Twenty Palestinians Left Homeless in Jordan Valley

ISRAELI MILITARY RENDERS TWENTY PALESTINIANS HOMELESS, CONFISCATES JORDAN VALLEY LAND

For Immediate Release
Contact: Molly Simons 0599943157

This morning at 8:30 am, The Israeli military demolished the small village of Al-Hadidya in the Jordan Valley. The four small homes that comprised the village were demolished and twenty Palestinians were left homeless. The homes were the property of four nuclear families, who have lived in the village since 1982, after the Israeli military evicted them from their previous dwellings in Al-Ruwak. Three weeks ago, the Israeli occupation forces informed the families that they had three weeks to move from the village. The Israeli occupation forces confiscated a tractor that was used to transport tanks of water in order to expedite the Palestinians’ departure. The army confirmed for Amnesty International and other HRWs in the area that the families would have to pay a fee of 4500 NIS in order to get the tractor back.

The Israeli occupation forces plan to use the area for shooting exercises and have been open about confiscating limited water resources for exclusive use by nearby illegal Israeli settlements. This incident is part of a larger Israeli plan to drive Palestinians out of the area through confiscating water resources, restricting movement and demolishing homes. In forcing out local Palestinians, Israel hopes to annex the Jordan Valley, preventing this area from becoming part of a future Palestinian state. According to B’tselem, every Israeli government has considered the Jordan Valley to be the eastern border of Israel and has sought to annex it. Israel has established 26 illegal Jewish-only settlements in the area and has instituted a system of harsh restrictions for local residents.

Atira: Road Closures Restrict Palestinians from leaving their own Village

Atira – 12th August 2007

At 8:00am, Palestinian, Israeli and international activists participated in a demonstration against the closure of the only road leading out of the village of Atira. Approximately 60 people gathered together chanting slogans and waving banners to protest the limited access they have to and from their own village.

Atira 12th August Demonstration

The demonstration itself was totally non-violent as the village wanted to retain their reputation for not causing trouble. There were a number of attempts to walk beyond the barrier however the army declared it a closed military zone. Consequently, the village’s mayor attempted to negotiate with the Israeli soldiers and border police to discuss the issue and seek to redress the travel restrictions placed upon residents. However, Mansoor Khatib, who residents identified as an Israeli border police captain, explained that he had no authority to negotiate or compromise. He did however agree to a meeting the following day at 3pm to find a way of redressing the situation. It was not clear however if he would be personally present or if another member of the Israeli Authorities would be present. Following this, demonstrators slowly dispersed and returned back to the village.

The mayor, Issa Hamed, stated his commitment to addressing the issue without aggression or violence and insisted that he wishes to keep all youths and demonstrators from acting in a violent manner: “If just one person throws a stone, the army will retaliate with live ammunition.” He re-iterated the need to maintain peaceful protests against the closure and would continue to demonstrate until a suitable resolution is found.

Background:
The Village of Atira is located approximately 6 kilometers south of Ramallah, however despite this distance it takes approximately 45 minutes to drive there due to the closure of numerous roads to Palestinians, leaving them to take a long winding route through pot-holed and disintegrating roads. It is surrounded by two large illegal settlements: Beit Horon and Giv’at Ze’ev.

The village itself has only one entrance at which there are a number of road-blocks and a large metal gate. This gate is opened only three times a day to the residents allowing them in and out of the village. The times are as follows:

7:30 – 8:00 in the morning
2:30 – 3:00 in the afternoon
7:00 – 8:00 in the evening.

Outside of these hours the gate is closed and residents are unable to pass. This includes ambulances and other essential vehicles.

Atira gate

The road was first closed in 2000, however in 2002 the route was re-opened. Since then the military have placed restrictions upon the access of the road arbitrarily, closing it for many months at a time. Approximately 6 months ago the road was opened up completely, allowing free access for the village residents, however three weeks ago they closed the road once more, cutting the village off economically and socially from the rest of the West Bank.

