Legal proceedings to evict Sheikh Jarrah family postponed

11 March 2010

Palestinians, Israelis and internationals protest the ethnic cleansing of East Jerusalem at a weekly demonstration.
Palestinians, Israelis and internationals protest the ethnic cleansing of East Jerusalem at a weekly demonstration.
Today in the West Jerusalem Shalom court, activists gathered from around the world to support two Sheikh Jarrah families in their eviction trial only to learn that the trial will be postponed. Jewish settlers have occupied the front half of the family’s house since December 1st and today a hearing was scheduled regarding the remaining part of the house. No date for the next legal hearing was announced.

The lawyer bringing the eviction charges against the Palestinian families requested that the court cases for all houses in the neighborhood be heard by the same judge. Palestinians in the neighborhood stated that the settler’s lawyer hopes to find a judge more sympathetic to their cause to hear all cases.

According to the municipality the family was evicted from the front of the house because it was an addition built without a permit. Instead of demolishing the un-permitted addition or working to issue a legitimate permit, the family was forceed to pay a 70,000 shekel fine. In late 2009, after completing the fine, the family was forcefully evicted and the rooms were occupied by settlers.

Background on Sheikh Jarrah

Approximately 475 Palestinian residents living in the Karm Al-Ja’ouni neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, located directly north of the Old City, face imminent eviction from their homes in the manner of the Hannoun and Gawi families, and the al-Kurd family before them. All 28 families are refugees from 1948, mostly from West Jerusalem and Haifa, whose houses in Sheikh Jarrah were built and given to them through a joint project between the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and the Jordanian government in 1956.

So far, settlers took over houses of four Palestinian families, displacing around 60 residents, including 20 children. At present, settlers occupy all these houses and the whole area is patrolled by armed private security 24 hours a day. The evicted Palestinian families, some of whom have been left without suitable alternative accommodation since August, continue to protest against the unlawful eviction from the sidewalk across the street from their homes, facing regular violent attacks from the settlers and harassment from the police.

The Gawi family, for example, had their only shelter, a small tent built near their house, destroyed by the police and all their belongings stolen five times. In addition, the al-Kurd family has been forced to live in an extremely difficult situation, sharing the entrance gate and the backyard of their house with extremist settlers, who occupied a part of the al-Kurd home in December 2009. The settlers subject the Palestinian family to regular violent attacks and harassment, making their life a living hell.

The ultimate goal of the settler organizations is to evict all Palestinians from the area and turn it into a new Jewish settlement and to create a Jewish continuum that will effectively cut off the Old City form the northern Palestinian neighborhoods. On 28 August 2008, Nahalat Shimon International filed a plan to build a series of five and six-story apartment blocks – Town Plan Scheme (TPS) 12705 – in the Jerusalem Local Planning Commission. If TPS 12705 comes to pass, the existing Palestinian houses in this key area would be demolished, about 500 Palestinians would be evicted, and 200 new settler units would be built for a new settlement: Shimon HaTzadik.

Implanting new Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank is illegal under many international laws, including Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The plight of the Gawi, al-Kurd and the Hannoun families is just a small part of Israel’s ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people from East Jerusalem.

Legal background

The eviction orders, issued by Israeli courts, are a result of claims made in 1967 by the Sephardic Community Committee and the Knesseth Yisrael Association (who since sold their claim to the area to Nahalat Shimon) – settler organizations whose aim is to take over the whole area using falsified deeds for the land dating back to 1875. In 1972, these two settler organizations applied to have the land registered in their names with the Israel Lands Administration (ILA). Their claim to ownership was noted in the Land Registry; however, it was never made into an official registry of title. The first Palestinian property in the area was taken over at this time.

