Tales of the prophets: harvesting in the shadow of the settlements

by ISM Nablus, Monday 30th October


Itamar settlement and settler road on the land of Rujeeb village

“He turned his walking-stick into a giant snake that swallowed up all the others’ tiny snakes. And so the Pharoah knew that Moses was a prophet and not just a simple magician.” Rada, 29 years old, is telling us stories while we kneel along the edges of the tarpaulins picking up stray olives from the ground. Her voice is soft and soothing, almost like song, even though her English is taken directly from North American sit-coms. She especially likes Seinfeld and Friends.

Rada’s family are spread out along a mountain ridge some 300 metres from the Israeli settlement of Itamar, just west of Rujeeb village outside of Nablus city. The village is effectively an expansion of Balata refugee camp, built by families wishing to escape the insecurity and cramped environment of their former home. Perched on branches and standing on the ground pulling the olives off of the boughs with nimble fingers, we are cheerful but guarded. Despite the pretty surroundings and the spring-like weather, it is difficult to forget that the settlement houses and the perimeter fence with its alarmed gate loom menacingly behind our backs.

A settler militia van comes driving along the road and an armed settler steps out, opens the gate and looks around. A military jeep hurries behind it, screeches to a halt and soldiers step out to converse with the, seemingly self-appointed, settler deputy. After five minutes, both vehicles drive off and we discover that we have been holding our breaths all the while.

The day proceeds quietly. We finish picking the trees closest to the settlement and move on to a second plot of land adjacent to the settler by-pass road. In the morning, soldiers tell the international pickers present to get out of the area as it is a so-called “red zone”, implying that only people officially residing in Rujeeb may be there. Their will to enforce this rule, however, seems halfhearted and we are not interrupted again.

As we walk back toward the village, with Rada singing a Sami Yusuf tune written in ode to his mother, we pass through a valley framed by the main settlements and outposts of Elon Moreh and Itamar. Rada’s husband tells us about how settlers planted a bomb under the car of the mayor of a nearby village, crippling him for life, after he had brought the settlement’s claims of land ownership to the Israeli Supreme Court and won.

We decide to meet tomorrow at the same time and wave goodbye to the children, wishing them a goodnight in the village accent that they have tried to teach us all day. It has been a good day, promising plenty of good days to come. Welcome to the olive harvest in Nablus, where harvesting is resisting.

Guardian: “Israeli barrier and settlement to leave West Bank village with nowhere to go”

from The Guardian, Monday 30th October. by Rory McCarthy in Wadi Fukin

Land confiscation and pollution threaten future of ancient farming community

From his rooftop, Mohammad Ibrahim can see from one end to the other of the narrow valley that contains the village of Wadi Fukin. Beyond houses bunched around the tall minaret of the mosque is terraced farmland, most of it covered with olive trees or planted deep in cabbage, cucumber, radish, lettuce and squash, irrigated by dozens of small reservoir pools linked to the valley’s 11 ancient springs.

It is this view of Wadi Fukin, a village of 1,200 Palestinians just inside the occupied West Bank, that has long attracted Israeli tourists, who hike and swim in the reservoirs. The ancient farming practices have created a “unique cultural landscape” deserving of world heritage status, says Gidon Bromberg, Israeli director of Friends of the Earth Middle East.

But this is no longer all Mr Ibrahim sees. On the hills to the south and east of the village is a rapidly expanding ultra-orthodox Jewish settlement built on Palestinian land seized by the Israeli government and declared “state land”.

On the opposite hills, to the north and west, is the proposed route for the latest stretch of the vast concrete and steel West Bank barrier. The 437-mile barrier is halfway complete and work continues despite a July 2004 advisory opinion from the international court of justice in The Hague, which said it was a violation of international law and should be taken down where it crosses into the West Bank. Israel argues that the barrier is a necessary security measure that has reduced the number of suicide bombings.

Within months, the village will be sandwiched between the growing settlement of Beitar Illit and the barrier, with a large chunk of its farmland gone. Confiscation orders have been issued for land that villagers have cultivated for generations. Mr Ibrahim was told that 12 hectares (30 acres) of his father’s land is to be taken.

