Tulkarm Struggles Against the Wall, Settlements and Israeli Chemical Factories

The Tulkarm area covers the city of Tulkarm and 31 villages in its surrounding areas. In this area live approximately 180,000 inhabitants. About 45,000 live in the city itself, 18,000 live the larger refugee camp and 8,000 in the smaller camp. Tulkarm is only 13 km away from the Mediterranean Sea by the Israeli town of Netanya, but since 1990 the inhabitants can no longer access the beach.

The people in the region suffer several problems as a direct consequence of the occupation. One of the main problems comes for the presence of the illegal Apartheid wall. 42 Kilometers of wall have been built around the area, from which, 48,000 of the villages’ trees the residents still hold access to, the other 180,000 are left inaccessible on the other side of the wall. People there feel that the wall has touched everything in their lives. One example of this is the village of Baqa. Baqa is a village that was divided in 1948 into two parts: West Baqa in Israel and East Baqa in West Bank. Families and friends were suddenly separated from each other, and could only restart their relationships after Israel assumed full control of both territories in 1967. In that way, when someone from West Baqa, with an Israeli ID, marries someone from East Baqa and they have children together, those children will also have the Israeli ID and are able to go to Israeli schools. This has resulted in 121 students from East Baqa going to school in West Baqa. Relationships were built and lives created, but in 2003 the wall separated both parts of the city that before were connected by a street 3 m wide. Children that prior to the construction of the wall could arrive to their schools in 5 minutes now have to go either 13 km up to the north or the south to cross a checkpoint and then another 13 km on the Israeli side to arrive at the school. After a period of enduring these obstacles for a bit less than a year, the children left their school and began classes at a local Palestinian one. Essentially, this breaks up friendships and social ties and further forces students to adjust to a new school system. Teachers who previously were able to travel freely from East to West Baqa now face up to an hour waiting at checkpoints to pass, making their journey to work all the more difficult and jeopardizing their job security as they are often delayed and arrive late.

Qaffin is other example of the consequences of the occupation. Before 1948, Qaffin village had 30.000 dunums of land. Following the Nakba, 20,000 dunums were confiscated by Israel. From the 10,000 dunums left for the village, Israel took 5,500 dunums for the wall and 500 for the nearest settlement, Hermesh. As a result, the 11,000 inhabitants of Qaffin just have 4,000 dunums for building their houses, planning their roads and cultivating their lands. With the increase of the population the situation looks likely to deteriorate in coming years.

In Nazlat’Isa there was a very strong market with 221 shops, but 25 bulldozers and a hundred Israeli soldiers arrived and demolished it. The villagers are further restricted in their use of vehicles and access to land. 203 Palestinians currently have land on the other side of the Wall. Their access is limited and they are unable to use vehicles. Consequently they must carry their produce by hand in buckets and wait to pass a checkpoint before being able to continue to their markets. The obstructions in using their legitimately owned land means that fruit and vegetables are not harvested and brought to market or are left to rot on the trees due to a total inability to tend to their land correctly. This has a very severe economic impact on the local Palestinians, who face further impoverishment. Likewise, the economic viability of the area as a whole is threatened. Within the village, the wall has also served to destroy social ties and the community as 6 houses, within which 63 Palestinians live, were segregated by the Apartheid Wall, meaning that they can no longer receive families or friends and have restricted access to the West Bank.

Another major problem are the checkpoints. There are two permanent check points: Jawara and Anabta, which prevent fluid movement from Ramallah and Nablus to this area. There are also numerous flying checkpoints, because the triangle formed by Jenin, Tulkarm and Nablus is considered by the Israeli forces as a very important security point, due the strong resistance movement in the area. Checkpoints force people to wait in their vehicles under the sun sometimes for three or four hours, no matter if there are small children, old people or babies into the cars. Even ill people or ambulances are forced to wait frequently for a long time. Also many Palestinian people without ID or who are on a black list, frequently for nothing else than having friends or family in Hamas, are unable to go out from Tulkarm because they could be arrested at the checkpoints.

