Haaretz: Eight Palestinian youths and the crime they didn’t commit

Amira Hass, Haaretz

After two years, a case against Palestinian teenagers accused of throwing stones was overturned when the military prosecution backed out. The suspects pleaded innocent all along, saying they’d been in school

Eight Palestinian teenagers were tried in the court of military judge Lt. Col. Menashe Vahnish on November 11, 2008. Referring to a soldier from the Kfir Brigade, Vahnish said, “at this stage, there is no reason to cast any doubt on the witness.” According to his police testimony, on October 30, 2008 the soldier, T.M., and some of his comrades apprehended stone-throwing Palestinian 16-year-olds on a road that runs between the al-Aroub refugee camp south of Bethlehem and an agricultural school across the way.

Vahnish also saw no reason to doubt the accounts given by two other soldiers from the Kfir Brigade company, L.G. and G.D., whose statements to the Etzion police formed the basis of indictments submitted by the army prosecutor against the Palestinians. Under the indictment, the eight teenagers hurled rocks “from a distance of about 20 meters at Israeli cars traveling on Route 60, with the intention of harming the vehicles or their passengers.”

Following their apprehension, the judge ordered that the teenagers, all of whom are students at the al-Aroub agricultural school, remain in custody until the end of their trial. Extending remands (i.e., keeping suspects in jail until the end of legal proceedings) is almost always a default option favored by the Israeli military court in the West Bank, whose sole defendants are Palestinians. When detainees are suspected of minor offenses (such as stone throwing or demonstrating), and especially when they are minors, the length of time they are held in custody often exceeds the maximum possible prison term. Therefore, defendants often feel pressured to reach a deal with the prosecution and plead guilty, even when they are not or when the evidence is weak. But this time, the pressure evidently did not work.

In their police accounts, the soldiers stated that they chased the stone throwers and caught those who did not manage to escape to the school grounds. The pupils, on the other hand, claimed they had been inside their classrooms and that some of them were even taking exams, when three regular army jeeps and one large (“Ze’ev” ) jeep suddenly burst onto the school compound. According to the Palestinian witnesses, the vehicles tore down a fence and then soldiers leapt out and whisked about 20 students out of their classrooms.

Vahnish gave little credence to arguments made by defense attorneys Mahmoud Hassan and Nasser Nubani. Their case depended largely on what they described as a clear photograph from October 30, taken by a pupil, showing a group of 20 students sitting on a low stone fence, without handcuffs or blindfolds, in the schoolyard. The eight defendants were selected out of this group of 20, claimed Hassan, from the Addameer Prisoners’ Support and Human Rights Association.

Hassan submitted an appeal, and the eight teenage defendants spent another nine days behind bars before judge Lt. Col. Yoram Haniel, from the military appeals court, decided to release them on bail.

“Basically,” Haniel stated, “the army prosecutor is basing his position on statements made by three soldiers who were responsible for the arrests under appeal. Unfortunately, the soldiers have not detailed what occurred, nor have they provided a detailed description of how they managed to bring all of the appellants to court.”

The appeals judge ordered each youth to provide, in cash, NIS 7,500 as bail. For all eight of the defendants, whose parents were already hard-pressed to cover their journey to the military appeals court session in Ofer, this was an impossibly exorbitant sum. But the Ramallah-based NPO Addameer managed, in this particular case, to obtain a loan from the Palestinian Authority treasury and post their bail. Five days after Haniel handed down his decision, the teenagers were released; they had been in custody for 27 days.

Routine pressure

After the suspects were released, Hassan told Haaretz, the army prosecutor began the typical routine of pressuring him to sign a deal. Hassan relates how the prosecutor’s representatives told him, “We want to end this matter quickly. We will demand only a fine and a suspended sentence. It’s a shame to waste the court’s time, and your own time. What else could you want, [the eight defendants] are released and you’re wasting time over nothing.”

Hassan rejected the offer, saying his clients should not be branded with a criminal record for the rest of their lives for a crime they did not commit.