“I think the worst is yet to come,” said Mr Ibrahim, 50, a teacher at the village primary school. “We are totally dependent on that farmland.” He believes the settlement and the barrier together are designed to squeeze out the villagers. “I think what they want is that after they have done this there will come a time when we call a taxi to take us out of here for good,” he said.

Local concern

Mr Ibrahim’s neighbour Abu Mazen works with him on a village committee against the barrier and is equally concerned. “At the beginning I was full of hope that the wall wouldn’t be put into place because of the crowds that visit. But the reality tells me they are going to build this wall,” he said. “They are the ones dividing two communities from each other.”

Israel’s prime minister, Ehud Olmert, was elected in the spring on a policy of withdrawing from some of the smaller West Bank settlements and annexing larger blocs behind a new, unilaterally drawn final border. Since the Lebanon war, that policy has been shelved. But the reality on the ground is that the military occupation continues and the settlements and the barrier grow apace.

Since construction started in Beitar Illit in 1985 its population has increased to 28,000 and it is now one of the fastest growing settlements in the West Bank. In May, the Israeli defence minister and Labour leader, Amir Peretz, issued an expansion order for Beitar Illit and three other West Bank settlements – the first such order for some years. In September, tenders were issued for 342 new houses in the settlement and now homes are being built, with truck-loads of rubble dumped down the hillsides every few minutes. Overflow pipes regularly eject raw sewage on to some of the village fields, forcing farmers to stop growing crops.

“Beitar Illit is the biggest construction site in the West Bank. It has enormous growth every year,” said Dror Etkes, who runs Settlement Watch at the Israeli organisation Peace Now. Houses are on sale at much cheaper prices than in Jerusalem, 10 miles away, and cheap, regular transport is laid on for settlers heading into the capital.

The settlement’s expansion is in defiance of the 2003 “road map” for peace negotiations put forward by the US, Europe, Russia and the UN, which calls for a freeze in settlement activity.

Like other Palestinian villages threatened by settlements or the arrival of the barrier, Wadi Fukin is hoping to fight its case in court. But the village has also found support from within Israel. Friends of the Earth has campaigned hard to protect the valley, warning that the recharge of the village springs is threatened by the expansion of the settlement and the arrival of the barrier, which here will be a 50-metre-wide strip of land including a steel fence with barbed wire barriers, a ditch, two patrol roads, two “intrusion-tracking dirt roads” and observation cameras.

Israelis in the town of Tzur Hadassah, which is over the hill from Wadi Fukin, have also taken up the campaign. Some are motivated by ecological concerns, others by political opposition to the settlements and the barrier.

Dudy Tzfati, 45, a lecturer in biology and genetics at Hebrew University and one of the campaigners from Tzur Hadassah, admits that not everyone in the town supports their work. “Most of the mainstream like the concept of separation and the idea of the fence, to not have to see the Palestinians and the suffering, to have them behind a wall and then we won’t have to deal with what is going on there,” he said.

Partly as a result of lobbying from the Israeli side, a senior defence ministry official visited Wadi Fukin and Tzur Hadassah last week to listen to the concerns, although there is no indication of any change in the plans for the settlement or barrier.

Scepticism

Among villagers, there was deep scepticism at first about the support from their Israeli neighbours. Some are still doubtful about their motivation. “They are helping us because they want it to be a reservation, like a national park. They are Israeli citizens and will ultimately think for their own benefit,” said Jamal Hamid, 46, a farmer living at the north end of the village.

However, many appear to have accepted the support gratefully. “These people are very fair,” said Atef Manasra, an Arabic teacher at the village school. “The difference between the people of Tzur Hadassah and the settlers in Beitar Illit is like the difference between the sky and the earth.”

Yet few believe the campaign by either side will be enough to change Wadi Fukin’s future and villagers worry about a future isolated from the markets in Jerusalem and Bethlehem and from access to the rest of the West Bank. “This wall is nothing to do with security,” said Mr Ibrahim. “On the contrary it is to besiege the Palestinian people economically, to prevent workers from working inside Israel and, most importantly, to consume more land.”

The Independent: “Music therapy: The pied piper of Balata”

by Donald Macintyre, 30th October

The Palestinian children of the West Bank grow up amid the sounds of guns and bombs. But a project inspired by Professor Nigel Osborne is determined to help them listen to a different tune. Donald Macintyre reports

The Reid Professor of Music at Edinburgh University, and one of Britain’s foremost contemporary composers, is somehow managing simultaneously to play the guitar, dance, and conduct a class of 30 children in their lusty performance – in Mandinga – of a West African folk song.

