Israeli Colonists Break Old Man’s Leg in Susia

by PSP

September 23, 2006: As we walk away down the craggy biblical landscape, she turns around to wag her finger at him and say “Remember? It is no defence to say you were only following orders”. The soldier looks perplexed and puts his hands out, letting his gun hang down from its strap. He looks like he’s struggling to find an appropriate reply – the insult of her words, echoing the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem, hitting him hard.

The soldier, an Officer, is guarding a military outpost adjacent to the colonial settlement named Susiya. The woman, a representative of Ta’ayush, an Israeli anti-occupation group, is visiting the Palestinian villagers in the area with activists from the Palestine Solidarity Project (PSP). On Monday, soldiers from this outpost accompanied seven young armed settlers to the home of an elderly couple where they watched as the settlers pushed, taunted and beat the old man and woman with sticks.

This happened four days ago but the officer on guard says that it is impossible. “It could not have happened. If I find out about any of my soldiers doing a thing like that, I will beat his ass. I will break his bones.” Nevertheless, Haj Khalil’s legs are now sore and swollen from the beating, one of the bones in his calf fractured. His wife buries her head in her hands as he talks, punctuating his sentences with nods and sighs of despair.

“It is very important for us to have internationals here. They must be here always. Otherwise they will come again,” says Haj Khalil. Ta’ayush, PSP and Christian Peacemaker Teams in Hebron are planning to co-operate on creating a permanent international presence in the area. The villagers, dotted about on the arid slopes of the Susiya valley, only a few solar cell panels and home-made TV antennas interrupting the landscape of traditionally Bedouin homesteads made up of tents, goat pens and snarling watchdogs, which all regularly fall victim to settler aggression and military complicity.

Furthermore, the villagers have been unable to tend to or even visit their olive groves for several years. The trees surround an Israeli military base, one grove right next to a field used by the soldiers for shooting practice. Among the trees lie discarded result charts, shot-through pieces of paper evidence of how soldiers learn to “zero in” on their targets. The military want the entire area from the Susiya settlement to the large town of Yatta to be evacuated of the whole Palestinian civilian population, to make it what Israel calls a “free fire zone.” This process has been frozen due to the resolute non-violent resistance of the Palestinians living in the area, but is legally difficult to challenge since Israeli courts generally do not meddle with what they regard as being ‘professional assessments’ by military experts on issues of security.

The colonists in Susiya, who arrived in the mid-80s around the same time that many Palestinian families were forced to move from their cave homes nearby to make way for Israeli archaeological excavations, did not approach the villagers today. They stood by the soldiers, their white clothing contrasting with the drab military uniforms and red earth. Their little girls wore long skirts and colourful ribbons in their hair, playing with a pet dog as they skipped back to the settlement. Haj Khalil, leaning on his walking-stick, shook his head in silence.

The Palestinian villagers of Susiya all have their own stories to tell about the fathers and brothers of these little settler girls. Most of them have bruises or scars to support their accounts of hooded men setting their tents on fire in the middle of the night, cracking their skulls open with the butts of their rifles or slashing their arms with a knife. All of them have learned that the official Israeli military policy stating that soldiers should protect both Palestinians and Israeli settlers is a sham – that while the Israeli military may sit and bond over a glass of wine with the settlers, they come to Susiya only to watch the oppression unfurl.

Devoid of protection from both the legal and military institutions of Israeli society, the Bedouin people of Susiya are left to fend for themselves, and therefore call on the support of Palestinian, international and Israeli solidarity initiatives. The villagers remain determined to continue living as they have always done, and each new breath, each stone overturned, each drop of goat’s milk bears witness to the steadfastness of their resistance.

Meanwhile, pursuing a policy of discrimination against Bedouin in the Negev, an Israeli court has rejected a request for unrecognised Bedouin villages to be connected to clean water sources. This is clearly part of Israeli state policy to ethnically transfer the Bedouin population from their land in both the South Hebron hills and 1948 land.

——-

Court rejects Bedouin villages’ request for clean water connection

from Ha’aretz, 25th September 2006. by Yoav Stern

Haifa district court last week rejected a petition to connect the unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev to clean water sources, citing the larger underlying issue of village regularization.

In its session as a water court, the court ruled that the water commissioner has no authority over considerations pertaining to town regularization in Israel, and therefore rejected to appeal by the Adalah Legal Center on behalf of over 100 Negev families.

The Adalah Center plans on appealing the decision with the Supreme Court. They said there is no connection between realizing the basic right all state residents to clean water and the legal standing of the Negev towns.