Between 15 and 18 sessions on the case were then held at the military court in Ofer. The soldiers were questioned about their statements to the police, and more photographs were submitted.

On the day of the arrests, the soldier G.D., for instance – who had served in the Kfir Brigade Haruv company for 15 months – told the police: “Today, over the course of patrol activity, we received a report that there was stone throwing in the region of al-Aroub. I arrived on the scene with a back-up squad… We immediately identified the group of stone throwers, located 30 meters away. Its members were hurling stones at Route 60. In our vehicle, we proceeded to chase the stone throwers at a moderate speed; when we were a few meters away from them, they began to flee in the direction of the school. At that point, we got out of the army vehicle and started to chase them on foot. We were able to detain some of the stone throwers, while others managed to escape into the school.”

Along with the police questioner, this soldier entered the Etzion station yard where he pointed to three of the detainees, including Nasser Badran Jaber, “who was wearing a black jacket, blue jeans and had light brown hair.” The police officer asked the soldier if he was certain that those he had identified had in fact thrown stones. “Doubly sure,” G.D. responded. The policeman then asked whether the soldier had kept the suspects in his sight from the time they had thrown the stones until their apprehension. G.D. said that he had.

On January 28, 2010, G.D. left his base in the Jordan Valley to testify in the Ofer courtroom. Hassan asked him: “Is it true that, along with the rest of the force on the scene, you entered the schoolyard?” G.D. replied: “I never went in. I stayed with the detainees.” Hassan: “So you stayed in the army vehicle?” G.D.: “Yes.” Hassan: “So, who entered the yard?” G.D.: “I don’t know anything about soldiers going in.” Hassan: “You said that you caught somebody on the road, not in the schoolyard. Can you tell me who, among the defendants, this was?” G.D.: “No, I can’t recall.” Hassan: “I’m telling you that you have made false statements right now, because all of the defendants were detained in the school, not on the road. What do you have to say about this?” G.D.: “I am testifying about what I remember, and that’s what happened. I recall that there were three [suspects] with me in the vehicle. I recall that they were involved in stone throwing; perhaps I did not see them throw stones, but they were in the group that fled.” The exchange between Hassan and G.D. continued:

Q. When you reached the road, you saw people throwing stones. That was beyond the road, correct?

A. Yes.

Q. Did any cars pass by at this time?

A. I imagine so, because this is the main road.

Q. But you yourself did not see a car pass by, or the suspects throwing any rocks at it?

A. I did not see a car hit by a stone. I don’t entirely recall whether there was stone throwing at this time.

Q. You received a report that people were throwing stones, and you arrived a short time after the rocks were hurled. But you didn’t see any stone throwing yourself?

A. I saw rocks being thrown in the direction of the road, and the moment we arrived [the throwers] fled.

Q. So if you saw stones being thrown, did you also see where they landed?

A. That’s a very specific question. This occurred a long time ago.

‘Tossed like garbage bags’

The teenagers continued to plead innocent. In July 2010, after the defense attorney announced his intention to bring schoolteachers in as witnesses, the military prosecution asked to rescind its indictment. The military judge had no choice but to declare, on July 12, that the indictment had been overturned.

Nasser Jaber, from Hebron, told Haaretz this week that he and the other suspects were held for a day before being brought to a cell at the Etzion police department. Over the course of this day, he said, they were insulted, slapped and kicked.

“We were handcuffed and blindfolded, and the soldiers threw us like garbage bags to the floor of the jeep,” he related. “They kicked us during the car trip. Then they tossed us, face down, like garbage bags, from the jeep to the ground; some of us were injured.”

During the remand hearing, “all of the defendants sobbed, except Nasser,” Jaber’s mother related. Some of them fell ill while in custody. Two dropped out of school as a result of the emotional strains and steep financial costs connected to the detention and trial. All refused to sign a plea bargain.

Along with the eight defendants, there was another detainee involved in the case – a young man about four years older than the other suspects. He denied all charges during the police interrogation and the court remand hearing.