The case continued in the courts for another 37 years. Amongst other developments, the first lawyer of the Palestinian residents reached an agreement with the settler organizations in 1982 (without the knowledge or consent of the Palestinian families) in which he recognized the settlers’ ownership in return for granting the families the legal status of protected tenants. This affected 23 families and served as a basis for future court and eviction orders (including the al-Kurd family house take-over in December 2009), despite the immediate appeal filed by the families’ new lawyer. Furthermore, a Palestinian landowner, Suleiman Darwish Hijazi, has legally challenged the settlers’ claims. In 1994 he presented documents certifying his ownership of the land to the courts, including tax receipts from 1927. In addition, the new lawyer of the Palestinian residents located a document, proving the land in Sheikh Jarrah had never been under Jewish ownership. The Israeli courts rejected these documents.

The first eviction orders were issued in 1999 based on the (still disputed) agreement from 1982 and, as a result, two Palestinian families (Hannoun and Gawi) were evicted in February 2002. After the 2006 Israeli Supreme Court finding that the settler committees’ ownership of the lands was uncertain, and the Lands Settlement officer of the court requesting that the ILA remove their names from the Lands Registrar, the Palestinian families returned back to their homes. The courts, however, failed to recognize new evidence presented to them and continued to issue eviction orders based on decisions from 1982 and 1999 respectively. Further evictions followed in November 2008 (Kamel al-Kurd family) and August 2009 (Hannoun and Gawi families for the second time). An uninhabited section of a house belonging to the al-Kurd family was taken over by settlers on 1 December 2009.

Cultivating Resistance: Khirbet Bir al ‘Idd

International Solidarity Movement

27 February 2010

Last week, two small, rural outposts were awaiting two payloads from a 4×4 that was snaking its way along the winding, West Bank roads of the South Hebron hills. The first was the material to construct some alternative energy sources for these small communities, the second was an international presence that would aid them in the fight for their legitimacy.

Distant Clouds
Distant Clouds

In the hills around Susya, sheep- and goat-herders live in small, tented communities in the wadis of Israeli-controlled “Area C” in the West Bank. These communities are fighting for their existence against the Israeli policy of ethnic cleansing in the region, where strict controls limit the quality of life that is possible for these people.

Our first stop was to deliver the parts to construct both solar and wind-powered electricity sources to an isolated site where two families live in tents. The access to their dwelling was a painstakingly slow, bumpy drive up a rock-strewn dirt-track which lay off the side of a minor country road. In order to dissuade Palestinians to live in these areas, which are under the threat of increasing Israeli Settlement expansion, these families are limited in what they can construct and are not connected to the electricity grid nor a main water supply. Even the installation of these clean, alternative energy sources falls foul of the law, risking Israeli demolition orders. But a small group of activists on both sides of the Green Line are committed to providing a decent standard of living to these people.

Our next stop was to deliver ourselves to the small community of Khirbet Bir al ‘Idd, just north of the small village of Jinba, itself lying just several kilometres north of the proposed route for the West Bank Apartheid Barrier. Four months ago, on November 8th 2009, two families moved back to these hills to prevent the Israeli settlements from extending into their wadi. We were to spend the next few days living with Abu Tarek who lives here with his wife and youngest daughter, raising sheep.

Sparse Grazing
Sparse Grazing

Abu Tarek gave up his life in the nearby city of Yatta in order to protect the Palestinian land here, and in doing so, has drastically changed his lifestyle. The family is forbidden from erecting any permanent structures by the Israeli authorities, they have no mains electricity nor running water.

The land upon which he lives includes several caves, two of which are used to provide shelter for his flock of over sixty sheep. The walls within which the family live are built of local rocks, and stand less than five feet high; their roof is tarpaulin. Yet within these rustic limitations, the family has created a homely sanctity from the harsh meteorological and political conditions outside.

The reason for our presence was to both encourage the family in their activity, and support them when facing the constant struggle with the Israeli settlers and army. The day before our arrival, Abu Tarek had been threatened by an Israeli soldier, and a local settler tries to destroy the community’s livelihood by grazing his own flock on their agricultural land, thus destroying their crop.

Life here begins with the sun, rising to milk the sheep before breakfasting on the delicious bread, freshly baked in a taboon by Abu Tarek’s wife, served with the products of their farming here: warm milk and lebeneh. The lack of electricity means no refrigeration, and so transformation of the milk to a longer-lasting substance is a must.

