B’Tselem: Where Silence Reigns

Israel’s Separation Policy and Forced Eviction of Palestinians from the Center of Hebron
Joint report with The Association for Civil Rights in Israel>
from B’Tselem, May Report 2007

Summary:

Over the years, Israel established a number of settlement points in and around the Old City of Hebron, which had traditionally served as the commercial center for the entire southern West Bank . Israeli law-enforcement authorities and security forces have made the entire Palestinian population pay the price for protecting Israeli settlement in the city. To this end, the authorities impose a regime intentionally and openly based on the “separation principle”, as a result of which Israel created legal and physical segregation between the Israeli settlers and the Palestinian majority.

This policy led to the economic collapse of the center of Hebron and drove many Palestinians out of the area. The findings of a survey conducted in preparation of this report show that at least 1,014 Palestinian housing units in the center of Hebron have been vacated by their occupants. This number represents 41.9 percent of the housing units in the relevant area. Sixty-five percent (659) of the empty apartments became vacant during the course of the second intifada. Regarding Palestinian commercial establishments, 1,829 are no longer open for business. This number represents 76.6 percent of all the commercial establishments in the surveyed area. Of the closed businesses, 62.4 percent (1,141) were closed during the second intifada. At least 440 of them closed pursuant to military orders.

The main elements of Israel ‘s separation policy are the severe and extensive restrictions on Palestinian movement and the authorities’ systematic failure to enforce law and order on violent settlers attacking Palestinians. The city’s Palestinian residents also suffer as a direct result of the actions of Israel ‘s security forces.
The Fruit Market, 1990s. Photo: Na’if Hasalmon, al-Watan Center


The Fruit Market, 1990s


The Fruit Market, 2007. Photos: Na’if Hasalmon, al-Watan Center, Keren Manor, ActiveStills.

Restriction on Palestinian movement and the closing of businesses

During the first three years of the intifada, the army imposed a curfew on the Palestinians in the city center of Hebron for more than 377 days total, including a consecutive period of 182 days, with short breaks to obtain provisions.

In addition, the army created a contiguous strip of land in the City Center along which the movement of Palestinian vehicles is forbidden. The middle of the strip contains many sections of road that the army forbids even Palestinian pedestrians to use. The strip blocks the main north-south traffic artery in the city, and therefore affects the entire city. View Map.

The extensive prohibitions have led to the closing of hundreds of shops, in addition to those that were closed under army order.



A-Sahala area, near the Camel Market. Above: in the 1990s. Below: in 2007.
Photos: Na’if Hasalmon, al-Watan Center, Keren Manor, ActiveStills.

Failure to protect Palestinians from settler violence

Over the years, settlers in the city have routinely abused the city’s Palestinian residents, sometimes using extreme violence. Throughout the second intifada, settlers have committed physical assaults, including beatings, at times with clubs, stone throwing, and hurling of refuse, sand, water, chlorine, and empty bottles. Settlers have destroyed shops and doors, committed thefts, and chopped down fruit trees. Settlers have also been involved in gunfire, attempts to run people over, poisoning of a water well, breaking into homes, spilling of hot liquid on the face of a Palestinian, and the killing of a young Palestinian girl.

Soldiers are generally positioned on every street corner in and near the settlement points, but in most cases they do nothing to protect Palestinians from the settlers’ attacks. The police also fail to properly enforce the law, and rarely bring the assailants to justice. By failing to respond appropriately to settler violence in Hebron , the authorities in effect sanction the settlers’ violent acts. These acts, in addition to being severe, have also contributed to the “quiet transfer” of thousands of Palestinians from the City Center .

Harm to Palestinian residents by soldiers and police officers

The increased presence of soldiers and police in the Hebron city center brings with it violence, excessive and unjustified use of force, and abuse of the powers granted them by law. Violence, arbitrary house searches, seizure of houses, harassment, detaining passersby, and humiliating treatment have become part of daily reality for Palestinians and have led many of them to move to safer places. In some cases, not even the defense establishment tries to defend the security forces’ conduct; however, apparently, not enough has been done to uproot these practices.