In the appeal filed by the organization against the water commissioner, it claimed that the right for a guarantee of minimal sustenance conditions is anchored in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, as well as in international law.

Even so, Judge Ron Shapira stated in his decision that behind the appeal lies a larger issue of the regularization of “Bedouin settlements,” and added that a public interest exists “not to encourage additional illegal settlement.”

The court ruled that it does not ignore the problem of discrimination against the Bedouin residents, but that in the court’s opinion, the problem of unrecognized villages cannot be resolved in this manner.

The Adalah Center said the ruling meant that the court decided the right to water is not absolute and can therefore be limited.

“The court’s decision in effect makes the water commissioner a tool in the hands of the government, which works to expel Arab-Bedouin citizens, residents of unrecognized villages in the Negev, through the non-provision of basic services, such as the right to clean drinking water,” the center said.

The appeal against the commissioner’s decision was submitted in April 2005, and the ruling on the matter was delivered to the Adalah Center offices last Thursday.

Harry Potter and the Spell of Transportation

 Harry Potter during his guest appearance in Hebron

by Alizarin Crimson and Harry Potter

At 6:45 PM on September 22nd, human rights workers (HRWs) in Hebron paid a visit to their neighbors, the Abu Haikals where they were shocked, SHOCKED to find that soldiers had yet again, invaded the home.

HRWs rang the bell of the house and politely asked the soldiers to be let in. After receiving no response, HRWs realized that the soldiers, fearful of HRWs entering, had barricaded themselves in the house using a desk to secure the door from the inside.

What the soldiers did not know was that Harry Potter had paid a visit to Hebron that day and had followed the HRWs to the Abu Haikal house. Using his Spell of Transportation, Harry magically transported* three of the HRWs inside the house where soldiers were shocked, SHOCKED to turn around and find NONE OTHER than Harry Potter and his non-violent army of HRWs filming the soldier’s shenanigans.

HRWs noticed that the IOF soldiers were messing with the families’ computer. When asked what they were searching for, soldiers replied they were looking for weapons or “evidence.”

You may click here to listen to the audio of the following conversation Harry Potter had with the soldiers or read it below:

Harry Potter: I think you should search the settler homes, you will find lots of weapons there…What do you think personally, if you’re getting in this house once a week or three times a month, you know, harassing these people here, giving them a hard time and the settlers instead are walking around with their huge guns, throwing stones at school kids and all that stuff. You feel fine protecting them ? Honestly, I mean.

Soldier 1: No comment…. I’m not protecting them, I’m protecting my country.

HRW 1: From whom are you protecting your country ?

Soldier 2: I’m protecting my country and my conscience is clean”

Harry Potter: Why are you protecting your country HERE?

Soldier 2: Because this is also my country.

Harry Potter: This is the West Bank.

Soldier 2: So what ?

Harry Potter: You think the West Bank is Israel ?

Soldier 2: Who, who are you to tell me what is Israel and what is not ?

Harry Potter: I’m just curious what you think.

Soldier 2: Yes, this is Israel. You can open the Bible, the holy…

The remaining three HRWs stayed outside the home and were able to force the door open just enough to lodge a brick between the door and the frame, creating a hole just big enough to film the soldiers searching through the families’ computer.

After approximately half an hour of searching the computer and not finding any “evidence,” the soldiers got bored and asked the HRWs who had been continually banging on the door to please move so they could leave. Six Israeli soldiers emerged from the home, empty handed and somewhat irritated.

Upon examining their computer, the Abu Haikals discovered that the soldiers had left some graffiti in Hebrew and had deleted some software.

The graffiti reads “the one who dares, wins. Unit Palchod 96”

Feryal Abu Haikal commented, “They haven’t been here in about a month, it was time for them to come again.”

* Everything in this report is completely true except for the way in which HRWs entered the home which will remain classified for “security” reasons.

Tarqumia “Terminal” – A Checkpoint by Any Other Name

by Lilly

Six hours. This is how long Palestinians have to wait before they can pass the “terminal” at Tarqumia in the West Bank, which leads either into Israel or, eventually on to the Gaza Strip. The soldiers at the checkpoint deny this. “All they need is permission from the District Coordination Office (DCO, the civil administration wing of the Israeli military in the occupied Palestinian territories) and ID-papers and they’ll get through in one minute,” says Schlomo, who is the commander at the checkpoint.

Already at three o’clock in the morning the Palestinian workers arrive at the checkpoint. At best they can pass at nine into Israel with their goods, or onto Gaza via Erez or Karni, the two possible crossings into the Strip.