In a prior case, when he was 14, he had been convicted on a stone-throwing charge and a shooting charge, which left him with a conditional arrest sentence of 30 months. That is why Haniel ordered him to remain in custody until the end of the court proceedings.

On May 4, 2009 he decided that his wisest course was to plead guilty of throwing stones on the date in question. The day he reversed his plea, he was released. The judge announced that they had worked out a plea bargain, according to which the man’s sentence was equivalent to the number of days he had been held in custody; he was also fined NIS 500. He had been convicted on the basis of testimony from the same soldiers whose testimonies could not sustain the charge sheets of the eight teenagers. His friends spent one month in jail, while he lost six months there.

He lost but the court gained: The judge in his case, Lt. Col. Shmuel Kedar, seemed satisfied with the plea bargain. “The sides justified the arrangement by pointing to the defendant’s past record, his admission of guilt and saving the court’s time,” he said.

The IDF spokesman released the following statement in reply: “It bears mention that there is no court determination that the soldiers lied in their accounts, and the agreement to overturn the indictment has no implication with regard to the reliability of the soldiers’ testimony… Perjury in military trials is a serious offense, and appropriate legal measures are taken in response to it. Decisions concerning detention are reached in a professional, direct manner, according to appropriate standards and rules accepted in Israel’s legal system. The prolongation of legal processes for one reason or another can justify the release of detainees, for this reason only and in appropriate cases.”

IDF order will enable mass deportation from West Bank

Amira Hass | Ha’aretz

11 April 2010

A new military order aimed at preventing infiltration will come into force this week, enabling the deportation of tens of thousands of Palestinians from the West Bank, or their indictment on charges carrying prison terms of up to seven years.

When the order comes into effect, tens of thousands of Palestinians will automatically become criminal offenders liable to be severely punished.

Given the security authorities’ actions over the past decade, the first Palestinians likely to be targeted under the new rules will be those whose ID cards bear home addresses in the Gaza Strip – people born in Gaza and their West Bank-born children – or those born in the West Bank or abroad who for various reasons lost their residency status. Also likely to be targeted are foreign-born spouses of Palestinians.

Until now, Israeli civil courts have occasionally prevented the expulsion of these three groups from the West Bank. The new order, however, puts them under the sole jurisdiction of Israeli military courts.

The new order defines anyone who enters the West Bank illegally as an infiltrator, as well as “a person who is present in the area and does not lawfully hold a permit.” The order takes the original 1969 definition of infiltrator to the extreme, as the term originally applied only to those illegally staying in Israel after having passed through countries then classified as enemy states – Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria.

The order’s language is both general and ambiguous, stipulating that the term infiltrator will also be applied to Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, citizens of countries with which Israel has friendly ties (such as the United States) and Israeli citizens, whether Arab or Jewish. All this depends on the judgment of Israel Defense Forces commanders in the field.

The new guidelines are expected to clamp down on protests in the West Bank.

The Hamoked Center for the Defense of the Individual was the first Israeli human rights to issue warnings against the order, signed six months ago by then-commander of IDF forces in Judea and Samaria Area Gadi Shamni.

Two weeks ago, Hamoked director Dalia Kerstein sent GOC Central Command Avi Mizrahi a request to delay the order, given “the dramatic change it causes in relation to the human rights of a tremendous number of people.”

According to the provisions, “a person is presumed to be an infiltrator if he is present in the area without a document or permit which attest to his lawful presence in the area without reasonable justification.” Such documentation, it says, must be “issued by the commander of IDF forces in the Judea and Samaria area or someone acting on his behalf.”

The instructions, however, are unclear over whether the permits referred to are those currently in force, or also refer to new permits that military commanders might issue in the future. The provision are also unclear about the status of bearers of West Bank residency cards, and disregards the existence of the Palestinian Authority and the agreements Israel signed with it and the PLO.

