YNet: “Pro-Palestinian French group appeals to stop Jerusalem tram”

by Ali Waked, March 16th

Organization tries to obtain legal injunction stopping 2 French companies from building Jerusalem tram claiming project violates interests of Palestinians in ‘occupied Jerusalem’

A French-Palestinian organization is taking two French companies involved in the light-rail project in Jerusalem to court, claiming that “the project is aimed at connecting between occupied Jerusalem and the Israeli settlements in west Jerusalem.”

The judicial action is being brought against the two companies, Alstom and Veolia, based on a clause in the French law allowing the court to cancel any agreement that could violate public peace and good intentions.

The organization claims that the tram would violate the interests of Palestinians in “occupied Jerusalem,” breaching international law. It is requesting the court’s intervention in immediately annulling the contracts between the French companies and Israel.

In 2005 the contract to build the train was signed with City Pass consortium comprising of renowned train manufacturer Alstom, operating company Connex’s subsidiary Veolia, the Israeli Construction and Infrastructures company Ashtrom and Israel’s Polar Investments.

The French organization claimed that Israel was exploiting international and regional crises to create a new permanent reality in Jerusalem and its vicinity, expanding the settlements, building the separation fence and constructing the light rail.

‘Rail line will be used by all residents of Jerusalem’

According to the prosecutors, the tram is meant to “turn the settlements that are located close to Jerusalem into Jewish neighborhoods of the city, facilitating transport to and from these settlements and encouraging more people to live there.”

They explained that the move will also create Israeli strongholds in Arab parts of Jerusalem, will prevent their neighborhood developing and will isolate the east Jerusalem neighborhoods from the West bank. The project will expropriate dozens of acres of land from Arabs, they said.

The Organization is appealing to the international community to prevent the project from being realized in its current plan and to ensure that no company contributes to this “breach of international law.”

City Pass group Spokesman Itsho Gur said in response: “The light rail is a component of the new transport infrastructure of the city, aimed at providing a solution to the transportation congestion in Jerusalem.”

He added that City Pass was going to build the first light-rail line that will be used by all residents of Jerusalem – Jews, Muslims and Christians – without regard to race, creed or gender.

The Independent: “Art from Gaza and the West Bank: Gallery of a troubled nation”

by Donald Macintyre, March 13th

The Palestinian answer to Charles Saatchi pursues the elusive dream of a permanent home for his unique but unheralded collection

Mazen Qupty had always planned to study film – the seventh art as he calls it. Yet the irony is that if he hadn’t reluctantly taken a friend’s advice to do a law degree instead, he wouldn’t now, at 52, be embarked on the great project of his life, the establishment of a national museum of contemporary Palestinian art. For even in the negligible market there is for Palestinian painting, Mr Qupty, a successful lawyer whose clients include most of the churches in the Holy Land, would never have been able to afford to collect the 170 pieces that he and his wife, Yvette, have promised to donate as the nucleus of the museum that is their dream.

It says something about international ignorance of contemporary Palestinian art that the richness, technical mastery and vibrancy of the works Mr Qupty has hung and stored in his home in the East Jerusalem suburb of Beit Hanina come as a complete shock. Sip a glass of wine in Mr Qupty’s living room and you are mesmerised by the variety of the works on the opposite wall, its centrepiece the first picture Mr Qupty ever bought and the only one from his collection – the largest single one of Palestinian art assembled anywhere – that he never rotates back into storage to make way for others. By Taysir Barakat, born in the Jabalya refugee camp in Gaza 48 years ago and a graduate of the College of Fine Arts in Alexandria, it’s a haunting, memory-laden oil painting just over a metre square, its colours dominated by a luminous dark red, of a boy standing in a swing, with female figures in the background framed by open windows, entitled “The Children of Our Neighbourhood”.

In the current circumstances, in which Palestinians have more pressing priorities than the arts, the dream of a national museum might seem as impossible as indeed it did to Mr Qupty when it first came up at a dinner he was giving for a group of diplomats in 2004. But he has shown since then that if anyone can make it happen, he can. Mainly thanks to Mr Qupty – whose mantra is that “everything starts with a dream” – the museum, albeit in embryonic form, already exists. A few months after that dinner, Mr Qupty assembled a group of artists together with sympathetic businessmen and professionals – including Tim Rothermel, the former Jerusalem head of the UNDP which provided some of the initial funding – to found a new, and these days the only, gallery in the heart of East Jerusalem. By any standards Al Hoash, which opened December 2005, is a busy place, its modest but airy, first-floor space in the Nablus road rapidly turning into a cultural focal point for Palestinians in the city and – on the all too rare occasions when closures and roadblocks in the West Bank permit – well beyond.