There are three illegal Israeli settlements in the Tulkarm area: Hermesh (near Qaffin), as well as Enav and Avne Hefez near Shufa. Settlers often burn or cut down the Palestinians’ olive trees, they block roads and are often aggressive to the local population. The illegal settlements are constructed upon land stolen from the Palestinians. New walls and fences into the Palestinian territories steal the land and, for instance in Shufa, residents are forbidden from using their own road, which connects Shufa with Tulkarm city. The route which would otherwise take 5 minutes, now forces them to take a long detour to get to one of the economic hubs of the area

Israeli soldiers have a tendency to harass the local population by entering the city and surrounding villages day or night, sometimes using the cities or villages as a training camp, entering with their heavy vehicles, throwing sound bombs, shooting and scaring the people, especially the children who often have nightmares. Other times, the military send in undercover agents, frequently dressed as civilians to arrest or kill someone. The Israeli military has even targeted children as young as 14 and 15 years old. Many of those are today still in Israeli prisons, restricted in their freedom and basic human rights, they further face huge difficulties in family members for visits. When the soldiers arrive to take someone, they don’t just remove the person concerned; they enter the homes and destroy the contents and belongings of the family, and more often than not, they enter and wreck the homes of the neighbors as well.

Israeli forces have also entered and arbitrarily demolished houses that happen to be close to the Apartheid wall. Three months ago, in Far’un, 10 houses that were more than 100 m away from the wall were demolished there. It must be noted that these properties were not built close to the fence, rather when Israel constructed this monstrosity, they built it on Palestinians land and close to Palestinian homes. Excessive “security” measures are frequently undertaken and five months ago, a 13 years old girl who was walking with a friend near their village and near the wall (the wall is very close to the villages) were both shot by snipers. One of the girls died and the other one was injured. It is near impossible to know how a 13 year old girl could be a security threat especially when there is an electrically fortified wall separating her from ’48 Palestine.

Near the city of Tulkarm itself are 10 Israeli factories. These factories were forbidden to operate in Israel because of the environmental and health problem that they caused the Israeli population. Consequently they were moved to Occupied Palestine from about 1984 onwards. Israeli authorities, despite being responsible for moving them there originally, have claimed that they can’t do anything again with them as they are no longer in Israeli territory. Israeli soldiers however are still provided to offer the factories protection and nothing has been done against them, even with Israelis undertaking complaints from Israeli villages on the opposing side of the wall.

The wind usually passes from West to East, so the pollution, the gas, the dust and the smoke expelled from the factories all goes in the direction of Palestine and essentially passes over to Tulkarm. The factories further contaminate both the water and land as they continue to pump out noxious substances, however despite them being Israeli owned factories, Israel chooses when and how they implement their influence in the Occupied Territories, as such they wash their hands of it and claim it is for the Palestinians to deal with. Samples of both water and soil have been taken but the Israeli courts do nothing against it.
The pollution has a direct impact on the local community. Asthma is present and rising at an alarming rate in the children of Tulkarm and the incidence of cancer is the highest in the whole of the occupied territories.

But in further choosing as, when and how it wishes to exert its power, Israel controls and monopolizes 75% of the water coming from the wells in the area, taking it for the benefit of the surrounding illegal settlements and for residents on the Israeli side of the wall. To compound these restrictions and obstacles further, from 1967, Palestinians have not been allowed to open a well without Israeli permission. Neither can Palestinians produce their own electricity. At once point, the German government were ready to give Palestinians the machinery and equipment enabling them to produce electricity, but the containers with these machines were detained in Haifa port by Israeli authorities without permission for them to be off-loaded. The equipment was held by Israel for 7 months and finally the containers were sent back to Germany. Palestinians have limited access to electricity for themselves, and in a hot summer, when they may need more, Israel often cuts the connection sometimes for hours at a time. In villages such as Shufa, the electricity line is about 100m away from the village, however the Israeli authorities refuse to allow them to connect to this power source. Consequently they still depend on a generator to supply an essentially basic need.