The order stipulates that if a commander discovers that an infiltrator has recently entered a given area, he “may order his deportation before 72 hours elapse from the time he is served the written deportation order, provided the infiltrator is deported to the country or area from whence he infiltrated.”

The order also allows for criminal proceedings against suspected infiltrators that could produce sentences of up to seven years. Individuals able to prove that they entered the West Bank legally but without permission to remain there will also be tried, on charges carrying a maximum sentence of three years. (According to current Israeli law, illegal residents typically receive one-year sentences.)

The new provision also allow the IDF commander in the area to require that the infiltrator pay for the cost of his own detention, custody and expulsion, up to a total of NIS 7,500.

Currently, Palestinians need special permits to enter areas near the separation fence, even if their homes are there, and Palestinians have long been barred from the Jordan Valley without special authorization. Until 2009, East Jerusalemites needed permission to enter Area A, territory under full PA control.

The fear that Palestinians with Gaza addresses will be the first to be targeted by this order is based on measures that Israel has taken in recent years to curtail their right to live, work, study or even visit the West Bank. These measures violated the Oslo Accords.

According to a decision by the West Bank commander that was not backed by military legislation, since 2007, Palestinians with Gaza addresses must request a permit to stay in the West Bank. Since 2000, they have been defined as illegal sojourners if they have Gaza addresses, as if they were citizens of a foreign state. Many of them have been deported to Gaza, including those born in the West Bank.

One group expected to be particularly harmed by the new rules are Palestinians who moved to the West Bank under family reunification provisions, which Israel stopped granting for several years.

In 2007, amid a number of Hamoked petitions and as a goodwill gesture to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, tens of thousands of people received Palestinian residency cards. The PA distributed the cards, but Israel had exclusive control over who could receive them. Thousands of Palestinians, however, remained classified as “illegal sojourners,” including many who are not citizens of any other country.

The new order is the latest step by the Israeli government in recent years to require permits that limit the freedom of movement and residency previously conferred by Palestinian ID cards. The new regulations are particularly sweeping, allowing for criminal measures and the mass expulsion of people from their homes.

The IDF Spokesman’s Office said in response, “The amendments to the order on preventing infiltration, signed by GOC Central Command, were issued as part of a series of manifests, orders and appointments in Judea and Samaria, in Hebrew and Arabic as required, and will be posted in the offices of the Civil Administration and military courts’ defense attorneys in Judea and Samaria. The IDF is ready to implement the order, which is not intended to apply to Israelis, but to illegal sojourners in Judea and Samaria.”

Israel withholding NGO employees’ work permits

Amira Hass | Ha’aretz

20 January 2010

The Interior Ministry has stopped granting work permits to foreign nationals working in most international nongovernmental organizations operating in the Palestinian territories, including East Jerusalem, Haaretz has learned.

In an apparent overhaul of regulations that have been in place since 1967, the ministry is now granting the NGO employees tourist visas only, which bar them from working.

Organizations affected by the apparent policy change include Oxfam, Save the Children, Doctors Without Borders, Terre des Hommes, Handicap International and the Religious Society of Friends (a Quaker organization).

Until recently, the workers would register with the international relations department at the Social Affairs Ministry, which would recommend the Interior Ministry to issue them B1 work permits. Although the foreign nationals are still required to approach the Social Affairs Ministry to receive recommendations to obtain a tourist visa, the Interior Ministry is aiming to make the Ministry of Defense responsible for those international NGOs and also requiring them to register with the coordinator of government activities in the territories (COGAT), which is subordinate to the Ministry of Defense.

Foreign nationals working for NGOs had understood they would receive a stamp or handwritten note alongside their tourist visa, permitting them to work “in the Palestinian Authority.” Israel is refusing work visas to most foreign nationals who state that they wish to work within the Palestinian territories, such as foreign lecturers for Palestinian universities and businessmen.