As a direct consequence, five people have been reported to die as a direct result of not being able to access medical treatment in a timely manner as ambulances cannot reach the village. Only a week ago, a local boy endured an acute episode of appendicitis, a potentially life threatening condition if not treated correctly. It took over two hours for him to reach hospital, a period in which he could easily have died.

Of the 3,000 residents of Atira the majority work in Ramallah, as a consequence of the road closures they are unable to work normal hours, commit to a job or become full time workers as required by the roles they undertake. For example, a young barber who wanted to open a shop, could not because in order to work full time, he would have had to be in Ramallah from 11am through to 11pm. This proved to be an impossible task due to the closures. The closures effectively restrict the economic capacity of the population further impoverishing a community that already faces hardships as a consequence of the occupation. A further 20 families that own farm land in the area have had their lands confiscated or their access restricted in turn preventing them from any means of economic survival.

The local school, The Atira- Beit Ur High School is located on the outskirts of the town and is separated from the village by Route 443, now a settler road. Due to restrictions in movement, even for children, kids as young as 6 must cross a rocky valley, climb a steep set of stairs leading to Route 443 and following this, crawl through a tunnel leading under the road, to reach the school on the other side. The mayor petitioned the Israeli authorities to allow locals to construct a path that would enable the children to cross without harm, but the proposal was rejected because the path would lead to the settler road and would therefore pose a security threat.

The restriction of access to land and to travel is another example of collective punishment by the Israeli State against the Palestinians. Collective punishment is a war crime as outlined in Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which was ratified by Israel in 1951. The conditions that the village suffers as a consequence of restricted access, demonstrate clearly the strategy of making life for Palestinians so difficult to live in areas close to settlements that they are forced to leave. This creates the perception that Palestinians leave of their own accord, however in reality, this is the consequence of the implementation of restrictions and obstacles constructed by the Israeli state.

Hebron: Israeli Military Shuts Down Palestinian Business in Old City Market

Hebron – 10/8/2007

Early on the morning of the 9th of August inside Hebron’s old ministry square, Abu Hatim Jaudat Hasula’s hardware store was locked up and welded shut by the Israeli occupation forces. The 64-year-old shopkeeper had dared to defy both the Israeli occupation forces’ illegitimate threats and the appeasing surrender of other local shop-owners that had many other Palestinians shut down business and leave the area.

The occupation forces turned up with the proper papers but without any warning. Within 30 minutes, they closed up the shop, still filled with Abu Hatim’s belongings and goods, and then welded the hinges, thus leaving the large metal gates bolted up. Until further orders are produced, the army has declared that the shop will be locked down for two months.

The Israeli occupation forces justified their decision to close down these shops by claiming that they were trying to prevent Palestinians from blowing holes in the backs of their shops and entering a nearby rabbinical school. Neither 64 year old Abu Hatim nor his fellow shopkeepers have ever attempted to do anything even remotely related to this mentioned security threat.

In the past few weeks, many Human Rights Workers (HRWs) have spent the mornings in the old city market to support the local shop-owners in opening for business.

Every single day the occupation forces try to make Abu Hatim close his shop by phoning him and then by showing up at the shop. Yet until this morning the soldiers’ legal papers had been missing. Several shops have already closed including the 4 neighboring shops on Abu Hatim’s side of the market.

HRWs and the Christian Peacemaker Teams had been cooperating in order to support Abu Hatim’s shop and thus a large group of internationals were present soon after the rumors of the military action spread through Hebron.

Around 9:30 am, the soldiers began to leave the area, having successfully welded shut all 5 of the old shops on one side of the market, including Abu Hatim’s hardware store.

With the soldiers pulling out one Swedish HRW commented on the morning’s military action: “It’s typical to see the few real attempts to fight the occupation end in paper work and threats. The army knows how this will kill the little business that still is left in the old city and pacify the Palestinians.”

Leaving the market one of the military APCs turned around revealing a newly sprayed political statement on the side of the jeep to the entire market. Rumors have suggested that either HRWs or TIPH are responsible for the ‘Free Palestine’ graffiti on the army vehicle.

Abu Hatim has lost his only source of income, first and foremost directly by having his shop welded shut, but also because he will lose the subsidy the PA gives to business owners in economically unstable areas.