Around 65% of Tulkarm’s population is unemployed. Before the Second Intifada around 300,000 people from the region worked in Israel. However, most of these people have had their permission revoked and are left without any means of economic survival. This brings about a natural economic downward spiral in the area as people hae no way of generating income and so have less money to spend and consequently local shops and businesses are affected as the number of available customers drops and in turn their income is adversely affected as well. The consequences of revoking permission to work in Israel do not just affect the individuals or their families beyond, they have far reaching consequences for the whole of Palestinian society.

Palestinian Farmer killed in Tulkarem

For Immediate Release

14 June

The Israeli army is currently invading the village of Saida, in the Tulkarem district of the West Bank.
According to local sources, Israeli special forces were occupying an old, abandoned Palestinian house in the center of the village last night. At least two Israeli checkpoints were setup in the morning between Saida and the neighboring areas. Military jeeps along with bulldozers invaded the village later in the afternoon.

A 32 year old Palestinian farmer was killed (Mohammad Ali Ittwair) and two boys were injured (Mahdi Sahir, 14 years old, injured in the head and Saddam Hassan, 17 years, injured in the stomach). No information has been provided about the boy’s condition yet.

Since the beginning of the current Intifada, 23 Palestinians from the village of Saida have been killed and three homes were demolished.

For more information, contact:
Ashraf (Saida): 0599-437-392
ISM Media Office: 0599-943-157, 054-237-8609

PNN: Non-violent protest against Wall in Tulkarem for Land Day

Non-violent protest against Wall in Tulkarem for Land Day
Palestine News Network March 30, 2007

from IMEMC

The Popular Committee Against the Wall in Tulkarem and the National Action Committee organized a nonviolent march for Land Day, an occasion which Fateh spokesperson in Tulkarem, Samir Naifa said, “remains an immortal part of the Palestinian struggle.”

Thousands of Palestinians gathered after Friday prayers at the gate of the Wall to the west of the city. They came from villages and towns throughout the northwestern West Bank district and included Legislative Council member Hassan Kreisheh and foreign supporters.

The protesters held banners calling for an end to occupation, the restoration of the land to its rightful owners, and the Right of Return. They flew the Palestinian flag and walked armed in arm. Israeli forces intercepted the march and fired gas and shot sound bombs. Some demonstrators began throwing stones and several people suffered from gas inhalation.

Organizer Faiz Al Tanib of the National Action Committee said that similar marches are in the works for several regions suffering from the Wall and land confiscation, or the threat of both. Legislative Council member Taysir Khalid said, “Land Day embodies the historical right of the Palestinians to their land and homes.”

Also today in southern Bethlehem’s Umm Salamuna Village Palestinians held what has become a weekly nonviolent demonstration in the area, while at a western Ramallah demonstration Israeli forces injured 13 people.

The olive doesn’t fall far from the tree

by Joey Weinberg

Photos by Pippi Lundgrensen

Today (Thursday, Nov 16) is definitely a good day to pick some olives; in fact, with the heavy rain from yesterday, it is even better that we are doing this as soon as possible. Too much rain makes problems for the harvest and for the olives harvested (I’m not sure why but too much water is no good), so it is good that we’re harvesting today. Full of early morning coffee and tea, we are going to pick olives with a couple of Faroun villagers in their olive groves, which lie across the street from the village (just south of Tulkarem). So, if you live in Faroun and have land that you want to get to, all you have to do is cross a street.

I rarely think of crossing a street as difficult, but our friend Yusef has to go through a lot of trouble to cross this street. Immediately on either side of the street is a tall fence loaded with electronic sensors; on either side of this fence is a wide pathway, then another fence, then a bunch of razor wire, and then a trench.

You see, like so many Palestinian villages, Yusef’s village, Faroun, is cut off from its agricultural land by Israel’s annexation wall. Just like Bil’in, Jayyus and many other rural communities, the main road through the village comes to a dead end at the annexation fence. Unlike the two other villages I named though, at the place where the main road through Faroun meets the annexation fence there is no gate through which to pass, so access is a bit trickier. So, early this morning, like we did yesterday morning, I, a few foreigners and our friend Yusef start our trek through the village of Faroun to Faroun’s agricultural land by walking around the village — yes, around the village.