The National Museum of Norway has taken an interest in Mr Qupty’s longer-term project. He hasn’t yet put a figure on what it might cost, beyond saying with a smile that it would be nothing like the staggering price tag that Abu Dhabi is paying for a satellite version of the Louvre. But with help from the Oslo Art Academy and the Norwegian government, Mr Qupty has taken another decisive step by launching a contemporary art academy in Ramallah.

Al Hoash’s opening show, appropriately enough, was a retrospective of the work of Hassan Hourani, a brilliant young artist from Hebron who studied at art school in Baghdad in the 1990s and was working in New York on an illustrated children’s book, Hassan Everywhere, when, on a trip home in 2003, he and his nephew drowned off Jaffa beach after stealing out of Ramallah for a family day – at once illegal and innocent – by the seaside. (The Israeli writer Dorit Rabinyan, who formed a close friendship with Hourani in New York of the sort, as she said, they would never have had at home, described in a tribute to the painter after his death how, when she feared that her admiration for his stories and illustrations had been “biased” by their friendship, a children’s book agent had told Hourani he had an “eerie” talent.)

Since its opening, and despite its shortage of funding, Al Hoash has mounted a different exhibition every month. And it shows Palestinian films almost every week. It prides itself on serving not just the elite but the local community. It runs a series of workshops, most of which are free and which target, among others, underprivileged children and women facing abuse. Last week more than 200 people attended the vernissage for this month’s show. There was the usual notable Jerusalem Palestinians and diplomats, of course, but nearly the last guest to leave was 13-year-old Ismail from the building next door where his and other poor families have been squatting. “He kept tugging at me,” Mr Qupty said with satisfaction, “and saying, ‘Mazen, when’s the next workshop going to start?’.”

This month’s exhibition at Al Hoash is timed to coincide with International Women’s Day but instead of carrying a clunkingly worthy political message, it celebrates the work of five Palestinian female artists. They include oils by Sophie Halaby, a Palestinian from Jerusalem who lived in Paris in the 1930s – an influence felt in her impressionistic work (they were rescued by Mr Qupty after her in 1998). “She was quite rich and single, with no relations,” he explains. “One of her neighbours was a lawyer, who claimed she had left him all her property. But he didn’t care for the art. I rang him and he said, ‘Come and take it’. When I saw it, I said how much do you want and he said pay what you like. So I said, ‘$5,000?’, and he agreed.”

In fact, because Mr Qupty, who generally buys direct from the artists, has collected mainly paintings by Palestinian artists in the West Bank and Gaza, rather than those in North America or Europe who are more connected to the international market, he has never paid more than $5,000 for a picture. But whereas Israeli works art of often range between $5,000 and $100,000 in value, the equivalent for Palestinian pictures is $1,000-$5,000, not least because only a handful of Palestinians can afford higher prices.

The Israeli authorities no longer raid or close down Palestinian exhibitions as they did in the Seventies and Eighties. But, although there was more interest in the post-Oslo Nineties, Mr Qupty says these days few Israelis even know about Palestinian art – although there are exceptions. The owner of the newspaper Haaretz, Amos Schocken, has a large collection of works by Palestinian Israeli painter Ibrahim Nubani who, like several of his fellow-Palestinian artists, trained at the Israeli Bezalel art school in Jerusalem.

It’s hardly surprising that Mr Qupty wants the national museum to be in East Jerusalem, designated as the capital of a future Palestinian state. But Sophie Halaby’s pictures are a reminder of another reason; Islamist trends across the West Bank and Gaza mean that her nudes could be shown in few, if any, other places.

At Al Hoash there is also a very different piece by the 65-year-old artist Vera Tamari. It uses a series of photographs to depict the woman’s ticking biological and emotional clock; arranged like a calendar, the work consists of 28 plates containing a fried egg, with knives and forks positioned like the hands of a real clock. A series of almost expressionist paintings by Maha Dayeh depicts the sea, but, appropriately enough, as something almost claustrophobic and enclosing, as the museum’s director, Rawan Sharaf, points out. “All these sharp corners and confined spaces – this isn’t a sea you want to jump into,” he says.

