Northern West Bank under attack as Israeli forces terrorise Palestinian villages

From Thursday 18th to Friday 19th December, Israeli military forces invaded multiple villages and cities in the Northern West Bank; including Nablus, Burin, Beita, Jenin and Araba – occupying homes, destroying property, and terrorising families.

In the case of Beita, the incursion coincided with Israeli authorities cutting all water supplies to the village of 12000 people, leaving all homes and businesses entirely without water.

Israeli forces invaded the village of Beita at approximately 12am on the morning of Thursday 18th, storming more than 100 houses. “No one in Beita slept. No one slept that night” reported one elderly villager, whose son was arbitrarily detained, made to strip naked and tortured for six hours.

Mahadi, aged 24, was detained from his home when approximately twelve Israeli soldiers invaded his home at 12am on Thursday morning. He was blindfolded and handcuffed and driven around in an Armoured Personnel Carrier (APC) for two hours whilst being beaten repeatedly. Mahadi, along with nine other detainees from Beita, were forced to lie on the floor of the vehicle while soldiers sat with their feet on the detainees chest and heads, in an act of ritualistic dehumanisation. The detainees were then taken to Huwarra military base where they were further beaten and subject to humiliating practices. Two of the men were stripped and forced to remain naked for the period of their incarceration. Mahadi was released at 6am, when Israeli soldiers lacerated his back as they cut his handcuffs, before throwing him from the back of a moving army vehicle. “His t-shirt was covered in blood” recalled his mother.

Of the more than 100 houses that were invaded that morning, many reported significant damage, from broken windows to battered-down doors, as well as ransacking and theft. In several cases, soldiers used axes to destroy doors, often before families even had the chance to open the doors themselves. A number of families in the occupied houses were threatened at gunpoint and forced into either single rooms or outside for up to several hours while soldiers searched their homes and ransacked their belongings.

In the case of Fayez Mohammad Atari Dweikat and his family, approximately 25 soldiers forced his family into the cold night at gunpoint whilst they ransacked his home. He reports that during this time, soldiers stole his mobile phone and digital camera from the house.

The family in a neighbouring house, stated that soldiers also forced them at gunpoint into a single room, denying the children access to the toilet; as well as forcing the family members to provide their mobile phone numbers to the soldiers. The family also reported the theft of a flashdrive from the home while they were being detained.

In another nearby house, that of newly-married Rami Dweikat, Israeli soldiers hacked at the door with an axe, in order to enter and ransack the premises – pulling all belongings from cupboards and drawers, leaving the house in a state of ruin. Windows and internal doors were also broken in the house that has even yet not been completed. “They didn’t respect anything” cried his mother.

Many in the village believed the invasion to be part of a training exercise for the Israeli forces. “They were laughing as they entered our houses”, said one villager. “They made all of our village as a practice mission”.

On Thursday night, Israeli armed forces further invaded the village of Burin near Nablus; Al Ain refugee camp inside Nablus city; Jenin city and the nearby village of Araba.

In Al Ain refugee camp in Nablus, Israeli soldiers overran the camp, invading houses and arresting two. In the Western part of the camp three houses were occupied by Israeli soldiers who left a wake of destruction. “Cul ishi, cul ishi” lamented an elderly resident. “They damaged everything”.

Soldiers detonated multiple bombs on the houses, blowing apart doors; collapsing walls and shattering windows throughout the neighbourhood. In the house of Um and Abu Raed, soldiers exploded their front door, shattering all glass in the house and destroying their washing machine. Soldiers then proceded to further wreak havoc in the house, emptying all cupboards and drawers on to the floor, including the contents of the refrigerator. Cupboards and wardrobes were broken, and holes were smashed in the walls to provide sniper positions for the soldiers.

Large numbers of soldiers and dogs filled the house, surprising residents in their beds, threatening them at gunpoint. The elderly Abu Raed, who is unable to walk due to illness, was pushed out of his bed, beaten and forced to crawl through his house, while soldiers refused to allow his children to help him to his feet. “I am sick, I am sick” he told the soldiers, who were unrelenting in their truculence.

Younger family members were forced into a bathroom individually to face interrogation before the whole family were herded, along with other nearby families, into the small room of a neighbouring house.