Whilst out grazing the sheep, Abu Tarek’s concern of the situation here is clear. To avoid problems with the Israeli authorities, he must be careful to not let his sheep drift to the other side of the dirt-track that leads to an Israeli Settler’s farm. Rocks thrown here are to direct and contain the sheep, rather than a resistance of the IDF by the local Shebab.

This dirt-track segregates the hill-top that lies between the land that the Palestinians are authorised to use for grazing, and the land that they can use for cultivation. When pointing-out which parts of the valley he can “safely” use to graze, he neglects the greener, more fertile verdure, which he says have been taken by the Settlers. The Palestinians rarely get the rich-pickings of their own land.

Whilst Abu Tarek is watching over his flock on the rocky hills below the track, I hike further up this hill to ensure that the community’s wheat is not being destroyed by the Settler’s own flock. The panorama from the top of this hill provides a vivid portrayal of the encroachment of the surrounding Israeli settlements, a stark contrast to the restricted development that is afforded to the Palestinians.

The intimidation by the Israelis is ever-present. In one day, less than an hour apart, we were harassed first by an Israeli official, responsible for the management of this land, and then by Israeli soldiers. The official tried to claim that he had seen the Palestinians take their flock onto land that was reserved to the settlers, defining the track as the dividing line. (We had been present all morning and the flock had not crossed the track.)

Soldiers Harass
Soldiers Harass

Later, an army jeep approaches from the Settler’s farm and three young soldiers exit, rifles slung across their chests to confront Abu Tarek & Abu Nassir, the other patriarch of the community. They speak patronisingly to these two dignified men, telling them that they were but “children” here in this land, that this is Jewish land, and that they shouldn’t be grazing their sheep here at all. Their protests seem to fall on deaf ears, despite the earlier altercation with the land-management official. When I ask them to show me a map of the area, defining the division and allocation of the land, they claim not to have one, and promptly leave.

This racial division is also evident when the Palestinians try to address complaints to the police about Settler intrusions or attacks. As this is “Area C”, the police are Israeli. Abu Tarek tells us that when he has telephoned the police, upon hearing his Arabic accent when speaking Hebrew, the operator simply hung-up.

Despite the daily hardships that this family faces, life within their modest home is jovial, soulful and rich, and their welcome is incredibly warm and heart-felt. Whilst I would recommend any international to visit them and help defend their cause, I hope that they will soon no-longer need to welcome us as fighters against the Occupation, and simply as friends.

Settler and IOF violence at Sheikh Jarrah erupts into riot

International Solidarity Movement

25 February 2010

A Palestinian woman being treated after she was pepper sprayed by the police.
A Palestinian woman being treated after she was pepper sprayed by the police.

One Palestinian man arrested, one woman and child pepper sprayed and two children injured as settler provocation turns into a riot.

Spirits were high in the protest camp outside the Gawi and Al-Kurd families’ houses. Each Wednesday the community gathers for a meal, bridging the gap between the Palestinian, Israeli and international activists bringing a sense of unity crucial for an effective movement. But things change quickly in the holy land.

Just after dinner and during a lively session of jump rope, Israeli police arrested on Palestinian man for allegedly throwing rocks though eyewitnesses report no rock throwing.

Just after the arrest, a large group of settlers entered the occupied area of the Al-Kurds family house in preparation for Purim, a Jewish holiday celebrated on February 27th and 28th of this year. According to Israelis present at the neighborhood dinner, this would soon mean intoxicated settlers.

Settlers point out the state sponsored violence by standing behind soldiers.
Settlers point out the state sponsored violence by standing behind soldiers.

As settler provocation turned into long shouting matches, increasing numbers of Palestinian, Israeli and international supporters arrived, most pointing cameras at the scene, some raising their voices. Many more settlers arrived as the situation became more and more tense and nearly one hundred people gathered in and around the Al-Kurd house.