Yet it’s striking how relatively little of the work is overtly, noisily political. Mr Qupty, a Christian Palestinian born in Nazareth, points out that in the beautiful “primitive” paintings of the famous West Bank artist Suleiman Mansour – such as the picture of a family passing in front of an olive grove shaped against the sea like the map of historic Palestine – there is a national as well as an aesthetic point. But the Qupty vision extends far beyond the politics of the conflict. Palestinian art is little more than a century old; it started with iconography for visiting Christian pilgrims but extended rapidly to embrace the Muslim – and Druze – communities as an expression of Palestinian cultural identity.

“It’s crucial to collect our heritage and to show what we can do,” Mr Qupty says. “The United States and Israel have succeeded in convincing the world that we are terrorists. But we just want to be human beings, and, in this perspective, art has a major role to play… The one thing that is making the Palestinian nation one people is their dream [of a state] and their culture. Realising the dream seems to be a long-term process so maybe we should do something practical about the culture now.”

Cultural centres of the Arab world

Louvre and Guggenheim, Abu Dhabi

As part of a $27bn (£14bn) initiative by Abu Dhabi’s government, projects were unveiled last year to build branches of the Louvre and Guggenheim museums on an island outside the city. The Guggenheim should be completed within five years and the Louvre is expected to open shortly afterwards.

Qatar Museum of Islamic Arts, Doha

The ruling al-Thani family of Qatar have a reputation for being fervent collectors of art from across the Arab world and are building a 45,000 sq m museum to hold their collection of paintings, weaponry, glassware, coins, books and manuscripts. It will open later this year.

Grand Egyptian Museum, Cairo

Set to open in 2011, the museum is hoping to attract more than 5 million visitors a year. The building will be adjacent to the pyramids in Giza.

National Museum of Iraq, Baghdad

Opened in 1926, the museum once held a fine collection. It was looted after the US-led invasion of Iraq and much has not been recovered.

Trials against Connex/Veolia and Alstom in Egypt and France

by the Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign

The Egyptian public was outraged to learn from Le Monde Diplomatique February edition that Alstom company (which currently constructs Apartheid Railway in Jerusalem) won a $23 million tender from the Egyptian government for the new Cairo metro line. An Egyptian engineer decided to bring the Egyptian ministry of transport to court (for more on the tramline project in Jerusalem, see: http://stopthewall.org/factsheets/1047.shtml).

Egypt was the first Arab country to sign a “peace” agreement with Israel in 1979 and since then has continued rhetoric invoking justice for Palestine while at the same time opening is doors to economic cooperation with and support to the Apartheid State. However, Egyptian public opinion has never accepted the complicity of their leaders with the occupation of Palestine.

The announcement of the contracts granted to Alstom comes at a time when official Egyptian rhetoric creates a diplomatic crisis over a film showing the now-Occupation Government Minister of National Infrastructure, Ben-Eliezer, executing Egyptian soldiers during the ’67 war. Although Ben-Eliezer’s trip to Egypt was cancelled, Alstom found open doors.

At the same time, in France, the Association France Palestine begins judicial action against Alstom and Connex/Veolia to obtain a legal injunction that forces the companies to comply with international law and to cancel their signed contracts with the Occupation.

_________________________________

Full text of an article published at: http://kassioun.org/?d=36&id=198674 (translation: stopthewall):

Le Monde Diplomatique Denounces Ministry of Transportation
French company involved in the apartheid tram in Jerusalem builds third metro in Cairo

The French newspaper Le Monde Diplomatique revealed information about Israeli plans to build a tram line that will run parallel to the Apartheid Walls around Jerusalem as part of the Judaization of Jerusalem and to separate Arabs and Zionists in Jerusalem. The French newspaper pointed out that the French company Alstom was being chosen to implement the construction of the apartheid tram in its February 2007 edition.

Shockingly, the same company was also chosen by the Egyptian government to build Cairo’s third metro line, upsetting Egyptian citizens and prompting one of them to file a complaint with the Attorney General to cancel the contract.