From three houses, nine families were forced into a single room – with more than 70 people, including elderly residents; pregnant women and many young children, crammed into a small 3×5 metre room. Residents struggled for air as their requests to be allowed to move to a larger room were denied. Children were forced to soil themselves, as soldiers refused to allow them access to a toilet.

Families were forced into the room at gunpoint at approximately 12:30am, where they were kept for four hours without warm clothes or blankets for the children. When parents requested to be allowed to bring in bedding for the children to sleep on, they were denied, with soldiers telling the parents that they could hold their children while they slept. With not enough room for all of the families to sit down, some were forced to stand for the entire period of their incarceration.

Soldiers eventually allowed some access to the toilet for children and the infirm Abu Raed. “When I am a prisoner, I am allowed to do everything. Why in my home and I not allowed to do anything”, implored an angered Abu Raed.

The house of Um and Abu Raed has been invaded by Israeli soldiers once each week, on average, for the past three years. The extent of the damage of the incursions is such that they are in a constant state of repairs, while bullet holes from previous invasions still riddle the walls of the family home. “In the future we hope to take freedom, like all the people in the world” voiced Um Raed. “Now, it is just a dream”.

The invasions of these villages, along with the invasion of the village of Zawata earlier in the week, are especially poignant as the Gaza-Israel cease-fire was declared dead on Friday morning. This series of terrorising incursions exemplifies the refusal of Israeli authorities to extend the truce to the West Bank – a hope of many Palestinians during the early days of the cease-fire. Many residents of the Nablus area fear that these incursions are also vehicles for training ground troops for an immenent Gaza invasion.

Free Gaza Movement: Dignity pulls into Gaza Port despite Israeli threats

Vittorio Arrigoni, one of the ISM volunteers kidnapped from Palestinian waters by the Israeli navy has returned to Gaza on-board the ‘Dignity’.

Vittorio was deported by Israel, after engaging in a hunger-strike for the return of the Palestinian fishing trawlers stolen by the Israeli navy, despite never having been inside Israeli territory. He now returns to Gaza to rejoin the ISM volunteers working in the Gaza Strip.

(Gaza Port, Gaza, 20 December 2008) The DIGNITY pulled into Gaza Port at 8:00 am today after the Israeli Navy threatened to board them and take the two Israelis off the boat. “We know you have Israelis on board, so either turn back, or we will board and take them off,” said the voice on the radio.

“We are going to Gaza,” Huwaida Arraf, the delegation leader, replied.

Neta Golan, one of the Israelis on board and a co-founder of the International Solidarity Movement stated, “Countries that commit crimes against humanity often hide those crimes from their own people. Israel is doing exactly that, by not allowing Israelis to come in to witness what they are doing in our name.”

The Dignity also carries two envoys from the Eid Charity in Qatar who are going to Gaza to assess the tragedy there. They will go back with concrete proposals on what they can do to help alleviate Israel’s collective punishment of the 1.5 Palestinians.

“This is just the beginning. We are delighted that we are finally able to see the shores of Gaza and be the first Arab envoys to arrive. We will see how we can work together to help relieve this terrible situation in Gaza,” said Alaze Al-Qahtani.

This is the fifth voyage for the Free Gaza movement. “Everyone said it couldn’t be done, that we would never be able to get to Gaza. But we have now arrived for the fifth time. Now, other ships, especially cargo ships, need to follow in our wake,” said Darlene Wallach, one of the internationals kidnapped from a Palestinian fishing boat by the Israeli navy on l8 November.

The Guardian: My expulsion from Israel

When I arrived in Israel as a UN representative I knew there might be problems at the airport. And there were

By Richard Falk (Special rapporteur on the Palestinian territories)

To view original article, published by The Guardian on the 19th December, click here

On December 14, I arrived at Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv, Israel to carry out my UN role as special rapporteur on the Palestinian territories.

I was leading a mission that had intended to visit the West Bank and Gaza to prepare a report on Israel’s compliance with human rights standards and international humanitarian law. Meetings had been scheduled on an hourly basis during the six days, starting with Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority, the following day.