The song, he has explained to the children sitting round him, concerns a cunning spider, who, uninvited to a village feast, beguiles a villager who comes down to the nearby river for water, so that he never returns. Then another villager is sent. And so on, until the whole village has been mesmerised by the spider’s magical drumming. And then the spider runs to the now deserted village and consumes the feast.

The children, armed with shakers, triangles, chime bars and drums, enthusiastically beat out the rhythm as the words of the chorus – roughly transliterated as “Pigin do me so, kongo ayeri, ayeri kongo”- resounds through the open windows of the community centre, bringing to life a song created more than 1,000 years and a continent away.

The electricity brought to this room by the multi-tasking Nigel Osborne would be surprising enough even if it was not happening in the heart of the West Bank’s most populous-and most problematic- Palestinian refugee camp, scene of some of the worst bloodshed during the past six years of conflict.

This is Balata, a stronghold of armed militancy and the target of at times almost daily Israeli incursions, where 150 Palestinians have been killed since the intifada began six years ago. It is also one of the most densely populated places on earth, home to 30,000 civilians who live in less than two square kilometres of cement-block housing packed so closely together that fat people cannot squeeze into some of the alleys between them.

Professor Osborne, whose works have been performed by orchestras across the world from the Berlin Symphony to the Los Angeles Philharmonic, who has seen his operas play at Glyndebourne and the English National Opera, has come to Nablus to practise what he has preached for more than a decade: the huge potential of music to rehabilitate war-traumatised children.

He first asks the children to join him in singing a melodic African chant, increasing the volume and then reducing it to a whisper. Then he has them clap in time. Then he introduces them, still clapping, to the rhythm, then, with his guitar, to the tune, and then finally – for those that need it – to the words of an old Arab song: Aya Zeyn al-Abidin/Ir Wrd, Ir Wrd/Imfitah Baynil/Besatin [“Zeyn ul Abidin, you are like a rose that blooms in the garden”.]

“I have loved Arabic music for a long time – longer than you,” he tells the children through the interpreter Assim Eshtaya, 27, a school counsellor in Nablus. “I won’t say more, but longer. Now the notes in the song we learnt come from a very old traditional Arab scale.” He plays the notes on his guitar. “Now I have a proposal. Would you like to create a new song with Arabic music?”

And so, with Professor Osborne allowing the children to decide the words of the song, which he suggests should be about friendship, and then to choose the melody, note by note, the song comes into being: “Dear friends, friends for ever, friends for ever,” the whole group sings in Arabic.

Professor Osborne is here to support a project which he has inspired but which has been run by a tireless fellow Scot, trained counsellor and unpaid volunteer Sheena Boyle, who spent much of the summer training fourth-year Palestinian psychology students to oversee music sessions for traumatised children.

A UN children’s fund report in January declared that “Palestinian children are showing increasing signs of psychosocial distress, manifested in aggressive behaviour, low achievement, nightmares and bedwetting.” Palestinian social workers say that in a place like Balata, almost every child is traumatised to a greater or lesser extent.

Samia Tangi, 12, is the fifth of seven children. She has lived with an aunt since her divorced mother was jailed for helping to prepare a bomb for an attack in Israel. Her father is absent in Jordan. Samia, whose aunt says she weeps a lot, seems to enjoy being here. “I like what you are doing,” she tells Professor Osborne through the translator. “I liked it when we sang ‘Aya Zeyn’.” She shyly shows visitors two of the drawings she is keeping for her mother’s eventual return. One shows the refugee camp at night; the gate of her school – the sign Balata Girl’s School clearly written; Israeli helicopters flying over head; tanks in the streets, a boy throwing stones at them. Another – entitled “mum’s day” has a heart and a lighted candle.

Doha Bakr, 13, was six when she saw the body of her 18-year- old brother brought home at the beginning of the intifada. Her account, delivered without emotion fastens on a seemingly extraneous detail; how he had told his mother that he wanted to take a shower, but hearing the water would take time to heat up, walked to the nearby Jacob’s Well, never to return alive. He may have been throwing stones; he was shot in the head.