* * *

Israel ‘s policy severely impacts thousands of Palestinians by violating the right to life, liberty, personal safety, freedom of movement, health, and property, among other rights. This policy breaches Israel ‘s obligations under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and Israeli administrative and constitutional law. Given the drastic effects of the policy on the fabric of Palestinian life in the area and the resultant “quiet transfer” of thousands of Palestinians, the policy constitutes a breach of the prohibition on forced transfer enshrined in the Fourth Geneva Convention and is therefore a war crime, for which the persons responsible bear personal liability.

The Israeli settlement points in Hebron , which were established in breach of Israel ‘s obligations under international law, cause severe and continuous breaches of international legal provisions intended to protect the human rights of persons under belligerent occupation. Israel contends that it is impossible to ensure the safety of the settlers without separating Palestinians and Israelis in the city, and without infringing the basic rights of the Palestinian residents, which has resulted in Palestinians leaving the City Center .

The State of Israel has the legal and moral obligation to evacuate the Israelis who settled in Hebron , and bring them back to Israel .

Until the settlers are evacuated, the Israeli authorities must ensure their safety while minimizing the violation of the human rights of Palestinians. To accomplish this, the government of Israel must allow Palestinians to move about in the City Center and return to their homes, rejuvenate the City Center as a commercial area, enforce law and order on violent settlers, investigate every case of violation of the law by the security forces, and prevent settlers from taking control of additional buildings and areas in the city.

Call to Action: Israeli army to uproot trees in Artas village

Bulldozers waiting to uproot Palestinian trees in the morning in Artas village
by the ISM Media Crew, 15 May 2007

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
15 May 2007

Artas Village, BETHLEHEM– At 10am tomorrow, Wednesday May 16, Israeli Occupation Forces will demolish a field of olive trees in the Palestinian village of Artas, according to residents of the village.

Hussam, from Artas, says, “The bulldozers are already waiting in the field in Artas to destroy our precious trees. It is a huge field of tress that the army will demolish. All of this in order to clear the way for a new sewage system for the illegal Israeli settlement of Efrat. Soldiers came today and said they will destroy the trees tomorrow morning.”


Uprooting of trees in Bethlehem near the illegal Israeli settlement of Efrat, March 2007, Photo from Bethlehem Bloggers

The Popular Committee Against the Wall and Settlements has called on international and Israeli solidarity activists to support them and join in non-violent, direct action to stop the bulldozers from uprooting their trees.

The Israeli government has uprooted hundreds of thousands of trees. Many of these trees have been destroyed because they happened to fall in the path of Israel’s Apartheid Wall, or because they were “too close” to Israeli settlements, as is the case in Artas village.

Palestinians are expecting illegal Israeli settlers from Efrat and Israeli soldiers to intervene and halt the Popular Committee’s projected action.

For activists and press, there will be two meeting points for tomorrow’s action:

1. Palestinians will be joined by solidarity activists at 9:30am at the Palestinian Medical Relief Services offices in Bethlehem near the Deheishe Refugee Camp.

2. Those interested in joining the action may also meet at 9:15am at Bab Alzqaq in Bethlehem, (the last servees stop if coming from Ramallah).

For more information, please contact:
Samer, 0522-531-172
Hussam, 0599-674-996
ISM Media Office, 0599-943-157, 0542-103-657

AIC: Paying for the Occupation

The Village of Husan Near Bethlehem
by Cara Loverock, 14 May 2007

In the Palestinian village of Husan , Mahmoud, like so many farmers in the West Bank, faces daily challenges in having his land close to a settlement, which brings harassment, destruction and abuse with no help in sight.