Day by day, business diminishes in the old city, among other places in the old market opposite Shuhada Street. Watching the progress of the Israeli occupation forces, one easily sees a similar future to the old city market as the one Shuhada Street is facing now, completely deserted and almost exclusively open to Israeli settlers.

Bethlehem: Michigan Peace Team Report

MPT August, 2007 Report #4

On Friday, August 10, Bill and Peter took a taxi to Al Walaja west of Bethlehem to join in the demonstration against the construction of the separation wall/fence and confiscation of the residents’ land by the Israeli military. When the wall is completed, it will entirely encircle the village, making it a walled prison.

This was the third demonstration held in Al Walaja, at the site of the fence being constructed. It was organized by Holy Land Trust (HLT) and the Popular Committee Against the Wall in Southern Bethlehem. There were not many from the village present. A number of Palestinians came from other communities in the Bethlehem district. Many Israelis and other internationals were present. About 100 demonstrators in all took part.

The Israeli military came in force, lined up along the fence. Before the demonstration began, one Palestinian leader spoke heatedly to the Israeli soldier apparently in command against the Israeli actions.

We met a young man from Ohio who said he had served in the U. S. military in Iraq for six months, and now has become an advocate of nonviolent civil disobedience against war and violence. He got involved last summer in the Palestine/Israel conflict, and decided to come here to see for himself the situation. He was there to protest the Wall and land confiscation.

An Imam sang the call to prayer. Sami Awad of Holy Land Trust (HLT), an organizer of the event, spoke briefly about the nonviolent nature of this demonstration. He spoke in English, addressing the Israeli soldiers as well as everyone gathered to demonstrate. The tone he set seemed to put the soldiers more at ease during the event. They did not act aggressively during this demonstration.

The mayor of the village then addressed the demonstrators in Arabic. After his talk, rows of Palestinian men then conducted the traditional Muslim prayer, some using prayer rugs.

The demonstrators as a group turned their backs to the lineup of Israeli soldiers, as a bodily gesture of rejection of the assault on their Palestinian lands. A village councilman then addressed the crowd in Arabic.

He was followed by a woman from the village who addressed the crowd in English. She gave a brief history of the suffering of Al Walaja, including how in 1948 they were driven out of their homes. Most went to Jordan at that time. People began to return to Al Walaja on their own (not in groups). Some lived in caves for 12 years. Beginning in the 1950s, houses started to be built. Now, much of the land has been annexed to Jerusalem, and as a result the people are living illegally in their own houses, according to Israeli law. The people have taken the case to the Israeli court. They have filed another case against the law that prohibits them from building anything. Israeli bulldozers even tear down chicken coops. More than 90 houses are scheduled to be demolished. The demonstration ended after her impassioned talk.

After the demonstration the two of us walked for about a half hour and arrived at the home of Omar (not his real name), an organizer in Al Walaja in resistance to the wall and confiscation of lands in Al Walaja. He shared the good news that his case was settled out of court and he can again go to Jerusalem to work.

He explained that during the demonstration a week ago, on Friday, the Israelis cut the water supply of Al Walaja. It was just restored last night. They allowed water for only a couple hours a day during that time. They told the villagers that they are putting in new water pipes, and that it was in the interest of the people.

There is no well where Omar lives. When his son Mohammed tried to get spring water a kilometer away from a well, the Israelis arrested him along with his friend, both 14 years old, then let them go two hours later.

About 50 homes have already been demolished in Al Walaja by the Israelis. Many have become poor. Some are using wood now rather than gas for cooking. Some are in Israeli jails for various reasons. For example, they may be ordered to pay a fine of perhaps 1,000 shekels. One neighbor refused to pay the fine for building his home, an illegal act. He is in jail for five months. Families now face the situation of having to buy things for their children’s school year, which will begin soon.

Al Walaja is building a school. The first floor is completed. Under the hardship of occupation, the people are unable to spare the money to complete the construction. There are about 350 families in Al Walaja. The cost to complete the school averages about 1,500 shekels per family ($350 U. S. dollars). Over 100 of the families are very poor.