Mahmoud Diab, 12, is the boisterous life and soul of today’s session, shooting out his suggestion for the words like a rapper. Mrs Boyle says his mother told her he is unpopular because he is “too clever”, though at the music session he has made more friends. Like many children in the camp, Mahmoud still occasionally wets his bed. Yet he is politically precocious, saying he supports Hamas because “everyone is against them” . His mother said before the sessions started that he wanted to be a suicide bomber when he grew up; today, at any rate, he says he wants to be a ” scientist and a leader in an Islamic band”. He adds: “I like it here because it is fun and we make new friends.”

Professor Osborne’s belief in the therapeutic and transformational power of music in the most unpromising circumstances is no passing fad. He graduated in music from Oxford in the late 1960s (where as the composer of a Cinderella produced by Gyles Brandreth, he coached Eliza Manningham-Buller, future head of the British Security Service, to sing for her part as the fairy godmother).

He was a music therapist for a spell as a young man but it was as a human rights activist, enraged by the failure of the international community to protect Bosnia from Serb aggression, that he went to Sarajevo in 1993.

Horrified by the impact of the siege on children, he devised, with two Bosnian artists, the idea of running creative workshops for children caught up in the conflict. “The idea was just so the children could have a bit of fun,” he recalls. “I was surprised how the therapeutic idea emerged out of it.” For a visionary who has worked in several conflict zones, including Chechnya and Georgia, Professor Osborne has an unexpected streak of humility. He is careful to distinguish between clinical music therapy and the kind of session he is doing in Nablus, or those he ran in Sarajevo, and west Bosnia, where he was inevitably called – at least by journalists – “the Pied Piper of Mostar”.

But ever since noticing what he has described as the “palpable wave of energy” emanating from the Sarajevo children, he has believed passionately that “music assists these [traumatised] children, helping communication between individuals and within groups, creating trust joy, safety, cognitive repair and the incomparable self-esteem brought by creativity.”

In a forthcoming – and in part highly technical – paper, he also reviews recent scientific findings on the physical effects of music on the one hand and post-traumatic stress on the other to make a persuasive case that music can be useful in regulating some functions of the body, such as heartbeat and breathing, known to be disturbed by repeated shock or fear.

Post-traumatic stress causes in different victims the opposite extremes of both “hyperarousal”and unusually subdued behaviour, he says and describes how in his experience in Bosnia: “It was not unusual for generally melancholic and reticent groups to leave a session laughing or dancing, or groups … of hyperactive children to leave calm and focused.”

Certainly, the Balata community leaders seem delighted with the success of the project. Mrs Boyle’s July training sessions involved 90 children in three Nablus refugee camps – with others having to be turned away. ” During the month, the results were clear for everyone to see,” said Shaer Badawi of Balata’s Yafa centre. “The children were happier.”

Balata is a bleak place to grow up. Almost every alley and lane is decorated with a “martyr poster” showing dead men and boys carrying guns, whether they were in fact militants or not. These provide almost the only role model for young boys. On a tour of the camp, Professor Osborne met a nine-year-old boy who every day visits the grave of his father, a dead militant, while – not untypically – brandishing a frighteningly realistic toy M16.

Professor Osborne has no illusions that music will somehow stop all young people picking up real guns in the future. But he says: “I hope we can offer an alternative path, a path where human energy can be put to creative, not destructive purposes.”

The problem, of course, is money. Kamal Shoraty, the Palestinian co-ordinator of the project, would like to extend it across the West Bank. But the summer sessions were run on a shoestring budget of around £6,300; there are not even enough simple musical instruments for more than one session at a time.

Professor Osborne says that if he was Swedish he would have direct access to funds from the country’s development agency. But the Government has so far rejected appeals for funding, which depends on a few individual donors and Rotarian-type fund-raising events in Scotland. Yet Professor Osborne calculates that a mere £50,000 would allow children in eight Nablus centres to take part in one session a week throughout the year.

At a meeting of Balata community leaders last Friday to express their appreciation to Professor Osborne and Mrs Boyle, Ahmed Dwaikat, of the Palestinian union of psychologists and social workers, said that the musical sessions have helped to a “better view of school” in depressed and underperforming children. But that’s not all. “Here children feel they have to grow up very fast,” he said. “We want to give them the feeling that it’s all right to be a child, to enjoy the things that are for children.”