Mahmoud lives in the village of Husan, near Bethlehem in the southeastern part of the West Bank, with his wife and six children; three girls and three boys. To make a living Mahmoud and his family work their land, which has become increasingly difficult over the years. The family’s property is located in an area adjacent to Husan village in what is now the Israeli settlement of Betar Illit. Mahmoud and his family have faced a great deal of hardship from settlers attempting to destroy their land, “Many people from there, from the settlement, come and cut the trees…They damage our wall, our stone wall.”

Recently settlers set fire to his land, not only causing damage, but now Mahmoud is being charged for having the fire extinguished, “This amount that they wanted from us in the beginning was 40,000 shekels,” explains Mahmoud. He says that after many appointments with officials they had it reduced, “We succeeded to limit this number from 40 to 14,000 shekels.” Although the fire was set by the Betar Illit settlers and put out by the Israeli fire authority, without asking, Mahmoud’s family is stuck with the bill. “Their sons do the fire and their fathers come to put it out and they want from us to pay for this”, he says.

He expresses frustration at the fact that he and his family are asked to pay for the harassment and abuse that has been inflicted on them without reason, other than the misfortune of having land close to a settlement. Betar Illit was built on land confiscated partly from Mahmoud’s family and partly from the village of Nahalin , a village very close to Husan and situated between three major Israeli settlements.

As Mahmoud takes a walk over his modest plot of land, he comes across a large pile of brush just on the other side of the fence, separating his land from Betar Illit. He explains that this pile of brush is something he sees often, as the settlers regularly use these materials when they set fire to his land, “They put many, many branches and put it there…They gather many, many things, wood, anything that will be burned and took it like you see it now…When they do the fires, this will be bigger than this many, many times. What you seen now. This will be many, many bigger than this, and when they burn the fire; the fire will go everywhere.”

The settlers don’t want the fire near their houses, but because of the fence that separates the settlement from Mahmoud’s property, they can’t get on his land this time. Asked how often fires happen, he explains that they are a fairly regular occurrence, “Nearly every four or five months…just in our place, in our field.” Upon the suggestion that something can be done to stop the destruction, Mahmoud answers simply, “No, we can’t.” He says that they are able to file complaints with the Israeli authorities, but recently he was informed that they threw out his file which documented the violations the settlers had committed against his family’s land, “It was exactly two days ago that they told us that this (folder) was closed and they don’t do anything.”

“They come all the time with the rubbish and put it on our field”, says Mahmoud. Looking around, it is very clear that the settlers have total disregard for the Arab family trying to make a living here. There is rubbish strewn about across the property; a tire, a rusted oven, a mattress, a stroller, among other garbage. He’s had to cut many of his trees in order to save them after they’ve been hacked up by settlers.

He points out a fence that has been clearly cut and put back together numerous times, says Mahmoud, “More than five times it’s been damaged and we return it back…They took it on the floor, and we return it back and use iron bars to make it more strong”. Not too far away there is another part of the fence that has been completely destroyed and is lying on the ground.

Looking at all the damage is clearly overwhelming, and Mahmoud tries to explain the frustration, “We haven’t enough strength I thought.” When asked about how it affects how much the land is able to produce, he seems annoyed at the obviousness of the answer, “Of course we get less. Of course,…You have to know something…if you know that nearly all of the trees cut are olive trees. Olive trees can make oil nearly in two years, one time. What I want to say is that we are making here work more than we must do, and this work doesn’t give us the bread we eat.”

As Mahmoud continues his walk through the trees, a group of young men are off in the distance, his nephews and cousins are hard at work, landscaping on this cloudy spring morning. In the area where they are working stands a large electrical tower. Mahmoud says it provides power to the settlement and that he and his family were not asked permission when it was built. “When they come, they don’t come walking…they come with bulldozers, with tractors”, he says.

Betar Illit was built in 1984, settlers have caused trouble on Mahmoud’s land from the beginning, he says, but it has been particularly hard in the last five or six years, due to the second Intifada. “You know, because of the Intifada, they don’t allow us to come in the fields all the time and when we want to enter,” says Mahmoud. He explains that during the Intifada, the Israeli authorities came down hard on security and did not allow Mahmoud onto his land very often, allowing the agriculture to be damaged, since he was not there to try and protect it.

