peace process based on equality — and that means the wall must come down.

— Ryan is president of CUPE Ontario
Ryan_Sid@canoemail.com

Ha’aretz: “With a little help from the outside”

By Gideon Levy, Ha’aretz. 4th June 2006

The laugh of fate: The state waging a broad international campaign for a boycott is simultaneously waging a parallel campaign, no less determined, against a boycott. A boycott that seriously harms the lives of millions of people is legitimate in its eyes because it is directed against those defined as its enemies, while a boycott that is liable to hurt its academic ivory tower is illegitimate in its eyes only because it is aimed against itself. This is a moral double standard. Why is the boycott campaign against the Palestinian Authority, including blocking essential economic aid and boycotting leaders elected in democratic and legal elections, a permissible measure in Israel’s eyes and the boycott of its universities is forbidden?

Israel cannot claim the boycott weapon is illegitimate. It makes extensive use of this weapon itself, and its victims are suffering under severe conditions of deprivation, from Rafah to Jenin. In the past, Israel called upon the world to boycott Yasser Arafat, and now it is calling for a boycott of the Hamas government – and via this government, all of the Palestinians in the territories. And Israel does not regard this as an ethical problem. Tens of thousands have not received their salaries for four months due to the boycott, but when there is a call to boycott Israeli universities, the boycott suddenly becomes an illegitimate weapon.

Those calling for a boycott of Israel are also tainted with a moral double standard. The National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education (NATFHE) in Britain and the Canadian Union of Public Employees in Ontario, which have both decided to boycott Israel, did not act similarly to protest their own countries’ war crimes and occupations – the British army in Iraq and the Canadian army in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, the handful of human rights advocates and opponents of the occupation in Israel should thank these two organizations for the step they have taken, despite their flawed double standards.

It would have been preferable had the opponents of the occupation in Israel not needed the intervention of external groups to fight the occupation. It is not easy to call upon the world to boycott your own country. It would have been better had there been no need for Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndall, bold people of conscience who paid with their lives after standing in front of the destructive bulldozers in Rafah. These young foreigners did the dangerous and vital work that Israelis should have done.

The same is true for the few peace activists who still manage to roam the territories, to protest and offer assistance to the victims of the occupation in the framework of organizations like the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) – which Israel fights – preventing its members from entering its borders. It would be better if Israelis mobilized to fight instead of them. But except for a few modest groups, there is no protest in Israel and no real mobilization. Thus, it only remains to hope for the world’s help.

The world can help save Israel from itself in limited ways. In a situation in which the governments of the West effectively support the continuation of the occupation, even if they declare their opposition to it, this role moves to civil organizations. When a group of American attorneys, including Jews, calls for a boycott of the Caterpillar company, whose bulldozers razed complete neighborhoods in Khan Yunis and Rafah, it should be thanked for this. The same applies to the boycott of the universities: When an association of British university lecturers boycotts Israeli colleagues who are not prepared to at least declare their opposition to the occupation, we should appreciate it. Each group in its field, and perhaps this will someday also include tourism officials, business people, artists and athletes. If all these boycott Israel, perhaps Israelis will begin to understand, albeit the hard way, that there is a price to pay for the occupation – a price in their pockets and in their status.

The occupation is not just the domain of the government, army and security organizations. Everything is tainted: institutions of justice and law, the physicians who remain silent while medical treatment is prevented in the territories, the teachers who do not protest against the closing of educational institutions and the prevention of free movement of their peers, the journalists who do not report, the writers and artists who remain mum, the architects and engineers who lend a hand to the occupation’s enterprises – the settlements and the fence, the barriers and bypass roads and also the university lecturers, who do nothing for their imprisoned colleagues in the territories, but conduct special study programs for the security forces. If all these boycotted the occupation, there would be no need for an international boycott.

The world sees a great and ongoing injustice. Should it remain silent? It is not, of course, the only injustice in the world. Nor is it the most terrible. But does this make it any less necessary to act against it?

It is easy to exempt ourselves from our moral responsibility and attribute, as usual, any criticism to anti-Semitism. There may indeed be some elements of anti-Semitism among those calling for the boycott. But also among them are groups and individuals, including quite a few Jews, for whom Israel is close to their hearts. They want a just Israel. They see an Israel that occupies and is clearly unjust, and they believe they should do something. We should thank them for this from the bottom of our hearts.