YNet: “Shenkin on the corner of the Hawara checkpoint”

by Yael Ivri, February 6th

Palestinian artist, Haled Jarar, hung his photographs on the fence of an IDF checkpoint near Nablus; the “Activestills” exhibit covered the streets of Tel Aviv with photos of squatters. Two exhibits, two protests

On Saturday at midday Haled Jarar, 31, a Palestinian artist living in Ramallah, drove up to the Hawara checkpoint south of Nablus, his car contained his debut exhibition.

The photo exhibition, part of a campaign called “30 days against checkpoints” initiated by the Palestinian HASM organization, was hung on the Hawara checkpoint fence for three hours. Some 200 visitors, including Israeli and foreign peace activists, as well as numerous soldiers and Palestinians made their way to or from Nablus to see the exhibition.

Jarar’s camera captured the impossible reality Palestinians endure at the checkpoints and beyond. “This is my non-violent protest,” he stressed. “I want to highlight my people’s tragedy through art.” According to Jarar, many Palestinians who passed by and looked at the photos showed much interest, but also desperation.

“Some said they should be shown in Tel Aviv and not in Hawara. We are familiar with this reality, they told me, but my answer was that this is just the beginning of the journey.” His photo exhibition will be displayed in Tel Aviv and from there will also tour the world.

Neta Golan a veteran peace activist and a visitor at the exhibition said the photos of the Palestinians at the checkpoints, which included women and elderly people, sparked enraged responses. A passerby pointed to one of the photos and told a soldier in the area: “look what you are doing to us.” The soldier responded by saying that he himself did not appear in the photos and left, added Golan.

In another incident an elderly Palestinian woman lashed out at the visitors: “You come here, look at us, take our pictures, and then leave,” she said angrily.

Nablus, biggest urban jail

Some 10,000 Palestinians cross the Hawara checkpoint every day. Muhammad Duikat, one of the campaign organizers explained that the choice to display the exhibition at the Hawara checkpoint was not incidental.

“Nablus is the biggest urban jail in the West Bank,” he says. “Since 2002 we can only come here on foot, through six checkpoints surrounding it and it’s almost impossible to leave. City residents, men aged 16-45, can’t leave without special permits that can only be obtained outside the city,” Duikat said.

Jarar, a graphic artist by profession, describes himself as an amateur photographer. He was born in Jenin, but currently resides in Ramallah. In a conversation with him, after dismantling the exhibition, he sounded satisfied. “I didn’t want to be political,” he almost apologized.

“The majority of my photographs document scenes of nature, animals and landscapes.” Despite this, the moment he decided to display his works, it sparked a political inclination within him. “I decided to try and also help my people,” he recalls, telling how at 3 pm, after the display was taken down from the fence, two soldiers apprehended him at the fence.

Meanwhile on the streets of Tel Aviv

According to estimates by an American journalist Robert Neuwirth, who runs a blog devoted to squatting, “there are about a million squatters worldwide, and until 2050 one out of every three people will become a squatter.” Whether these are realistic estimates or not, Israeli squatters encounter many difficulties, some of which were documented in an exhibition displayed in several parts of Tel Aviv over the weekend.

The group of photographers “Activestills” captured the Israeli version of the squatting trend, namely when social activists, young anarchists, or just homeless people with high awareness take over abandoned buildings and turn them into residential buildings that often serve the community. Under the banner of “A home without people, a people without a home” (the global squatters’ slogan), the exhibit was hung on three abandoned buildings in Tel Aviv that were formerly used as housing units and its tenants evacuated. Another part of the exhibition was hung close to a squat that has been operating for the past two years on Ben Atar Street in the Florentine neighborhood.

The photographs in the exhibition document the attempt to transform an abandoned building on 60 Shenkin Street into a social center and a residential area. Last December, after more than ten years of neglect and decay, a group of activists entered the building, among other things to turn it into a social center. They were later joined by two refugees from Darfur in Sudan, and a single parent family, who together renovated the building.