“We do our work, just this. They are afraid because of the Intifada, they don’t allow for us to come when we want. And because of this, because we are not there, all the time the people come and do what they do.”

Directly in front of Mahmoud’s property, there is an area that looks like a construction zone, with bulldozers and garage type buildings. He says it used to belong to his cousin, but was confiscated because his cousin was ill and the land was not being used at the time. “Of course, we tried (to get it back) and all the time the answers were the land, like this, was not good like our land. They call it government land and they have to take it. Because our land is good with trees with stone walls, they can see that someone takes care of this, they know that this belongs to someone, because of this they didn’t take it,” says Mahmoud. Although, he explains that the Israeli government did initially try to purchase the property, “In the beginning they always tried to take it. They tried to take it…although we have the trees, we have everything and when we refused they tried. They said to us, if we want to sell our land. Of course we didn’t think about this at all.”

The family has a second plot of land not too far from the first area, but they are now unable to access it, explains Mahmoud, the small access road is now damaged to the point they can’t get through. “They damaged nearly all, especially in the last three, four years, because we can’t come here. They enter with a bulldozer and enter with rubbish and do a big stone wall there and do many rubbish like what you see”, he says.

Before leaving the area, Mahmoud puts down his three year old daughter and goes over to one of the trees that has not yet been damaged. He comes back with a handful of almonds and gives them to his daughter who smiles and laughs. Her demeanor is blissful, she is too young to understand the damage around her or the threat to her family’s land and her future.

SF Chronicle: For Palestinians, memory matters

It provides a blueprint for their future
by George Bisharat, 13 May 2007

Why do some people have the power to remember, while others are asked to forget? That question is especially poignant at this time of year, as we move from Holocaust Remembrance day in early spring to Monday’s anniversary of Israel’s declaration of independence on May 14, 1948.

In the months surrounding that date, Jewish forces expelled, or intimidated into flight, an estimated 750,000 Palestinians. A living, breathing, society that had existed in Palestine for centuries was smashed and fragmented, and a new society built on its ruins.

Few Palestinian families lack a personal narrative of loss from that period — an uncle killed, or a branch of the family that fled north while the others fled east, never to be reunited, or homes, offices, orchards and other property seized. Ever since, Palestinians worldwide have commemorated May 15 as Nakba (Catastrophe) Day.

No ethical person would admonish Jews to “forget the Holocaust.” Indeed, recent decades have witnessed victims of that terrible era not only remembering, but also regaining paintings and financial assets seized by the Nazis — and justifiably so.

Other victims of mass wrongs — interned Japanese Americans, enslaved African Americans, and Armenians subjected to a genocide that may have later convinced Hitler of the feasibility of mass killings — receive at least respectful consideration of their cases, even while responses to their claims have differed.

Yet in dialogues with Israelis, and some Americans, Palestinians are repeatedly admonished to “forget the past,” that looking back is “not constructive” and “doesn’t get us closer to a solution.” Ironically, Palestinians live the consequences of the past every day — whether as exiles from their homeland, or as members of an oppressed minority within Israel, or as subjects of a brutal and violent military occupation.

In the West we are amply reminded of the suffering of Jewish people in World War II. Our newspaper featured several stories on local survivors of the Nazi holocaust around Holocaust Remembrance Day (an Israeli national holiday that is widely observed in the United States). My daughter has read at least one book on the Nazi holocaust every year since middle school. Last year, in ninth grade English literature alone, she read three. But we seldom confront the impact of Israel’s policies on Palestinians.

It is the “security of the Jewish people” that has rationalized Israel’s takeover of Palestinian lands, both in the past in Israel, and more recently in the occupied West Bank. There, most Palestinian children negotiate one of the 500 Israeli checkpoints and other barriers to movement just to reach school each day. Meanwhile, Israel’s program of colonization of the West Bank grinds ahead relentlessly, implanting ever more Israeli settlers who must be “protected” from those Palestinians not reconciled to the theft of their homes and fields.