This citizen, engineer Amro Ahmad Ra’ouf from Cairo, highlighted in his complaint that the French companies Alstom and Connex are constructing the tram in Jerusalem whose main goal is to connect the Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem with West Jerusalem. This in turn facilitates the development and expansion of the Israeli settlements. It will further contribute to the closure imposed on East Jerusalem, a first step within the annexation process and also to the total isolation of East Jerusalem from the West Bank. Further, he pointed out that building such a tram line will confiscate huge amounts of Palestinian lands. This is the reason for which in the complaint Amro Ra’ouf has asked the government to cancel all its contracts with the companies and not to pay any financial compensations as the companies violate international law that states the illegality of support to occupation authorities in annexing the land of the occupied. He also asked to stop any future dealing with these two companies.

The Minister of Transportation, Muhammad Mansour, previously announced that four international companies and other Egyptian companies had been chosen to begin Phase 1 of the third metro line. The results of the tender had granted traffic signs, communications and central control to the French company Alstom Alcatel, amounting to a total of 23 million Euro. Another French company with three other Egyptian companies jointly signed contracts worth €81 million. Le Monde Diplomatique considers the French company’s construction of the apartheid tram in contradiction with French official foreign policies, which are against Israeli colonization and the Apartheid Wall.

The newspaper quoted the minister of foreign affairs, Philippe Douste-Blazy, as saying that the participation of French companies in such an international tender is not a sign of a change in the well-known French foreign policy on Jerusalem. However, the newspaper argued that this statement is just an ambiguous play of words. Nasr Al-Khudweh [at that time Foreign minister of the PNA] didn’t find Douste-Blazy’s statement helpful enough. Instead, Al-Khudwe says in a January 2006 letter to Alstom’s General Director, Patrick Crone, Alstom is complicit in the Israeli apartheid tram project, which is not simply an international trade project. Al-Khudweh believes that important dimensions of the agreement are overlooked by Douste-Blazy, such as the fact that assisting Israel in illegal colonization activities in and around East Jerusalem is a means of legitimization.

The irony is that in March 2006 in Khartoum, the Arab League condemned the construction of the illegal tram and called on Alstom and Connex to withdraw immediately from this project to avoid reprisal of Arab countries. It also called on the French government to take a position, to rise to their responsibilities and act according to international law. This measure nonetheless resulted in the Egyptian government shirking its responsibilities and granting contracts to Alstom as a reward for its support of Israel, helping to devour what is left of Arab Jerusalem.

Even if the French government and its ministries have become drunk from the fumes of profit and thus close an eye on the French companies’ participation in this illegal project, not attempting to stop or punish these companies, then it is as the legal expert Monique Shumblier said: the Egyptian government’s position should at minimum be not to allow those companies to enter the tenders of this huge Egyptian project. And if Le Monde Diplomatique had the guts to blame the French ministry (which attended the party Ariel Sharon threw in his office to celebrate the contract), what words do we have to describe the position of the Egyptian Minister of Transportation who himself signed the contract with this company that supports the Judaization of Jerusalem?

The colored advertisements and banners that are distributed on the walls of Jerusalem and promote the tram in this city show the pictures of the terrorist Theodor Herzl in a thoughtful posture. This is nothing less that an advertisement to announce the achievement of Herzl’s dream symbolized by the tram line in Jerusalem – one of core tools of the Zionist aggression aimed at finalizing the Judaziation of Jerusalem and the racist disengagement. It is a final proof for anyone who still doubts that Israel is using this project as part of its well known policies of occupation, colonization and land confiscation.

The Guardian: “Negev desert nomads on the move again to make way for Israel’s barrier”

by Rory McCarthy, February 28th

Security fence and spread of Jewish settlement risks way of life for thousands

The bulldozers came for Hamid Salim Hassan’s house just after dawn. Before the demolition began, the Bedouin family scrambled to gather what they could: a fridge, a pile of carpets, some plastic chairs, a canister of cooking gas and a metal bed frame.

Now, with their house a wreck of smashed concrete and broken plastic pipes, Mr Hassan and his family are living in a canvas tent on a neighbour’s land. Their possessions are piled outside, along with boxes of supplies, including washing-up liquid, toothpaste, corned beef, wheat flour and tomato paste, provided by the International Committee of the Red Cross.