The Shenkin squat operated for about a month and half until January 14th when police broke into the facility and broke up the party. The tenants were evacuated from the building and thrown onto the street along with their belongings.

“The exhibition documents the history of the squat on 60 Shenkin Street,” explains Keren Manor, one of the exhibition’s initiators.” From the moment the tenants entered the building, cleaned it, started running activities and until they were evacuated.”

The purpose of the exhibition according to Manor is to “convey the message that squatting serves the community: There are dozens perhaps hundreds of abandoned buildings in Tel Aviv and they are only held for real estate purposes, yet there are thousands of homeless people.”

Hanging of the photographs in the street was carried out discreetly in the middle of the night. Manor, however, clarifies that it all serves the purpose. “The fact that we hung up the exhibition without a permit from the institution, exposes us to people without the need for mediation by a gallery or a museum. We are looking for direct contact with the street, and the aim is to primarily shatter the negative myths on the topic.”

Ma’an: “Israeli military disrupt non-violent action in Al Khadr and attack Palestinian children”

February 3rd,

On Saturday morning around forty international peace activists, including Israelis from the group ‘Peace Now’ and local Palestinians, went to Al Khadir village, Bethlehem, in the occupied Palestinian West Bank, to plant olive trees.

Israeli forces have uprooted and demolished thousands of olive trees throughout the Palestinian territories. Peace and environmental activists replant olive trees to prevent the wastage of Palestinian land, as a form of non-violent resistance to the Israeli occupation and to assert the presence of international activists in solidarity with the Palestinians.

The activists planted trees on the borders of an illegal Israeli settlement, a small outpost on Palestinian land, in which the settlers live in caravans. It was also within an area that is soon to stolen from the Palestinians and absorbed into Israel by the construction of the apartheid wall. Al Khadir once had 22,000 dunams (22,000,000m²) of land, after the completion of the wall only 2,000 dunams (2,000,000 m²) will remain.

During the planting of the trees, angry settlers emerged from their caravans and shouted at the activists, accusing the peaceful demonstrators of, “playing games, on holy day [Shabbat].” The settlers also claimed that, through the planting of the trees, a nascent vineyard had been destroyed. But the land on which the activists planted the olive trees was unused.

Israeli soldiers were called and ordered the activists off the Palestinian land, but the activists continued to plant trees, refusing to leave. The soldiers marched the activists to a field further away from the settlement, where they resumed planting trees. The Israeli soldiers then violently manhandled the demonstrators, forcing them down the hill, provoking a fight between the unarmed activists and children, and the Israeli soldiers, who had rifles slung over their shoulders. At one point an irate soldier pointed his gun at a Palestinian child, who ran away.

The Israeli soldiers arrested one activist who was an Israeli member of ‘Peace Now.’

The non-violent demonstrators succeeded in planting in excess of a hundred trees on the soon to be annexed Palestinian land.


Israeli colony on Al Khadr village land

PNN: “Nonviolent demonstration to save Al Aqsa Mosque area from Israeli destruction”

by Maisa Abu Ghazaleh, February 4th

The cold weather and proliferation of military checkpoints in the city of Jerusalem did not prevent hundreds of citizens from reaching Al Aqsa Mosque to stand in the face of Israeli demolition plans. Sunday’s scheme included destruction at the Moroccan Gate to make a Jewish-only road. Israeli forces are adding settlements in East Jerusalem and a synagogue near the entrance to the Mosque.

This morning Israeli police, border guards and special forces were at the doors of Al Aqsa with barricades throughout the Old City stopping Palestinians and checking identification. Only men over 45 years of age and women were allowed to get near the Muslim holy site.

At the Moroccan Gate the Israeli procedures were more prohibitive with all nonviolent demonstrators carrying flags and placards being forced to change course and stand in the rain about three kilometers away at Damascus Gate. Israeli police arrested a 16 year old for attempting to enter the Mosque.