Israel does not recognize Palestinian Authority rule in East Jerusalem or in Area C, which comprises some 60 percent of the West Bank. The NGO workers say they’ve come to believe that the new policy is intended to force them to close their Jerusalem offices and relocate to West Bank cities. This move would prevent them from working among the Palestinian population of East Jerusalem, defined by the international community as occupied territory.

The organizations fear the new policy will impede their ability to work in Area C, whether because Israel doesn’t see it as part of the Palestinian Authority or because they will eventually be subjected to the restrictions of movement imposed on the Palestinians. Such restrictions include the prohibition to enter East Jerusalem and Gaza via Israel, except with specific and rarely obtained permits; and prohibition to enter areas west of the separation fence, except for village residents who hold special residency permits and Israeli citizens.

One NGO worker told Haaretz that the policy was reminiscent of the travel constraints imposed by Burmese authorities on humanitarian organizations, albeit presented in a subtler manner.

NGO workers told Haaretz that they had been informed by the COGAT official that a policy change was forthcoming, as early as July 2009. When a number of them approached the Interior Ministry in August to renew their visas, they found that their applications had been submitted to a “special committee.” They were not told who constituted this committee, and had to make do with a “receipt” confirming that they had submitted the request. The workers said the tourist visas they received differed from each other in duration and travel limitations, and surmised from this that the policy has not been entirely fleshed out.

Latest in a series of steps

A number of NGO workers who spoke with Haaretz voiced deep apprehensions about having to submit to the authority of the Defense Ministry. The groups are committed to the Red Cross code of ethics, and therefore see being subjugated to the ministry directly in charge of the occupation as problematic and contradictory to the very essence of their work.

Between 140 and 150 NGOs operate among the Palestinian population. Haaretz could not obtain the exact number of foreign nationals they employ.

The new limitations do not apply to the 12 organizations that have been active in the West Bank prior to 1967. Those groups, which include the Red Cross and several Christian organizations, were registered with the Jordanian authorities.

The new move by the Interior Ministry is the latest in a series of steps taken in the last few years to constrain the movement of foreign nationals in the West Bank and Gaza, including Palestinians with family and property in the occupied territories. Most of those who have been effected are nationals of countries with which Israel has diplomatic relations, especially Western states. Israel does not apply any similar constraints on citizens of the same countries traveling within Israel and West Bank settlements.

The Interior Ministry said in a statement that the only relevant authority empowered to approve the stay of foreign citizens in the Palestinian Authority is the coordinator of government activities in the territories. “The Interior Ministry is entrusted with granting visas and work permits within the State of Israel. Those staying within both the boundaries of Israel and the Palestinian Authority are required to secure their permits accordingly,” the ministry said.

“Recently, a question was raised on the issue of visas granted to those staying in the Palestinian Authority and in Israel, as it transpired that they spend most of their time in the PA despite having been provided with Israeli work permits,” the statement continued. “The matter is under intense discussions, with the active participation of the relevant military authorities, with a view to finding the right and appropriate solution as soon as possible.”

Israel restricts Palestinian lawyers’ access to West Bank detainees

Amira Hass | Haaretz

14 January 2010

Israel is prohibiting Palestinian lawyers and the relatives of Palestinian detainees from reaching a military tribunal via the Beitunia checkpoint west of Ramallah.

The prohibition, which has been in effect for the past three days, means that Israeli police are requiring Palestinians to use the Qalandiyah crossing 20 kilometers away, where they must produce an entry permit to Israel – which can take weeks to obtain – if they want to enter an Israeli military tribunal that is on West Bank land. The court lies 300 meters south of the Beitunia roadblock, and was built on land that is part of Beitunia.

The restriction contravenes a recent High Court of Justice decision opening Route 443 to Palestinian traffic.

The lawyers have declared a strike to protest the prohibition, and are not appearing in military court.

Military Judge Arieh Durani yesterday criticized the police for keeping the lawyers from adequately representing their clients.

“The court takes a very dim view of the authorities thwarting representation of detainees by not permitting their attorneys to cross at the checkpoint,” he said. He also imposed a NIS 1,000 fine on any lawyer who refrained from representing a client who is a minor.