Omar said that many don’t believe they can change anything. He told the story of one neighbor who believed that trying to do anything was useless. When he saw two homes being rebuilt (illegally, by Israeli law), he changed his mind and now agrees with Omar that it is a way to resist, and that if the Israelis demolish the homes, the people will rebuild them again.

This spirit in Omar and so many Palestinians is inspiring to us, who will continue to do what we can to end the injustice of the occupation in Palestine.

Haaretz: No to evacuation

By Gideon Levy

The Yahalom and Bar Kochba families must be returned without delay to their homes in the wholesale marketplace from which they were expelled. The Israel Defense Forces must immediately reconnect their electricity and water and ensure their safety, day and night, as it does for all the settlers in the city. In return the Yahaloms and Bar Kochbas will serve the soldiers coffee and cookies, and kugel for Shabbat, as they always do.

We must also apologize to the families for expelling them: They should not have been discriminated against in comparison with the city’s other settlers. There is no difference between their act of robbery and the other acts of robbery in the city. Bar Kochba and Yahalom stole property that was stolen long ago; the store owners on whose property they squatted have not seen their shops for years and will not get them back now, so there is no reason to complain about the squatters’ behavior. That’s what everyone does in Hebron.

It would also have been better had the self-righteous evacuation performance, which incorporated a very large force, 3,000 soldiers and policemen, never taken place – including the staged acts of refusal and violence that are a hallmark of the well-timed show. These absurd acts of evacuation don’t help anyone, they only cause damage. In Hebron there should be one rule: all or nothing. Either the government has the courage to uproot the entire abscess, or it should allow it to grow unabated.

There is no other place in the territories where the essence of the truth and the evil of the settlement enterprise is revealed, without camouflage, as in the City of the Patriarchs. Here the violence, dispossession and terror against a helpless population are a daily routine diabolically taught from birth. So the failure to uproot the Hebron settlers is the real crime, and we will pay for it.

The Hebron “evacuation” show serves the settlement policy of the government, which raves about the importance of peace. Two families were evacuated with feigned force, in the face of feigned resistance, and the pictures were displayed all over the world; proof that there is a government in Israel. It’s a false display. As this group was being evacuated, construction on hundreds of other homes in the territories continued, on stolen land.

But the settlers, of course, are the main beneficiaries of the “evacuation.” After their violence caused the residents of 1,014 apartments and the owners of 1,829 businesses to leave, turning Hebron’s center into a ghost town, the evacuation came and distinguished between one robbery and another. Is it forbidden to steal the two apartments in the marketplace? That means that all the other acts of robbery and oppression in the city are kosher in the government’s eyes.

With typical cynicism and stratagems the settlers have built a network of intimidation and resistance, including their Judgment Day weapon – the refusal to obey orders – to signal once again to the Israeli public: Look how difficult it is to evacuate two families; forget about evacuating tens of thousands. They tried to do that during the Gaza disengagement, they continue to do so by bemoaning the Gaza evacuees’ bitter fate, and now they are transferring the battle to the West Bank.

This spin works well: Israel is now discussing the marginal refusal by a dozen soldiers to obey orders to evacuate, instead of evacuating tens of thousands, and the president is proposing a territory exchange as a solution to the “impossible” evacuation of the settlements. That is how to terrorize, in close cooperation with the IDF and government. An evacuation that could have been carried out in minutes, in the middle of the night and by surprise, as is done to the Palestinians whose homes are demolished, was carried out in the spotlight, with several weeks’ advance warning, to allow the settlers to produce their big show and benefit with pictures of it.

Nothing has changed in Hebron after the evacuation. Thousands of Palestinians who lost their property and their chance for a decent life, the victims of genuine ethnic cleansing, are doomed to a life of poverty and humiliation, and no one can help them. The settlers’ celebration continues in full force, and most Israelis continue to stare at what is happening with horrifying indifference. They are shocked only at the highly publicized refusal of a handful of soldiers and are clicking their tongues: We will never be able to evacuate the settlers.