I knew that there might be problems at the airport. Israel had strongly opposed my appointment a few months earlier and its foreign ministry had issued a statement that it would bar my entry if I came to Israel in my capacity as a UN representative.

At the same time, I would not have made the long journey from California, where I live, had I not been reasonably optimistic about my chances of getting in. Israel was informed that I would lead the mission and given a copy of my itinerary, and issued visas to the two people assisting me: a staff security person and an assistant, both of whom work at the office of the high commissioner of human rights in Geneva.

To avoid an incident at the airport, Israel could have either refused to grant visas or communicated to the UN that I would not be allowed to enter, but neither step was taken. It seemed that Israel wanted to teach me, and more significantly, the UN a lesson: there will be no cooperation with those who make strong criticisms of Israel’s occupation policy.

After being denied entry, I was put in a holding room with about 20 others experiencing entry problems. At this point, I was treated not as a UN representative, but as some sort of security threat, subjected to an inch-by-inch body search and the most meticulous luggage inspection I have ever witnessed.

I was separated from my two UN companions who were allowed to enter Israel and taken to the airport detention facility a mile or so away. I was required to put all my bags and cell phone in a room and taken to a locked tiny room that smelled of urine and filth. It contained five other detainees and was an unwelcome invitation to claustrophobia. I spent the next 15 hours so confined, which amounted to a cram course on the miseries of prison life, including dirty sheets, inedible food and lights that were too bright or darkness controlled from the guard office.

Of course, my disappointment and harsh confinement were trivial matters, not by themselves worthy of notice, given the sorts of serious hardships that millions around the world daily endure. Their importance is largely symbolic. I am an individual who had done nothing wrong beyond express strong disapproval of policies of a sovereign state. More importantly, the obvious intention was to humble me as a UN representative and thereby send a message of defiance to the United Nations.

Israel had all along accused me of bias and of making inflammatory charges relating to the occupation of Palestinian territories. I deny that I am biased, but rather insist that I have tried to be truthful in assessing the facts and relevant law. It is the character of the occupation that gives rise to sharp criticism of Israel’s approach, especially its harsh blockade of Gaza, resulting in the collective punishment of the 1.5 million inhabitants. By attacking the observer rather than what is observed, Israel plays a clever mind game. It directs attention away from the realities of the occupation, practising effectively a politics of distraction.

The blockade of Gaza serves no legitimate Israeli function. It is supposedly imposed in retaliation for some Hamas and Islamic Jihad rockets that have been fired across the border at the Israeli town of Sderot. The wrongfulness of firing such rockets is unquestionable, yet this in no way justifies indiscriminate Israeli retaliation against the entire civilian population of Gaza.

The purpose of my reports is to document on behalf of the UN the urgency of the situation in Gaza and elsewhere in occupied Palestine. Such work is particularly important now as there are signs of a renewed escalation of violence and even of a threatened Israeli reoccupation.

Before such a catastrophe happens, it is important to make the situation as transparent as possible, and that is what I had hoped to do in carrying out my mission. Although denied entry, my effort will continue to use all available means to document the realities of the Israeli occupation as truthfully as possible.

• Richard Falk is professor of international law at Princeton University and the UN’s special rapporteur on the Palestinian territories

Haaretz: Shady land deal unfolds from West Bank to California strip mall

By The Associated Press

To view original article, published by Haaretz on the 19th December, click here

The transformation of a piece of West Bank land from a Palestinian field into a Jewish settlement has roots in an unlikely place – Orange County, California – and in a document that a man supposedly signed more than four decades after the date of his death.

Unfolding from the West Bank’s terraced olive groves to a strip mall in a Los Angeles suburb, the story of this posthumous deal offers a rare glimpse into the underworld of straw companies and middlemen through which chunks of land move from Palestinian to Israeli hands. Each transaction further complicates an Israeli withdrawal that would be key to any peace agreement.

The land now houses a thriving Jewish settlement, another of the facts on the ground that strengthen Israel’s grip on the West Bank and outrage the Palestinians. Such property deals are driven by the settlers’ belief the land is their God-given right; the cooperation of Israel’s governments, even those that have talked peace; and cash from wealthy donors, many of them American Jews.