Those who want to visit family members who are imprisoned in Israel also come to the checkpoint. Most of Israel’s prisons are in Negev desert in the south and no matter where you live in the West Bank, you have to pass through the checkpoint in Tarqumia. At five in the morning the visitors arrive. It is not until twelve midday that they can continue to visit their loved ones after submitting to humiliating security procedures and routine strip searches.

“It’s a lie,” says Hasan, one of the soldiers, but changes his mind as soon as he sees us writing. Symbolically he holds his hand in front of his mouth and then says that it’s not a lie at all, and that he cannot speak about this matter. His colleague Schlomo says, “All that’s necessary is permission from DCO and ID-papers and they’ll get through in one minute.”

Permission is needed from the DCO, to be able to visit the prisons. The families have to wait several months before permission is granted. Unsurprisingly, the information given to us by Palestinians about their experience at the checkpoint conflicts with the soldier’s version.

“Two days ago I saw a person who had been handcuffed, both hand and foot. They forced him to lie with his head on the ground and with his mouth open and then forced a gun in his mouth,” says Asam, who owns a car repair shop nearby.

The checkpoint was built ten years ago and was then called as such. It was expanded two years ago into a more developed control system, and the Occupation Forces started referring to it as a “terminal”. Now, Israel has new ideas for how the “terminal” should function, which in practice means Palestinians will have to wait at the checkpoint for three days before they can go through. A system like that would be devastating for the Palestinian economy, which already is almost non-existent.

In the town Idhna, a couple of kilometers from Tarqumia, 17,000 out of a total of 36,000 dunums have already been confiscated. 2,100 people live in Idhna and they are completely dependent on their land to survive. In 2005, 3000 dunums were stolen from the village when Israel started to build the wall. On the other side of the wall there are 7000 olive trees that belong to the citizens of Idhna. They can’t get to their land. Fifty wells have been either destroyed or made inaccessible at the same time as the wall was being built. The wells are on land behind the wall.

Five thousand dunums have already been stolen to establish a “buffer zone” in front of the wall. Buffer zones are established to make sure Palestinians will not be able to get close to the wall. The remaining 9000 dunums are behind the wall.

“Missiles have not been stopped by the wall. We are no fools. We know the wall is being built by Israel because they want to steal our land and transfer the people that live here,” says Jamal, the mayor of Idhna. Twenty families have ended up on the other side of the wall. Contact with the village is difficult. “It will get worse when the wall is finished. To get to their houses, they have to ride on donkeys. There are no roads to where they live anymore. They have been destroyed by Israel,” Jamal continues. The families are being threatened with house demolitions if they refuse to move off their land.

There have been one hundred deaths in Idhna since 1956, as a result of attacks by both Israeli army and settlers. Many people have been injured, but despite the difficult situation, Jamal only wants the occupation to end and for Palestinians to be able to live in freedom.

“We want peace between Palestinians and Israelis. We don’t want people to die.”

    Notes

  • Four dunums equals one acre, and can also be quantified as 1,000 meters squared.
  • Checkpoints take many forms, and can be either permanent, partial (an established checkpoint operating periodically) or ‘flying’ (temporary roadblocks enforced by one or two Israeli military jeeps). At a checkpoint, Israeli soldiers check Palestinian ID papers against lists of “wanted” persons, and search cars, packages and persons. Checkpoints have been established so that Israel can control Palestinian movement within the West Bank and at the borders of the Gaza Strip.
  • “Terminals” are a more recent phenomenon and amount to an attempt by Israel to unilaterally enforce permanent borders. They are essentially upgraded checkpoints, built to look like international border crossings or airport terminals. They are sometimes placed near the internationally recognised Green Line border, but more often they encroach on Palestinain territory as in this case between Tarqumia and Israel. One of the most notorious of these new “terminals”, Qalandia checkpoint actually divides Palestinian Jerusalem from Palestinian Ramallah. There is a similar checkpoint on the way to Bethlehem from Ramallah. The Occupation authorities claim this change was to make life easier for the Palestinians passing through the new “terminals”, and point to extra lanes and better facilities added to what were once shoddy structures. But in practice, the extra lanes are rarely opened and the better facilities simply allow for better crowd control and serve to distance the soldiers from the human face of their victims. Through the more permanent nature of these structures Israel is seeking to create “facts on the ground”, driving out all hope of a two state solution.
  • District Coordination Office, DCO – Created as a result of the Oslo Accords and originally consisting of both Israeli authorities and Palestinian Authority representatives. At the start of the Al-Aqsa intifada, Israel kicked out the PA. The DCOs are now essentially no different from the old, notorious Civil Administration wing of the Israeli Occupation Forces.