Among demonstrators were Chief Palestinian Justice Sheikh Taysir Tamimi, the head of the Islamic Waqf Sheikh Abdel A Salhab and dozens more clerics, young men and women. During the sit-in several Islamic scholars spoke directly to the threats against the Mosque and the plans to overtake the area.

Sheikh Tamimi said that the destruction at Moroccan Gate made clear the political and religious dimensions of the Israeli plans. “The Israeli government issued an order to demolish ancient buildings in the Arab and Islamic Gate of the Moroccans, exploiting this time of internal strife.”

He demanded that as many people who can make it through the barriers come daily to pray in the Mosque in order to have the maximum presence possible. He also issued an official condemnation against the Israelis today for preventing worshipers from praying.

The Mufti of Jerusalem, Sheikh Mohammad Hussein, described current events as, “ugly crimes against Al Aqsa Mosque and Muslims.” He said that since the 1980s Israeli forces have been trying to implement the scheme at the Moroccan Gate, but that they were always prevented from doing so by world-wide religious and historical outcry. Sheikh Hussein appealed to Arab and Muslim leaders on an international scale to intervene to save the Gate and the Mosque before it is too late.

Chair of the Supreme Islamic Council, Sheikh Ikrima Sabri, said that the scheme to install a bridge and expand the Western Wall is a direct affront to the city’s heritage in its entirety. He has been warning of the bid to overtake the Al Aqsa area throughout the past two years of preparation and less noticeable work.

The head of the Department of Information of the Islamic Movement, Khalid Muhanna, who at the age of 45 was prevented from entering the Mosque, said, “This is to be expected, that we will be kept out of our mosque as we have uncovered the biggest conspiracy yet in the takeover of Jerusalem.”

Muhanna warned against attempts to destroy Al Aqsa, stressing that the Islamic Movement would keep a presence in the city around the clock to stop the takeover.

He called on President Abbas and Prime Minister Haniya to close ranks and serve the Al Aqsa Mosque.

Haaretz: “By the book”

by Gideon Levy, February 2nd

There’s no question about it – everything was done by the book. The gate was locked at 7 P.M. and 16,000 people, residents of the villages of Beit Furik and Beit Dajan, were imprisoned behind it until 6 A.M. That’s the procedure. A woman who wants to cross the checkpoint at night has to go on foot, to wait until a female soldier comes to do a body check, even if she is about to give birth; that, too, is procedure. And only cars with permits are allowed to enter Nablus, even if dying people are sitting inside them; that is also according to procedure. No soldier deviated from the procedure, everything was done by the book, the book of the occupation.

That is how it happened that a cancer patient was delayed for about an hour and a half at the Hawara checkpoint, until he died in a taxi that was not allowed to enter Nablus, a taxi in which he was trying to get from the hospital to his home, his final request. That is also what happened when the young woman in labor was forced to stand in the cold and the rain for about half an hour and to make her way on foot for several hundred meters while in labor. That’s the procedure.

The death of cancer patient Taysir Kaisi was inevitable, but why in such pain, waiting endlessly in a “non-permitted” taxi at the checkpoint? And the young woman from Beit Furik who was about to give birth, Roba Hanani, finally arrived at the hospital in Nablus and successfully gave birth there to her first child, but why with such torture? Why did they deserve it? What would we think if our loved ones were to die or suffer labor pains at a checkpoint separating the city and the village? Life and death are in the hands of the checkpoint: The story of the death of Taysir Kaisi and the birth of Raghad Hanani, between the Hawara checkpoint and the Beit Furik checkpoint, during an easing of restrictions at the checkpoints, less than an hour’s drive from Tel Aviv, is a story that should disturb our equanimity.

Taysir Kaisi worked in Hazem Samara’s hummus shop in Nablus. He was 45 years old, with seven children, a hummus maker, with two bedrooms and a living room in a house in the Ain Bet Ilma refugee camp in the city. He fell ill a year ago; he was diagnosed with metastasizing liver cancer only a month ago. Dr. Hurani prescribed chemotherapy, which he received at the Al Watani hospital in the city.