Two Brothers Arrested in Balata Refugee Camp

by ISM Nablus, Monday 30th October


Photo credit: Ma’an News Agency

About five o’clock this morning, Israeli Special Forces invaded Balata refugee camp east of Nablus. It was an unusually quiet military incursion and a large number of Balata inhabitants did not even notice the Israeli army presence until a few children started throwing stones at jeeps stationed in key corners of the camp to cut off streets and alleyways. An Apache helicopter hovered overhead during the entire operation and other reinforcements in the form of Merkava tanks stood by outside the camp perimeter in case of widespread resistance.

Israeli forces followed 20-year old Mo’az Maseemi to his home and waited until he had closed the door behind him. When they knocked on the door, Mo’az asked who it was, to which one of the Israeli soldiers answered “Me!” in Arabic. Mo’az then opened the door, only to be faced with six assault rifles pointed at his head. Mo’az Maseemi, wanted by the Israeli military for some time, was taken away to an unknown location, without even being allowed time to put his shoes on. His 23-year old brother Mahmoud Maseemi, although not officially wanted, was also abducted from his home at gunpoint.

A third member of the Maseemi family was arrested by Israeli forces only ten days earlier. Israeli Special Forces operations are a common occurrence in Nablus. In the last month, 10 men have been arrested during nightly operations in the camp. Israel claims these men are to have been “wanted” by the Israeli military – always for undisclosed reasons and based on information from secret sources. Many of the people arrested in Palestine end up being held in administrative detention for years at a time, without charge or trial.

Media Distortion of Palestinian Non-Violent Protest

by Dennis Fox, October 29th

Every Friday for the past year and a half villagers from Bil’in, a small West Bank village near Ramallah, march with supporters toward the triple-layer fence separating them from their olive trees. They are always blocked by Israeli soldiers and border police, who typically escalate from tear gas and concussion grenades to water cannons, rubber bullets, live ammunition, and a variety of apparently experimental weapons. This weekly interaction gets a lot of important attention in the alternative press, but is mostly ignored by Western mainstream media.

Israeli media generally provide brief reports that mostly mirror the official view. Last Friday, though, I was able to see for myself how inaccurate those reports actually are.

According to the Jerusalem Post, this is what happened at the October 27th protest:

Two border policemen were lightly wounded on Friday during a violent protest by some 500 Palestinians, left wing Israelis and foreign activists against the construction of the security barrier in Bil’in. The protesters threw stones at security forces and attempted to damage the fence using ladders….

A short article in Ha’aretz was less one-sided but made it seem that the violence was even-handed. Both Israeli papers glossed over the actual sequence of events. (I’ve posted photos that demonstrate some of what follows.)

The group I’m traveling with this week — Jewish Voice for Peace — arrived in Bil’in at about 10:30 am. It looked like we were the first to arrive, before soldiers later set up roadblocks. Then others started arriving — journalism students from Norway, International Solidarity Movement people from all over, TV journalists, a busload of German Pax Christi members, and more and more Israelis from Tel Aviv and elsewhere, at least 200 or 250 of them according to organizers from Anarchists Against the Wall. The street was filled with people speaking Hebrew, surely an unusual sight in Occupied Palestine. For more than an hour the anti-Occupation activists talked in small groups, ate, took photos, were interviewed by journalists, and waited on the long bathrooom line. The weather was pleasant, the excitement contagious. There were a lot of smiles.

It wasn’t until 12:15, after the end of prayers at the mosque, that the village organizers started off the march. We walked in good spirits down the main street, toward the Separation Fence. On the way we passed at least two groups of Israeli soldiers standing beside clumps of trees on either side of the road. We had been told these soldiers would be there, waiting to attack demonstrators later on as they tried to make their way back to the village.

Unlike some other recent Friday Bil’in protests, this time the military let the march reach the fence. Those leading the march stopped at the tank blocking the way as the marchers came up behind. According to the times on my photos, this was about 12:28 pm. Most of us stood there facing the Israeli soldiers and border police who stood there facing us. On our side were the protestors and also the TV cameras and what seemed to be dozens of news photographers with Press clearly visible. The marchers’ goal, or course, was to cross the fence to reach village land on the other side, now reserved for the growing Jewish settlements built on the site. This is olive season, after all.