Popular Committee Member Targetted in Bil’in

by an ISM Media office volunteer

At the weekly anti-Wall protest in Bil’in today around 75 villagers, internationals and Israelis tried to march to the site of the illegal Wall but were stopped by soldiers on the edge of the village. As the demonstrators tried to march through the olive groves the soldiers started firing tear gas and rubber bullets, forcing the peaceful protesters back into the village.

Soldiers invaded the village and arrested Mohammed Katib, member of the Popular Resistance Committee against the Wall, from one house for no apparent reason. He was held for over an hour before being released. Soldiers fired multiple tear gas cannisters and shot rubber bullets at villagers as they made several forays into the village.

Injuries:
Adib Abu Rahme – rubber bullet in the stomach
Nasser Abu Rahme – rubber bullet in the arm
Sharar Mansour – rubber bullet in the leg

Palestinian and International Activists Remove Roadblock

by Palestine Solidarity Project

On September 21, 2006, in the village of Al-Jab’a, Palestinian and international activists partially removed an earth mound roadblock that separates the Palestinian village of Al-Jab’a from the Palestinian village of Surif.

In 2002, Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) created the illegal roadblock to prevent the villagers of Surif and the villagers of Al’Jab’a from commuting back and forth by car. The roadblock consists of dirt, large stones, at least five massive boulders, and more than nine 2-5 ton concrete slabs and blocks. Presently, Palestinians seeking to reach their village from the neighboring village are forced to approach the barrier by car, unload their goods and crops over the roadblock, and repack them into a car located on the other side of the barrier. While this restriction is extremely difficult to navigate, there are multiple other problems. The barrier is built at the junction of a Palestinian road and a settler-only road leading towards the Israeli town of Beit Shemesh, and in the opposite direction towards Bethlehem, Hebron or Jerusalem. This road leads towards many colonial settlements, and it is partially for this reason that Palestinians are prevented from crossing it via car.

Not only does the earth mound roadblock prevent Palestinians from traveling within the occupied West Bank, and farmers from transporting their crops from field to market, it also prevents local students from attending secondary school. Daily, students from the village of Jab’a must travel to Surif to study. They must make this long journey by foot because the roadblock prevents buses and service taxis from crossing the settler road to the adjacent village. In Jab’a, the school serves students until around age 11. When the students reach twelve years of age, they must go to the older children’s’ school in Surif. With the road block in place, this simple journey is grueling and slow.

Because of these crimes committed by the Occupation, the villagers of Jab’a and Surif, joined with international activists to demonstrate in front of the road block, on the shoulder of the settler-only road. The demonstrators marched from the village of Al-Jab’a holding signs reading, “I Dream of Freedom for My Children,” “Settlers Create Apartheid,” and “You Steal Freedom.” Upon reaching the roadblock, demonstrators held the signs for the view of passing settler cars, and, others began to remove the roadblock with shovels and their hands. The demonstrators used the shovels to carry away the dirt and used their hands to move the rocks. Using a metal pipe as a lever, the demonstrators were able to remove one concrete slab prior to the arrival of IOF soldiers and border police.

After approximately 45 minutes, IOF border police and soldiers arrived. Within minutes of the arrival of the first armored police jeep, it was joined by two armored military jeeps. In total, two border police and more than eight soldiers took positions to monitor the action. After a few minutes they approached the demonstrators with a statement written in Hebrew and two maps marked in pen, also in Hebrew. They explained that the road, the roadblock and the adjacent villages were “closed military zones,” and that internationals were not allowed to be present. After some questioning, this answer changed, and the activists were told that both Palestinians and internationals were not permitted to be present near the roadblock or the road. The soldiers informed the peaceful crowd that if they did not leave immediately, they would be arrested. After listening to the IOF’s threats, the demonstrators returned to work removing the roadblock. During this exchange with the IOF, several cars carrying colonist settlers stopped to shout insults or to inquire about the situation. Throughout the action, many settlers slowed to read the signs, and to occasionally shout profanities at the non-violent demonstrators.

After partially removing the roadblock, the Palestinian village committee decided to disperse and return to the village and the Palestinians and internationals marched back up to Al-Jab’a. This is the first direct action to be undertaken jointly by the Surif and Al-Jab’a local committees and PSP. In the future, the demonstrators hope to return to the roadblock and further open the road, allowing for the free passage of Palestinians from village to village.

For more information on the Palestine Solidarity Project, please contact palestine_project@yahoo.com or visit the website at: palestinesolidarityproject.wordpress.com