Soon a Palestinian child was injured and low level fighting erupted. One soldier cocked his M16 assault rifle and threatened neighborhood residents. Other IOF soldiers pushed and assaulted Palestinians and internationals before using pepper spray on a Palestinian woman holding a child. Medics responded to one member of the Gawi family.

Settlers finally filed out of the Al-Kurd house as police attempted to take control of the area.

This violence and provocation is part of a recent escalation in attempts by the Israeli police, municipality officials and Jewish settlers to intimidate the families of Sheikh Jarrah and halt the ongoing protest of ethnic cleansing in East Jerrusalem.

Background on Sheikh Jarrah

Approximately 475 Palestinian residents living in the Karm Al-Ja’ouni neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, located directly north of the Old City, face imminent eviction from their homes in the manner of the Hannoun and Gawi families, and the al-Kurd family before them. All 28 families are refugees from 1948, mostly from West Jerusalem and Haifa, whose houses in Sheikh Jarrah were built and given to them through a joint project between the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and the Jordanian government in 1956.

So far, settlers took over houses of four Palestinian families, displacing around 60 residents, including 20 children. At present, settlers occupy all these houses and the whole area is patrolled by armed private security 24 hours a day. The evicted Palestinian families, some of whom have been left without suitable alternative accommodation since August, continue to protest against the unlawful eviction from the sidewalk across the street from their homes, facing regular violent attacks from the settlers and harassment from the police.

The Gawi family, for example, had their only shelter, a small tent built near their house, destroyed by the police and all their belongings stolen five times. In addition, the al-Kurd family has been forced to live in an extremely difficult situation, sharing the entrance gate and the backyard of their house with extremist settlers, who occupied a part of the al-Kurd home in December 2009. The settlers subject the Palestinian family to regular violent attacks and harassment, making their life a living hell.

The ultimate goal of the settler organizations is to evict all Palestinians from the area and turn it into a new Jewish settlement and to create a Jewish continuum that will effectively cut off the Old City form the northern Palestinian neighborhoods. On 28 August 2008, Nahalat Shimon International filed a plan to build a series of five and six-story apartment blocks – Town Plan Scheme (TPS) 12705 – in the Jerusalem Local Planning Commission. If TPS 12705 comes to pass, the existing Palestinian houses in this key area would be demolished, about 500 Palestinians would be evicted, and 200 new settler units would be built for a new settlement: Shimon HaTzadik.

Implanting new Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank is illegal under many international laws, including Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The plight of the Gawi, al-Kurd and the Hannoun families is just a small part of Israel’s ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people from East Jerusalem.

Legal background

The eviction orders, issued by Israeli courts, are a result of claims made in 1967 by the Sephardic Community Committee and the Knesseth Yisrael Association (who since sold their claim to the area to Nahalat Shimon) – settler organizations whose aim is to take over the whole area using falsified deeds for the land dating back to 1875. In 1972, these two settler organizations applied to have the land registered in their names with the Israel Lands Administration (ILA). Their claim to ownership was noted in the Land Registry; however, it was never made into an official registry of title. The first Palestinian property in the area was taken over at this time.

The case continued in the courts for another 37 years. Amongst other developments, the first lawyer of the Palestinian residents reached an agreement with the settler organizations in 1982 (without the knowledge or consent of the Palestinian families) in which he recognized the settlers’ ownership in return for granting the families the legal status of protected tenants. This affected 23 families and served as a basis for future court and eviction orders (including the al-Kurd family house take-over in December 2009), despite the immediate appeal filed by the families’ new lawyer. Furthermore, a Palestinian landowner, Suleiman Darwish Hijazi, has legally challenged the settlers’ claims. In 1994 he presented documents certifying his ownership of the land to the courts, including tax receipts from 1927. In addition, the new lawyer of the Palestinian residents located a document, proving the land in Sheikh Jarrah had never been under Jewish ownership. The Israeli courts rejected these documents.