His situation deteriorated, his pains increased, Kaisi wanted a second opinion. Someone recommended the Hadassah Hospital, but in the end he only managed to go to the Al Mutla hospital in East Jerusalem. On Monday, January 15, he went to Jerusalem accompanied by his cousin Hussein Kaisi. They had four permits, that is the only way one can travel to receive a second opinion, a permit for two days, one for each day, for two people, one for “the purpose of medical needs” and the other “for the purpose of accompanying a patient,” all properly stamped, all after they showed the doctor’s appointment from the hospital in Jerusalem, and that is also according to the rules. Kaisi was still in reasonable shape when he left his house on Monday, and he did part of the long trip to Jerusalem walking from one taxi to another, between the checkpoints. At the Qalandiyah checkpoint, they asked him to pull down his pants – security – and he managed that too.

At Al Mutla they decided to hospitalize the patient for four days. He and his cousin had permits for only two days. After several examinations the doctors recommended that Kaisi return home and continue to receive chemotherapy in Nablus, near his family and his children. On Thursday morning Taysir and Hussein left the hospital on their way home. That was Taysir’s final journey.

We are now sitting with the cousin Hussein on a rock overlooking the improvised taxi stand at the Hawara checkpoint, exactly where he left Taysir to die in a taxi that was not permitted to cross. The taxi drivers that the two stopped when they left the hospital in East Jerusalem refused to take them, because their permits for medical purposes and for the purpose of accompanying a patient were no longer valid, because of the hospitalization that had lasted two days beyond the permits. That is why the two, the patient and his cousin, traveled by bus to the Qalandiyah checkpoint, after waiting a long time at the bus stop. They crossed the checkpoint on foot, Taysir was still able to walk, and there they took a taxi from Ramallah to bring them to Nablus. Taysir screamed with pain during the entire trip, asking his cousin, “When will we get to Nablus already?”

When they reached the Hawara checkpoint, the checkpoint at the entrance to Nablus, Hussein asked the driver to enter the checkpoint and drive them home. The soldier at the checkpoint asked for permits. Hussein, who speaks Hebrew, explained to him that Taysir was a critically ill man who was returning to his home. The soldier asked for a permit from the taxi driver, but the taxi driver from Ramallah did not have a permit to enter Nablus. “Go back,” ordered the soldier. Hussein tried to explain to the soldier that Taysir was incapable of going on foot, and that all he wanted was to get home, but the soldiers insisted. Those are the procedures. They said that Hussein and Taysir could enter Nablus, but only on foot.

Taysir was no longer in any condition to walk even one step. The pains in his stomach had increased during the course of the uncomfortable trip and he was no longer capable of standing on his feet. “This is a cancer patient,” Hussein tried to explain, to no avail. The soldiers, he says, did not pay attention. For lack of any other choice, they turned back, doing the soldier’s bidding.

The driver parked his taxi at the improvised taxi stand at the front of the checkpoint, Taysir groaned with pain and Hussein asked him to set out with him on foot. Taysir was incapable of doing so. So Hussein went out to look for a taxi with a permit to enter Nablus, leaving his cousin in the taxi. “Take care of my wife and the children,” Taysir asked Hussein, apparently his last words.

The desperate Hussein tried to find a driver who would agree to take them through the checkpoint. In an UNRWA vehicle that just passed there was no room, no other car came. One of the taxi drivers suggested that he call the ambulance in Nablus. Only in an ambulance will you be able to cross, the driver advised him. Hussein called the Red Crescent in Nablus, another 15 minutes passed until the ambulance arrived at the checkpoint. The ambulance driver didn’t find the two, Hussein ran to him and directed him to the taxi where Taysir was dying.