In this case, a 2004 document shows a Palestinian farmer named Abdel Latif Sumarin sold a plot long tended by his family near the village of Burqa, east of the city of Ramallah, to a company with an Arabic name. The paper contains Sumarin’s signature in clear English script and that of a California notary.

But an Associated Press investigation that made use of court papers, public records and interviews in the West Bank, Israel and the U.S., shows that the document is a poorly executed forgery.

There’s no evidence Sumarin ever visited America, his family says he couldn’t write English, and public records show he died in 1961. The notary in California says he did not sign the paper either.

The land now houses part of Migron, one of the some 100 unauthorized outposts established by settlers in the West Bank over the past decade. The six acres (2.5 hectares) of rocky soil are caught up in two court cases in Israel and investigations by Israeli police and, it appears, the FBI.

Sumarin’s grandson, Abdel Munam Sumarin, can see the trailers and utility poles of Migron from his living room in Burqa. As one of his grandfather’s heirs, he has appealed to Israel’s Supreme Court to get the land back; other Palestinians who say they own plots occupied by the settlement have joined the suit.

“The connection between us and our land is like religion. It’s our family. It’s not about money – you can’t state its worth in money. Money goes, but the land remains,” said Sumarin, 51, a preacher at a mosque in a neighboring village.

Beginning next to a hilltop cell phone antenna in 2001, Migron is home to 45 young families. It was never officially approved by Israel’s government, but the government nonetheless provided security, an access road, and infrastructure for electricity and water.

Anyone who examines the Israeli military’s West Bank land records can find the owner of Parcel 26, Lot 23: Abdel Latif Sumarin of Burqa, his name still listed on documents long after he died and bequeathed the land to his children.

The settlers say they purchased the land in 2004, after they had already effectively seized it. They cite a document bearing Sumarin’s name and the stamp and signature of notary public D.K. Shah, who runs the Postal Annex, an office-services business in a strip mall in the Los Angeles suburb of Tustin, about 7,600 miles from the West Bank.

Documents signed in strange places – and crooked deals – are not unusual in the lucrative and clandestine trade in Palestinian-owned land. Another recent challenge to a settler land deal in the town of Hebron involved forged documents, and a third revolved around Israeli businessmen who set up a notary with a prostitute, filmed their encounter, and then blackmailed the man into signing a sales document in Cyprus.

Palestinian society sees selling land to Israelis as treason, and the bullet-riddled corpses of Palestinian land dealers turn up every so often around the West Bank. To protect sellers, the deals are secret and almost never registered.

That allows several kinds of scams. Sometimes, Palestinians cheat the settlers by taking heir money and not turning over the land, or selling land they don’t own. Other times, settlers falsely claim they’ve purchased Palestinians’ land.

On Feb. 12, 2004, according to a document the Migron settlers provided to an Israeli court, a person identifying himself as Abdel-Latif Hassaan Sumrain (Elmatin), a previous resident of the Village of Borka Ramallah now residing in Orange County, California, appeared before Shah, the California notary.

Sumrain gave the number of a California ID card and confirmed he received an unspecified payment for turning his land over to a company called Elwatan Ltd. In Arabic, el-watan means homeland, a name that appears to have been a cynical joke by the Israeli settlers who founded the company to buy Palestinian land.

Court documents list the company’s address as 17 Six-Day War St. in Jerusalem, but a woman who answered the main door to the two-story residential building said she had never heard of it. She refused to give her name.

The notary’s document also doesn’t stand up. It contains several misspellings, including Sumarin’s name and that of his El-Mu’atan clan – mistakes that could easily have been made by someone working off a document in Arabic, which is largely written without vowels.

A check of California records shows the ID number the seller gave belongs to an Ernie Mario Mendoza. A man who answered the phone at a Poway, Calif., number for Mendoza did not appear to have heard of the case and refused to answer questions.

A Palestinian Authority document shows that Sumarin died in 1961, when his grandson says he was around 80. The grandson and a grandnephew said the elder Sumarin was buried near a fragile olive tree in the village cemetery. From there, Migron is visible on a hilltop to the east.

The El-Watan company was set up by an Israeli local government in the West Bank that was headed until recently by Pinhas Wallerstein, a prominent settler leader.