His tent is small but it affords Mr Hassan a compelling view of the future. Stretched out before him are the hilltops of the West Bank where he and his family, all Bedouin shepherds who fled Israel in 1948, used to live and graze their sheep. Standing there now is Ma’ale Adumim, one of the largest Jewish settlements which is illegal under international law. Snaking up the hillside towards his tent is the West Bank barrier, also ruled unlawful in advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice. When complete, the steel and barbed wire barrier, which here will be 50m wide and include a ditch and patrol roads, will surround Ma’ale Adumim, attaching it to a greater Jerusalem.

For the 3,000 Bedouin living here, most from the Jahalin tribe, this presents an imminent crisis. “They came and destroyed my house to protect their wall,” said Mr Hassan, 62. “They really don’t have enough land already that they had to come and destroy my house? We’ve lost everything.”

Earlier this month the Israeli military destroyed seven huts and tents belonging to Bedouin living near a settlement in Hebron, in the southern West Bank. Another group of Bedouin living further east in the Jordan Valley have been given two months to leave their homes near an Israeli military base and a Jewish settlement.

In each case the Israeli authorities argue the homes have been built without permits, but Palestinians say they are notoriously hard to obtain.

Bedouin culture has been eroded as a result. Refugees from the Negev desert in Israel who crossed after 1948, their grazing land has been squeezed by the growth of Palestinian towns, the rapid emergence of large Jewish settlements and lately the vast concrete and steel barrier. Most Bedouin live on land that under the Oslo accords was supposed to be unpopulated farmland where Israel has civilian and military control. Today most live in primitive shacks, many no longer keep animal herds and they have little in the way of formal land ownership documents. They have become one of the most vulnerable Palestinian communities.

Open and free

Mr Hassan, 62, was born in Be’er Sheva, in what is now Israel. His family crossed during the 1948-9 war and moved to land near Azariya, the biblical town of Bethany, near Jerusalem. For years they continued their semi-nomadic existence, grazing their large flock of sheep on the hillside. In 1975 a group of 23 Jewish families founded the settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, which has grown into a town of 35,000 people. Mr Hassan and other Bedouin were forced off the land. Most set up shacks on another hilltop. Ten years ago Mr Hassan found the money to buy a plot of land and built a house, giving up his Bedouin existence. “Life changes,” he said. “We had no other choice.” His seven children, including his daughters, went to school and college, integrating into a new urban life.

Other Bedouin have also changed and work as construction labourers, many even employed in Ma’ale Adumim, building the settlement that has taken the land they once lived on.

“In the past people envied our lifestyle. The land was open and free. There were sheep and we were rich,” said his brother Saeed Hassan Salim, 50. “The occupation put us out of business. The Bedouin life is slipping away.” He now lives in a small shack that stands directly in the path of the barrier and is almost certain to be demolished soon.

“It seems the whole presence in this area is about to disappear,” said Jeremy Milgrom, 53, a rabbi and human rights activist who has worked with the Bedouin here for 15 years and is mapping their remaining communities. “We are asking why it is this has to happen. Why did the government assume the prerogative that they can absolutely redesign the entire landscape and eliminate the Bedouin?”

The Israeli military’s civil administration, which runs the West Bank, says the Bedouin were being offered alternatives. “They came and illegally put up their houses and tents. So we are working against this illegal construction,” said its spokesman Captain Tsidki Maman. “We are helping them to find a place where it will be OK for them to settle.”

The areas under consideration are all on the other side of the barrier from the Jewish settlements.

Capt Maman rejected the Bedouin argument that they have lived on the land for years. “The Bedouin are travelling all the time. They can’t say they’ve been here for decades. It’s not like this,” he said.

In the late 1990s there was a similar move against the Bedouin around Ma’ale Adumim and several of their homes were demolished. But supported by Shlomo Lecker, an Israeli lawyer, the Bedouin were given a deal under which they would move to a new area, with plots of land, building permits and up to 40,000 shekels (then £7,000) per family. Around 50 families took up the offer, and now live in an area known as the Jebel. However, the deal was not without its problems: the houses are within a few hundred metres of Jerusalem’s main rubbish dump and on land that other Palestinians claim as their own.

Power and water

The prospect of another move is being hotly debated within the Bedouin community. For some it is an opportunity to upgrade to houses with electricity and running water. Others say they would rather move into Palestinian towns like Azariya but lack the money, while others still want to stay on their land and cling to what is left of their traditional lifestyle.

Mr Lecker, the lawyer, said in reality they will have little choice but to move. “They are being forced. They don’t have another option,” he said. “All these shacks are built without permits and there is a lot of pressure on them.”