The paramedic got out of the ambulance and approached Taysir, asking him how he was, but Taysir didn’t reply. He was sitting in the back seat of the taxi. The driver of another taxi that was standing at the taxi stand, Jihad Hareb, says that he saw Taysir sitting in the taxi for about an hour and a half, his yellow skin slowly turning black, “as though someone had choked him.” The paramedic checked his pulse and respiration and determined that Taysir was dead. Hussein also says that about an hour and a half passed from the moment they arrived at the checkpoint until the ambulance arrived. With the help of two taxi drivers, they removed Taysir from the taxi and carried him to the ambulance, and drove to the hospital in Nablus, where his death was determined. The doctors estimated that Taysir had died about 45 minutes before arriving at the hospital.

Hussein called Taysir’s wife, Nawal, and informed her: “Taysir died at the checkpoint, on the way home.” He says that it was hard for him to give the news over the phone, Taysir had so much wanted to get home. A B’Tselem investigator, Salma al-Debai, also took testimony from Hussein, in order to prepare a report about the incident on behalf of her organization.

The IDF Spokesman’s Office, for its part, responds with a total denial: “An investigation regarding a claim that a Palestinian cancer patient was delayed at the Hawara checkpoint found the claim to be incorrect. An investigation carried out by the Civil Administration’s coordinator of health showed that the Palestinian died on the way, during a taxi ride from the hospital in Jerusalem to the Hawara checkpoint.”

Some people die at the checkpoint and some are born there: Wrapped in a woolen blanket, an electric heater warming her well-appointed room, lies the infant Raghad Hanani, 25 days old, in her bed. When she grows up, maybe her parents, Roba and Derar – he a Palestinian policeman and she a 25-year-old housewife – will tell her about her mother’s travails when she was about to give birth.

It was Roba’s first pregnancy. On Friday, December 7, she went into labor. An act of the devil – evening had already fallen on their village, Beit Furik, east of Nablus; an act of the devil – the IDF had locked the iron gate. The coordinator of ground operations of Rabbis for Human Rights, Zacharia Sadeh, says that for months this gate has been locked every night, from 7 P.M. to 6 A.M., imprisoning behind it the 16,000 residents of the two neighboring villages, Beit Furik and Beit Dajan.

It was 8:30 P.M., about an hour and a half after the gate had been locked; the couple ordered a taxi and drove toward the iron gate intending to reach the hospital in Nablus, a few minutes’ drive away. There are two roads to Nablus; one is short and is open to Jews only, and one is longer and passes through the Beit Furik checkpoint. Access to both roads passes first of all through the iron gate, and it was locked, as we have said.

The taxi driver, Mahmoud Melitat, approached the iron gate and began to flash his car lights in the direction of the IDF guard tower, which is located a few hundred meters from the gate. Derar says that it was cold and rainy outside. After about 10 minutes, a Hummer arrived. The driver, Melitat, tried to explain to the soldiers that there was a woman in labor in his taxi, but the soldiers insisted that she had to get out and cross the gate on foot.

The couple got out of the taxi, Roba was crying, holding her stomach, scared about her first birth, leaning on her husband’s shoulders. They walked from the gate in the direction of the checkpoint, a distance of several hundred meters, and there the soldiers ordered them to wait until a female soldier came to do a body check on Roba – maybe she was carrying a bomb on her way to Nablus. On the other side of the checkpoint a Palestinian ambulance that had been ordered by Derar was waiting, and the soldiers did not let its driver pass to the other side of the checkpoint, which is closed at night. Derar says that the soldiers did not even allow Roba to get into the ambulance and to wait inside. They said that these were the orders.

So they stood outside until the female soldier arrived, Roba was examined and the permit to go to the hospital was finally given. The IDF Spokesman responded that he was not familiar with this case.

In the end, Raghad was born in the hospital in Nablus. Mother and baby are doing well. Grandma and grandpa, Roba’s parents, have seen their granddaughter only once so far, in the hospital. The residents of their village of Salem, which can be seen on the opposite hill, are not allowed to enter Beit Furik.