The first eviction orders were issued in 1999 based on the (still disputed) agreement from 1982 and, as a result, two Palestinian families (Hannoun and Gawi) were evicted in February 2002. After the 2006 Israeli Supreme Court finding that the settler committees’ ownership of the lands was uncertain, and the Lands Settlement officer of the court requesting that the ILA remove their names from the Lands Registrar, the Palestinian families returned back to their homes. The courts, however, failed to recognize new evidence presented to them and continued to issue eviction orders based on decisions from 1982 and 1999 respectively. Further evictions followed in November 2008 (Kamel al-Kurd family) and August 2009 (Hannoun and Gawi families for the second time). An uninhabited section of a house belonging to the al-Kurd family was taken over by settlers on 1 December 2009.

The Mountains to An Nabi Salih

International Solidarity Movement

19 February 2010

Tramping
Tramping

There was an odd collection of internationals rousing in our media office this morning. We were an eclectic mix of activists from the US, Denmark, France, England, Sweden and Taiwan preparing to head out to various demonstrations across the West Bank. After an early guitar session with fellow volunteers, we waved goodbye and began our journey to the Nabi Salih protest. Although we hadn’t made this journey before, we found the service in Ramallah without much trouble. We were three at this point, Valle, Sweet Prince and Lucy, fresh with international enthusiasm to go to a Palestinian demonstration.

Fifteen minutes into the ride, it dawned on us that we needed an alibi if we were questioned by the IDF at the Atara checkpoint just ahead. Valle, pulling out a giant wooden cross out of his bag, thought that we could perhaps pass as Christian zealots following the footsteps of the Crusaders in a village called Sinjil, which apparently has some ancient tombs. Inevitably, the soldier at the checkpoint demanded to see our passports and told us to turn back. After much debate, a shebab persuaded us to follow him on a paved road nearby to get around the checkpoint. We reluctantly followed him, foreseeing that a military vehicle will pull up and chastise us for undermining their orders. Of course, five minutes later, a soldier brandishing an M-16 demanded to know where we thought we were going. Damn, we thought, busted so soon.

In a diplomatic tone, Sweet Prince calmly explained that we were simply pilgrims on our way to visit the holy sites in Sinjil. Unfortunately, we looked more like hippies then devout Christians. Not completely buying our story, the soldier insisted on us handing over our passports. Knowing that our magical little passbooks of privilege would most likely be confiscated and not returned until we signed a letter prohibiting us from re-entering the West Bank, we refused. After a couple minutes of fruitless negotiating, we were forced to turn back.

In our determined spirit and armed with a UN map of the area, we decided to make a 12 kilometer trek weaving through the valleys, dodging the checkpoints to reach Nabi Salih. We zigzagged through aged olive groves, passed picnicking families and strolled along tree-lined stone cobbled footpaths. Nevertheless, the overwhelming injustice of the occupation crept up on us as we saw wadis and its vast tiers of stone lined plateaus upon the horizon; a work of labor over a matter of years and decades that can be snatched away from Palestinians upon the flicker of a pen. Another picture perfect postcard with a back story not often known in this ignorant world of ours I thought. And the beat goes on with the occupation at 61 years of age.

Alas, after three hours under the warm Palestinian sun, we finally approached Nabi Salih. The deserted streets with accompanied by gun shots and shouting ringing from a distance. Due to our three hour detour, we had just missed the demonstration as the press, with gas masks still strapped on their foreheads were heading out. What was still alive and kicking were the shebab throwing stones at the IDF in the field. After a quick refreshment at a Palestinian house, we proceeded to witness tear gasses clouds above a scattered crowd of Palestinian youth, some barely even 7 years old, flinging rocks with homemade slings at one of the most powerful armies in the world.

Valle's lip after being hit by a rubber bullet.
Valle's lip after being hit by a rubber bullet.