Palestinians see the new rules as infringing on their rights as well as forcing them into de facto recognition of a border that is unilaterally determined by Israel. Since 1995, Israel has sought to make Qalandiyah the northern entry point of the so-called safe passage between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. It is far from the Green Line and the Latrun area, where the Palestinians wanted the entry point to be. The entire area south of Beitunia has gradually become off-limits to Palestinians since 2000.

Although the Israel Defense Forces has general responsibility for the area, the Jerusalem police and the Border Police are in charge of the checkpoint. Police first closed the checkpoint three weeks ago, telling the lawyers and relatives they had to enter through the Qalandiyah checkpoint.

But even those who go to Qalandiyah still need an entry permit to Israel, with no assurance that it will be granted. Moreover, crossing at Qalandiyah involves a long wait and additional travel expenses.

The attorneys went on strike when the restrictions were first imposed, and sent a letter of protest to Attorney General Menachem Mazuz. A few days later, the checkpoint was reopened for those heading to the military court. However, at the beginning of the week the order was imposed again.

In 2001 the IDF completely blocked the road that links Beitunia with Ramallah and the surrounding villages. When the military court was moved in 2004 from Ramallah to the Ofer facility, the checkpoint was opened so that lawyers and relatives of the accused could get to the court.

No Israeli officials took responsibility for the checkpoint restrictions.

The IDF spokesman’s office told Haaretz to seek a response from the Israel Police. The Israel Police spokesman told Haaretz that the Jerusalem police and the Border Police are responsible for the passage of merchandise, not people, and that a response should be obtained from the Defense Ministry.

For Palestinians, possession of used IDF arms is now a crime

Amira Hass | Haaretz

24 December 2009

The Israel Defense Forces consider it a crime punishable by imprisonment for a Palestinian to possess used IDF weapons, according to an indictment filed by the military prosecutor against Abdullah Abu Rahma of the West Bank town of Bil’in.

Abu Rahma, 39, is coordinator of the Bil’in Popular Committee Against the Wall, which has been holding demonstrations against construction of the separation fence on the village’s land. A teacher by profession, he was arrested by IDF troops on December 10 and indicted in a military court last Tuesday.

In addition to charges of incitement and throwing stones, Abu Rahma was charged with illegal weapons possession due to his alleged possession of M16 rifle bullets and gas and concussion grenades – which, the indictment said, “the accused and his associates used for an exhibition that showed people the means used by the security forces.”

Abu Rahma’s associates confirmed that empty concussion and gas grenades used by the IDF to disperse demonstrators were exhibited in Bil’in, adding that no one tried to conceal the nature of the exhibition. However, they said, M16 bullets were not part of the exhibit, nor were they found in a search of Abu Rahma’s home.

Activists in Bil’in speculated that the M16 allegation stemmed from misinformation given to the army by one of the many young people the army has arrested in recent months. They charge that these arrests are made in an effort to obtain incriminating material against the protest organizers.

In the case of another local protest organizer, Mohammed Khatib, a military court concluded that evidence that he had thrown stones was fabricated, after it turned out that at the time of the alleged infraction, he was abroad.

South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who met with Abu Rahma and Khatib last summer during a visit to Israel, condemned Abu Rahma’s arrest and indictment on Wednesday and urged the Israeli authorities to release him immediately. Tutu’s summer visit to the region was under the auspices of The Elders, a group of global leaders formed by former South African president Nelson Mandela.

In his statement on Wednesday, Tutu said that he and his fellow delegation members – who included former American president Jimmy Carter, former Irish president Mary Robinson and former Norwegian prime minister Gro Brundtland – were “impressed by [Abu Rahma and Khatib’s] commitment to peaceful political action, and their success in challenging the wall that unjustly separates the people of Bil’in from their land and their olive trees.” He called Abu Rahma’s arrest and indictment “part of an escalation by the Israeli military to try to break the spirit of the people of Bil’in.”