Israel defends the barrier on the grounds of security, saying it has drastically reduced the number of suicide bombings. But Mr Lecker said: “There is absolutely no reason to build the wall there. This is to do with taking a huge chunk of land and making it part of a wider Jerusalem. It is the idea of taking the land without the people. Why not give them rights in Israel – identity cards, electricity and water? The land comes with the people and if you take the land and push out the people then what do you call it?”

Backstory

Bedouin shepherds have lived a nomadic or semi-nomadic life in the Negev desert for centuries. After the 1948-9 war, when Israel was created, many were forced out or fled. Around 140,000 now live in the Negev, in Israel. Some serve in the Israeli military but around half live in villages not recognised by the state where they lack basic services and building permits.

Those that fled Israel crossed to Jordan, Egypt or the Palestinian territories of Gaza and the West Bank. In the West Bank, around 3,000 members of the Jahalin tribe live next to land taken by the Jewish settlement of Ma’ale Adumim. In the 1990s several Bedouin families were moved to make way for the settlement. Now other homes are being demolished, to make way for the West Bank barrier.

Don’t say we did not know

by the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions,

Don’t say we did not know 37

In the early 1980s the inhabitants of Tuba in the South Hebron Hills were evicted. Tuba used to be where the settlement Maon Farm is today.

The people of Tuba settled nearby, about 1.5 km away. They were expelled again in the big expulsion of 1999, and returned under a Supreme Court warrant. The inhabitants of Tuba suffer from the harrassment of settlers who want their lands. Following settler attacks they stopped cultivating their lands in Wadi Zeitun that pass near the cattle yard in the settlement Carmel. Passage through Wadi Zeitun is difficult as well (eg. going to the town Yatta) as the settlers threaten them with weapons.

Don’t say we did not know 38

The Jahalin tribe were expelled in the early 1950s from Israel to the West Bank – then under Jordanian rule – and some settled east of Jerusalem. Now the state wants to expel them. Israel intends to build the separation fence so that it surrounds the settlement Ma’ale Adumim and other settlements. In the enclave there will be 30 locations where the Jahalin live, only one of them on the fence route. The rest, some 3000 people will be inside the enclave. They don’t disturb the fence trajectory, nonetheless, the state intends to evacuate the Jahalin from their homes.

Don’t say we did not know 39

The Al-Nasasra tribe lived on their land before the establishment of the State of Israel. In 1980 the state built the town Kseife near them. They are listed as residents of Kseife, receive municipal services from Kseife and participate in the municipal elections. The town wishes to integrate them and their land as a neighbourhood of Kseife. Now the state wants their land. They have been offered NIS 1000 per dunam (=1000 sq.m.) and half a dunam for habitation in the town. They refuse, because they want to live on their land as farmers. Now the Ministry of Interior has pasted demolition warrants on all the 100 houses of the Al-Nasasra.

Don’t say we didn’t know 40

The municipality of Jerusalem hasn’t stopped demolishing homes in the Palestinian villages annexed to it after the war of 1967. Since the beginning of this year, the municipality has demolished 9 Palestinian homes. One of the cases that was carried out in bad faith is the case of Hamed El Amas in Sur Baher. The local planning committee had authorised this building, and had recommended to the regional committee that it be granted a licence. The municipality knew that the house had received authorisation by the local committee, but nonetheless sent its men and heavy machinery to demolish the house over a period of two days. It was a four storey building that had been intended to house eight families.

Don’t say we did not know 41

Mahmud ‘Ali was born in Dir Dibwan, east of Ramallah, seventy years ago. He married in 1957. In the 1960s, before the Occupation, he went to the USA, where he received citizenship. After some time, he brought his wife and children to the USA. In the 1970s, his wife and children returned to their village, Dir Dibwan. Mahmud then used to visit his family once a year for a month or two. Since his retirement he tried to prolong these visits. The Israeli authorities forced him to go to Jordan every three months and return with a new visa. His wife is seventy years old, is ill and needs his help. About a year ago, the Israelis told him he’d have to wait for a year until he’s permitted to return. On January 20, 2007, when he tried to enter the West Bank from Jordan, Israel refused to grant him a visa and his entry was refused.

The village Dir Dibwan is in Area B, which is under Palestinian civil control, but Israel controls entry and exit from it.