We were within 300 meters of the IDF, far behind the shebab taking photos when Valle nonchalantly said, “I think something hit me.” A stream of crimson red was running down from his lip. A circle of Palestinians, Israeli activists and internationals soon formed around the wounded Swede. In the midst of a panicked crowd, Valle tried to assure everyone that he was okay as he held a blood soaked handkerchief in his hand. Although a bit relieved, we could still clearly see that his upper lip had been cut completely through; forming three lips like those of cleft lips. At first, we thought that it could have been shrapnel that sliced his lip, but a shebab later said that he saw a rubber bullet ricochet from the ground. If it had been a rubber bullet that hit him straight on, his teeth would have been smashed in, a cringing thought.

Within minutes of Valle being shot, the IDF unleashed 40 canisters of high velocity tear gas from their military vehicle. The canisters rained down in all directions as plumes of thick white tear gas lingered in the blue sky, scattering the crowd like ants. It was a run-run-as-fast-as-you-can kind of situation with apprehension of the canister dropping on our heads or being engulfed in the lachrymatory agent. As we ran, an Arabic speaking international managed to hail a car to bring Valle to the hospital. He returned an hour later with three stitches and enough resilience to want to go back to the field where the shebab were still hurling stones. Until sundown, it was a cat and mouse game until the IDF started shooting live ammunition into the air and at the ground, creating mushrooms of dust to show the shebab that time’s up, they’ve had enough today.

It’s an obvious act of resistance against the occupation as anyone can see, but it’s also evident that it was a game for the IDF, shooting tear gas canisters, lobbing sound grenades and firing rubber bullets at Palestinians for hours until they’ve had enough and eventually invade the field with their US funded military arms and chase the Palestinians back to their homes. It’s a procedural Friday routine we were told by the Palestinian family who later treated us to dinner in their home. Knowing that Palestinians won’t be able to succeed through force in this current state of affairs, I couldn’t help but wonder how these weekly stone-throwing actions hinder the reconciliation process as Israeli media paints the picture of violent anti-Semitic Arabs. However, many of the shebab are simply unloading steam, taking out their frustration and in their stone throwing, physically resisting the occupation.

We returned to Ramallah and smoke boxed the apartment with strong, cancer-ridden Palestinian cigarettes and we swapped stories of the various protests we were at. The stale cigarette smoke mixed with the rotten smell of sewerage, carried back by two other volunteers who were sprayed with stinky water at the Bil’in protest, despite their multiple showers. The mood was jovial. We compared mental notes of our day in Palestine over sweet sage tea. Shot, stinking, dirty and tired, we laughed away our fucked up world through antics and jokes and went off to a world of dreams.

Silwan Demands Justice in Anticipation of Home Demolitions

International Solidarity Movement

19 February 2010

Silwan Protest
Silwan Protest

A vigil began close to 12:30PM at the protest tent in the neighborhood of Silwan, East Jerusalem. More than one hundred Silwan community members gathered to listen to speeches and commenced mid-day prayer in unison. Following the collective prayer the community members marched through the streets of Silwan.

Today’s demonstration is a response to the pending demolitions of over 200 homes in Silwan. These demolitions were slated to be government sanctioned “price tag” actions in response to the anticipated eviction of the illegal Zionist squat Beit Yonatan. Ateret Cohanim, a Zionist settler organization, built Beit Yonatan in the heart of Silwan. Their building plan was approved for a four story complex, but and extra three stories were added without approval. This is in contradiction to the four-story limit to which Palestinians in the neighborhood are held.

In a hard-fought battle, the Mayor of Jerusalem, Nir Barkat, grudgingly agreed to evict the settlers after more than a year of attempting to find a legal strategy to avoid serving the orders. Before the legal appeals, State Prosecutor Moshe Lador demanded the sealing orders be served. Mayor Barkat will execute the sealing orders of Beit Yonatan, but only in conjunction with the execution of nearly 200 home demolition orders for Palestinian homes in Silwan.

The illegal squat will be allowed to remain through extra-legal machinations until 200 homes housing 1500 individuals are demolished. The main reason for the displacement of so many Palestinians is to pave the way for a tourism center pertaining to the history of King David and the excavations undertaken to find relics related to his dynasty.