And nevertheless the Hananis were lucky: Late in 2003 Rula Ashateya, who was also in labor, tried to cross that same accursed checkpoint. The soldiers prevented her from crossing at the time, and Rula crouched to give birth on the ground, hiding behind one of the cement blocks of the checkpoint, with her husband serving as midwife. The newborn apparently hit the rock and died. Her parents had intended to call her Mira, I wrote here at the time, since all their children’s names begin with M. Then, too, the IDF Spokesman said that “the soldiers are instructed to allow crossing at the checkpoint in humanitarian cases, at any time and in any situation.”

The Guardian: “Time to get serious about Israel”

by John Hilary, January 31st

You know that things are serious when a parliamentary select committee puts out a call for sanctions against another sovereign state. Doubly so when that state is supposed to be one of Britain’s key allies in the Middle East. Yet today the House of Commons international development committee is calling on the Labour government to press for sanctions against Israel over its treatment of the Palestinian people. Things must be pretty bad.

Things are indeed bad, says the committee’s new report. As a result of Israeli occupation and the accompanying restrictions on movement, the Palestinian economy is in freefall. Fully 70% of Palestinians are now living in poverty, according to UN calculations, a figure which rises to 80% in Gaza. Over half of all Palestinians are now unable to cover their families’ daily food needs without relying on external aid – a scandal in such a rich and fertile land.

As a first step in putting pressure on the Israeli government to end this oppression, the UK should now urge its fellow members in the EU to consider suspending the EU-Israel association agreement, the cross-party committee says.

That agreement gives Israeli exports preferential access to the markets of the European Union. Europe accounts for two-thirds of Israeli exports, and suspending the preferences those exports currently enjoy would send the first proper message to Israel that its oppression of the Palestinian people is unacceptable.

That message is long overdue. The EU-Israel agreement should have been suspended years ago, as its own text states that it is conditional upon respect for human rights. In this regard Israel has already violated the agreement many times over. The UN’s own special rapporteur, Jean Ziegler, among many others, has pointed out that the agreement should already have been suspended under its own terms.

The call for suspension of Israel’s trading preferences is the first in a line of sanctions which the UK could take. Suspending arms sales is another obvious candidate. The UK has been approving record levels of arms sales to Israel over the past couple of years, despite admitting that it cannot trust Israel’s claims that the weapons will not be used in its military operations against the Palestinian people. The government is now facing a court case on the issue.

Today’s committee report is not just targeted at Israel. It also slams the UK and other international donors for withdrawing aid to the Palestinian Authority since early 2006. Together with Israel’s withholding of revenues due to the Palestinian government, this action by the international community has “increased poverty and hardship amongst most Palestinians”, the report says. At least one million people have been affected by this punitive action, the least smart form of sanctions since those imposed on the people of Iraq during the 1990s.

The main significance of the committee’s report is that it challenges Tony Blair to move from his unconditional support of Israel to a position of standing up for the Palestinian people. In so doing, the report echoes the call of a new coalition also launched this week. The Enough! coalition brings together all major British trade unions, campaigns organisations and charities plus faith groups from the Jewish, Muslim and Christian communities in a joint call for justice for the Palestinian people. Only through such justice can Israelis and Palestinians hope to build a lasting peace for the region as a whole.

The immediate focus of the coalition is to mark this year’s 40th anniversary of Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. However, Palestinian groups trace their suffering back further to the 1948 nakba, or catastrophe, when 750,000 were driven into exile in order to make way for the founding of the Israeli state. Both anniversaries are equally important.

For those of us who bear the weight of British imperial history, there is another reason for marking 2007. This year also sees the 90th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, in which Britain, for its own political ends, committed itself to a Jewish national home in Palestine. Britain and France had promised self-determination to the peoples of the former Ottoman empire, but the British government chose to deny the people of Palestine this right.

Yet the historical responsibility of the British state is not the issue. It is Britain’s current support of Israeli aggression which must be challenged and changed. Today’s call for action from MPs in the international development committee must be the start of a radical reorientation of Britain’s policy towards the Middle East. Sanctions against Israel is a first and necessary step on that journey.