The nearest point of access between Faroun the village and Faroun the agricultural land is off a road that goes around the village. This road around the village has a turnoff which comes to an end at an Israeli checkpoint. On the other side of this checkpoint is a road which goes directly to Yusef’s land, but the road is a restricted access road open only to Israelis and the few native Palestinians who hold Israeli work permits. To access the 4500 dunums (roughly 900 acres) of Faroun land which lie between the Green Line and Israel’s annexation fence, the Faroun residents must first get a permit from Israel, and those with permits must travel an additional 7-9km to the Jubara checkpoint to present their permit to the soldiers. Even with the permit, access ultimately depends on the discretion of the Israeli soldiers stationed at the checkpoint.

For the first time in two years, Israel has granted Yusef access to his land, and he now carries a permit good for one month. Even with this permit, there are some additional barriers: the nearest point of access to his land, where the village road meets the Israeli road, is at this checkpoint through which, technically, he is not allowed to pass.

You see, Yusef’s land access permit is meaningless at the nearest checkpoint, as it only allows him access to his land, not to the State of Israel, and the road to his land is officially claimed as part of the State of Israel. However, this morning we decide that, since Yusef has four foreigners with him, we’d try to pass through this checkpoint, hoping that, in the presence of foreigners, the Israeli soldiers would let everyone through. We successfully passed through with Jawad yesterday, so why not try again?

This early in the morning there is no line. As we reach the checkpoint, the casual interrogation begins. “Why are you here?”, “Where are you from, etc.” Yusef hands over his permit, and, after another soldier arrives to debate the status of this permit, the first soldier turns to me and says, “You can pass here, but he cannot pass.” To which we ask, “Why? He lives here — his olive grove is just 100 meters up this road. Why can foreigners pass and this man can’t? We think it’s ridiculous that we can go to his land and he can’t. What is the problem?”

To this the second soldier replied, “It is complicated, but…” and explained that, as mentioned earlier, only Israelis or those who have a permit to work in Israel can pass. After about thirty minutes trying to get the soldier to change his mind –“this is silly, we’re only going 100 meters down the road, can you call your superiors, etc.”– a commander offers Yusef a compromise. “You can escort them to the land, then you must return here and go around to pass through the proper checkpoint.” This is just too stupid to be real. Yusef heads back to catch a ride to the Jubara checkpoint, and the four of us walk up the restricted road to his land.

We arrive in the grove to find Yusef’s cousin and his mother pouring the tea, so we have some tea and get started right away. First, we lay plastic tarp on the ground, then some of us start stripping the tree of olives ether by hand or with a small, hand-held rake, letting olives fall to the tarp beneath the tree. Cousin Raed –who has a 3-month permit– and a family friend get in the trees to show us foreigners how real work gets done.

Some of these trees are so loaded with olives that it takes a group of five people one hour to finish one tree, but some of them are underdeveloped and don’t have much fruit. For the small or underdeveloped trees, we don’t bother laying a tarp, instead plucking the olives by hand and catching them with buckets or aprons. We get a pretty good rhythm going: as some of us finish one tree, others get started on another. We clear away two years of undergrowth and scrub brush to prepare the area to lay a tarp down, then start plucking, yanking, raking, and picking olives. We spend the rest of the morning repeating the process.

Occasionally one or two of us collect olives from the ground, and occasionally we pass around a bottle of water. Occasionally one or two of us gets a bit winded from the work or squints a bit too much from all the sunshine, and occasionally one of us will make the others laugh by making monkey noises from up in an olive tree. My role is not only to harvest but also to periodically munch on partially-dried olives. Only once did I almost fall from a tree.