The primacy of Jewish security over rights of Palestinians — to property, education, health care, a chance to make a living, and, also to security — is seldom challenged.

Unfortunately, remembering the Nazi Holocaust — something morally incumbent on all of us — has seemingly become entangled with, and even an instrument of, the amnesia some would force on Palestinians. Israel is enveloped in an aura of ethical propriety that makes it unseemly, even “anti-Semitic” to question its denial of Palestinian rights.

As Israeli journalist Amira Hass recently observed: “Turning the Holocaust into a political asset serves Israel primarily in its fight against the Palestinians. When the Holocaust is on one side of the scale, along with the guilty (and rightly so) conscience of the West, the dispossession of the Palestinian people from their homeland in 1948 is minimized and blurred.”

What this demonstrates is that memory is not just an idle capacity. Rather, who can remember, and who can be made to forget, is, fundamentally, an expression of power.

Equally importantly, however, memory can provide a blueprint for the future — a vision of a solution to seek, or an outcome to avoid. My Palestinian father grew up in Jerusalem before Israel was founded and the Palestinians expelled, when Muslims, Christians and Jews lived in peace and mutual respect. Recalling that past provides a vision for an alternative future — one involving equal rights and tolerance, rather than the domination of one ethno-religious group over others.

George Bisharat is professor of law at Hastings College of the Law in San Francisco. He writes frequently about the Middle East.
Thus, what Palestinians are really being commanded is not just to forget their past, but instead to forget their future, too. That they will never do.

IWPS: Palestinian banker detained

Young Haris banker detained
by Beth, IWPS, 13 May 2007

When a young Ramallah bank employee returned home to Haris shortly after midnight on May 13, 2007, he was confronted by soldiers who suggested he was driving a stolen car and carrying stolen money. He was kept on the road for an hour and a half, subjected to searches and questioning, and finally allowed to leave after police had arrived and conducted another inspection.

Banker's Car, Photo IWPS

The young man was first confronted in front of his house by soldiers, who demanded he back his car up to the entrance of the village a few metres away. There, they made him lie down on the ground, which was muddy from rain. They suggested that his car was stolen and searched it fully, making the young man open the hood and trunk. The man had purchased the car over two months earlier from someone in a neighbouring village; his father said police from nearby Ari’el settlement had been by the family home eight days earlier to check on the car, and did not consider it to be stolen property.

Soldiers also searched the young man’s bag and asked why he was carrying so much money. The man explained that his job requires him to travel throughout Salfit to collect money from bank customers wishing to make deposits into their accounts, as there is no branch of this bank in Salfit. The man must often visit customers late in the evening after they have returned home from their jobs, often in settlements in Salfit. He then makes the cash deposits the following day in Ramallah. The young man was carrying his bank ID card with him when he was stopped.

Palestinian banker detained, Photo IWPS

However, when IWPS arrived on the scene, a soldier was still suggesting the money and car might be stolen, and said the young man would be detained with his car near the village entrance until police arrived. At one point there were nine soldiers and three jeeps at the village entrance (compared to the young man, an older brother and their parents, a friend who was interpreting for the family, and two IWPS team members). One soldier positioned himself in a small field to the side of the road, pointing his gun toward the houses in the distance, prompting the young man’s mother to remark that “we are not afraid as they are, with their guns.”

Police finally arrived shortly after 1:30 a.m. and after yet another inspection of the car, allowed the young man to go home with his family.

The village of Haris has also suffered in recent days from army incursions and checkpoints, with so-called “flying” checkpoints having been set up after dark, near the entrance to the village, on May 4, 5 and 6. The young banker and his family live on the main road of the village just inside the entrance, and so are particularly affected by such army actions.

IWPS withholds this information as a courtesy to those involved. However, we will do our best to furnish you with all the relevant information you may require. Photos by Beth