At the same time the march reached the fence, a small group of people mostly from Anarchists Against the Wall walked just south of the tank carrying a ladder, which they used to try to scale the fence. They did this calmly and openly, without weapons or violence of any kind. Several soldiers walked toward them on the other side of the fence and soon tossed a tear gas canister their way. This was the first use of violence — the first attempt to cause physical harm to another human being.

Fortunately, the wind cooperated and blew the gas further south away from everyone, and the 6 or 8 fence-breachers tried again, with the same tear gas result. The larger crowd both watched what was going on and began chanting at the soldiers on the tank, still mostly in a pretty good frame of mind. I thought at the time that the soldiers were trying not to escalate because of the heavy presence of international media. Tear-gassing elderly peace activists from Pax Christi would not be a good PR move. What they did instead was constantly photograph the big crowd while other soldiers/border police (I’m not sure how to tell the difference) kept tear gassing the slowly growing number of fence-climbers, some of whom by now had crossed over the first of the three fences.

This cat-and-mouse game went on until about 12:45 — half an hour after arriving at the fence. Most protestors remained in one large crowd. By this point a couple of dozen were using ladders to make it across the first fence. The military was using more and more tear gas, some of which was wafting north to the edge of the big crowd. I think there were concussion grenades used by now, but I’m not sure.

At that point, something flew over the heads of the soldiers from the northern side of the crowd. A couple of minutes later someone toward the back of the crowd threw a stone. I saw three protestors immediately rush up to him, one of them saying that this wasn’t what the protest was about. The guy reached down, picked up another stone, and threw it toward the soldiers.

Within maybe half a minute tear gas canisters and then concussion grenades came down throughout the crowd, and things got chaotic as we tried to escape the gas. Most of us moved to the side or back toward the village, but it quickly became impossible to retreat because the soldiers lobbed tear gas between us and the village. And they soon started tear gassing on the sides as well, so at times it was impossible to move in any direction, and of course also impossible to just stay where we were. I moved through the grove of olive trees, trying to avoid the road where an Israeli vehicle was now making its way lobbing tear gas (I think) into houses. According to my photos (some of which were pretty blurry at this point) this went on for about 25 minutes. But even as most of us reached the center of the village, stragglers came up with clouds of tear gas behind them.

After all this activity — the peaceful symbolic and nonviolent direct actions and the extraordinarily excessive response to a couple of thrown stones — when most of the demonstrators were back in the village hanging out in front of the grocery, young villagers back at the fence were throwing more stones at the soldiers. Others told me this was the weekly ritual. The soldiers know that eventually someone will throw a stone — that’s their apparent signal to respond with excessive violence against everyone, if they haven’t done so already — and they know that after the peaceful march ends there will be more stone throwing, which the soldiers respond to with rubber bullets and, as on Friday according to some reports, real bullets as well.

What was different yesterday was only that the soldiers waited for the first stone to be thrown before extending their attack. When there’s less media, they increasingly attack before the nonviolent marchers even reach the fence.

Back at the street in front of the grocery, I saw one man whose face was hit with a concussion grenade. One of our own group members was right next to another exploding grenade that left him with a bruised toe and a lot of pain. I was lucky to just get tear gassed, which never got so thick that I couldn’t breathe at all, though it wasn’t much fun. Tastes awful.

Given the sequence of events, it seems clear the mainstream media completely distort what actually occurs. In Israel that’s not surprising, perhaps. For the Jerusalem Post to report that yesterday there was a violent 500-person protest can only be intentionally dishonest. Even Haaretz’s effort to be evenhanded feeds the dangerously inaccurate image that Palestinians and their supporters are inevitably violent.

The long multi-pronged effort at Bil’in to prevent the taking of village land for the use of growing Israeli settlements offers a variety of lessons for the course I’ll teach next month on Psychology, Law, and Justice at Ben Gurion University in Beer Sheva, Israel, and then again in December when I work with students and faculty at Birzeit University in Ramallah. I expect to find a variety of conflicting perceptions on both sides of this very complex divide.

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Dennis Fox, Emeritus Associate Professor of Legal Studies at the University of Illinois at Springfield, reports on his visit to Israel and the West Bank on his blog.