We stop for lunch at around 11:30AM; I don’t know where it came from; Um Yusef must have carried it with her, because one minute she’s putting olives in buckets and the next she’s telling us to sit and eat, which is probably my favorite thing to do here. Maybe harvesting olives is a close second, but eating ranks pretty high.

People here like their guests to eat, and in this I fancy myself an overachiever. If only my appetite matched my enthusiasm, I would be a Palestinian children’s story or some sort of Saint for food-eaters. But it’s not only the food but the sharing — the culture of collectivism I’m slowly getting accustomed to. Cooking Arabic coffee over a campfire, sipping tea under an olive tree, and keeping such great company make it quite easy to forget the utter stupidity, casual inhumanity and naked brutality of the circumstances which have brought us here. At the moment I see no soldiers, no police, no weapons, no racism and hate… and I am truly happy to be here. Should I feel ashamed for having such a good time with Yusef, Raed, and the rest of our hosts? It really doesn’t feel like work.

As the Palestinian olive harvest nears its end, I consider the persistence of these farmers who continue to defy the theft and expropriation of their land: these farmers are the last line of defense for Palestine’s very survival. In fact, the olive harvest itself may be the biggest roadblock to a seemingly impending erasure of a culture.

Of course you can discuss perhaps the economics of the olive, the olive tree, olive oil and the region, but this resistance act is not an economic act. The travel restrictions which make import/export unavailable to Palesinians renders any such discussion almost pointless. The economics? There are none. Israel has pretty much managed to sever the economic ties between the Palestinians and their most famous domestic product –the olive– through travel restrictions. Under this occupation, farming your olives is much less a profit venture than a necessary way to be what you are. It is no longer profitable to maintain your groves, pick your olives, and simply be what you are — an olive farmer. Hell, in some circumstances it is not even possible.

So why continue? Why do these people bang their heads against the wall? Why spend all available time jumping through Israel’s hoops to get permits, then walking one or two hours out of the way just to work as an olive farmer and not make a living? You could say that many of these farmers have nothing to gain and everything to lose. The very fact that these farmers continue to work in their fields and on their lands may be the biggest act of defiance and complete noncooperation I have seen: they simply refuse to disappear. These people are as solid and as strong as the hundreds-year-old trees they care for, as persistent as the thousands-year-old traditions they keep. As they refuse to let the occupation kill their traditions and their lands, they refuse to let the occupation kill their spirits.

You could say that the olive doesn’t fall far from the tree.

The Sounds of War: Israeli incursion into Tulkarem

by Bill Dienst MD, November 3rd

04:15 – The roosters start crowing. The minarets start calling the faithful to prayer. I wake up here on the top floor dormitory of the Women’s Center in Tulkarem where I have been staying these past 4 nights alone. At night, I have had this whole building to myself. During the daytime a kindergarten and school for developmentally delayed children is held downstairs. Today at 07:20, I will be returning to Ramallah. I begin to finish my packing.

04:45 – I hear 2 very loud explosions and then the staccato of gunfire from a semiautomatic weapon. I hear shouts of Allahu Akbar! (God is greatest) twice. It seems to be coming from a pink and white building 3 blocks to the north. I look down the street and see an Israeli Armored Personnel Vehicle (APV) just 1 block away. I turn off the lights to my room. Now the APV passes just below my room, and I back away from the window until it passes. I hear stern shouts from a megaphone ordering someone to do something. I think the shouts are in Arabic, but with a distinct Hebrew accent.

04:55 – I hear another very loud explosion from the direction of the pink and white building and then another round of gunfire.

05:00 – I hear 3 low pitched loud thuds and a flash (Mortar Fire?). More shouts from the megaphone. More shouts in Arabic: Allahu Akbar!

05:08 – More shouts over the megaphone in Hebrew this time; more roosters crowing and crickets chirping.

05:13 – More megaphone shouts

05:26 – Electricity is cut off in several buildings to the North. I check; the electricity in our building still works.

05:45 – I think the Israeli occupation forces are gone now. I see people on the rooftops and out in the street.

I am not sure exactly what happened here this morning, but I am sure we will hear about it in the news.