“The person who sold us the land was very much alive at the time, and living in the United States,” said Wallerstein, adding that the settlers had paid millions of dollars for the small plot. He said the document transferring ownership was genuine to the best of my knowledge.

“If anyone was guilty of fraud,” Wallerstein said, “it was the seller, who may have tricked the settlers into believing he was the Palestinian owner. He did not present evidence for that claim, which if true would mean the settlers spent millions without verifying the seller’s identity.”

The company has a photocopy of the seller’s California ID and a videotape of him, Wallerstein said. But he would not make them available to the AP, saying they would eventually be introduced as evidence in court.

Shah told the AP in Tustin that he never signed the document and that the stamp on it was not authentic. Copies of Shah’s real signature provided by Orange County officials do not match the signature on the Sumarin document.

“It’s not my writing,” Shah said. “Somebody did fraud, I guess.”

He said he had been questioned by FBI agents and was not allowed to reveal more details. The FBI’s Los Angeles office said only that it does not confirm or deny investigations.

Hillel Cohen, a Hebrew University expert on Palestinian collaboration with Israel, said the forgers likely would not have hesitated to use a dead man’s name since Palestinians registered as owners of West Bank land are often dead or live abroad.

He said it was reasonable to expect that no one would even notice the supposed sale, let alone check its authenticity. Although Israeli watchdog groups like Peace Now and Yesh Din have tracked sales of Palestinian land in recent years, these forgers might still have been playing by the old rules, said Cohen.

“If no one cares, you don’t get caught,” he said.

Dror Etkes, an Israeli peace activist behind the legal action against Migron, said the crude forgery demonstrated the settlers’ confidence. If they were more afraid, they would do it more professionally, he said.

The Israeli government has not recognized the Sumarin sale or any other land purchases at Migron, and is pushing a compromise deal to move Migron elsewhere in the West Bank. But the Migron settlers say they won’t move and are fighting to prove their ownership in a Jerusalem court. The process could take years.

Itay Harel, a social worker who lives on the Sumarin plot in Migron, insisted the sale was legitimate, although he refused to discuss it in detail. He also made clear that from the settlers’ perspective, the sale was beside the point.

“This land belongs to the people of Israel, who were driven off it by force,” Harel said, referring to the defeat and exile of the Jews by Rome in A.D. 70. He said no Palestinian had a rightful claim to any part of the West Bank.

“Anyone who claims the land is his is lying, and it is said that if you lie enough times, you start believing it,” he said.

Protesters throw shoes at Israeli soldiers in Bil’in

Friday 19th December

Report by Bil’in Popular Committee Against the Apartheid Wall and Settlements


Video by Israel Puterman


Video published by Al-Jazeera

Demonstrators marched today after the Friday prayer carrying Palestinian flags and banners calling to end the Israeli occupation, stop the wall and settlement building, stop land confiscation and settler attacks, closures and roadblocks, and the release of all detainees. The demonstration was joined by internationals and Israeli activists. Members of the Peoples’ Struggle Front also joined the protest today and carried banners.

Protesters carried pictures of U.S President George Bush having shoes thrown at him. They also carried their own shoes as a symbolic refusal of the Israeli occupation.

The protest today marched towards the wall singing slogans and attempting to reach the confiscated land behind the wall. The Israeli army was stationed behind concrete blocks and fired teargas and sound grenades when the protesters tried to reach the gate. Dozens suffered gas inhalation and eight demonstrators were shot with rubber coated steel bullets, two journalists, one of them from Israel, his name is Israel, and the second, Issam Arrimawi working in Wafa Media. Two others were taken to the Ashshikh Zaid Hospital in Ramallah : Mohammad Abu Rahma and Baseb Abu Rahma .and the others we treated in the village: Adeed abu Rahma, Sabri Abu Rahma,Jehad Alhaj, and Mohammed Imran. The demonstrators responded to these attacks by throwing their shoes at the army.

The Israeli High Court accepted an appeal by the residents of Bil’in two days ago against the route of the Israeli Annexation Wall which is confiscating a lot of farm lands from the village. The court ruled that the Israeli authorities should change the path of the wall according to the July 4, 2007 High Court decision and that the Israeli government should pay a fine of 10,000 NIS