Jerusalem – The US political author and critic of Israel Norman Finkelstein was denied entry to the Jewish state on Friday, his lawyer said.
Finkelstein landed at Ben Gurion international airport near Tel Aviv in the early morning and was told by a representative of the ministry of interior that he would not be allowed into the country on ‘security’ grounds, attorney Michael Sfard told dpa.
‘This usually means a 10-year ban on entry,’ Sfard added.
Finkelstein, who is Jewish and the son of Holocaust survivors, has written critical books on Israeli policies in the Palestinian territories and on what he called ‘exploitation’ of the Jewish tragedy during World War II.
Finkelstein has received with the fierce disapproval of some authors and academics, while others have praised his controversial works.
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From Sam Bahour
ACT NOW: Flood the Israeli Ministry of Interior with faxes, emails, calls. DEMAND THAT DR. FINKELSTEIN BE PERMITTED TO ENTER ISRAEL IN ORDER TO REACH THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY!
Minister of Interior Mr. Meir SHEETRIT
Israeli Ministry of the Interior
2 Kaplan St., Qiryat Ben-Gurion
P.O. Box 6158, 91061 Jerusalem
Tel. +972-2-670-1411 / +972-2-629-4722
Fax: +972-2-670-1628
or
Mr. Meir SHEETRIT’s numbers at the Knesset
Telephone 1: +972-2-640-8410
Telephone 2: +972-2- 640-8409
Fax: +972-2- 640-8920
Email: mshitrit@knesset.gov.il
It is now Friday night and the Ministry will be closed through Saturday for the Jewish Sabbath. Thus, if you are in the US please call your congressman and senator NOW and advise them a Jewish American U.S. citizen is being denied access to Israel!!
Also, CALL the STATE DEPT’s Hotline for American Travelers: 202-647-5225 and let them know this is happening and is in violation of international law.
If you are an Israeli, please start working the phones…this denial of entry is all being done in your name!!
The only ‘democracy’ in the Middle East strikes again,
Sam
By the Campaign for the Right of Entry/Re-Entry. To view website click here
As hundreds of international investors begin arriving in Bethlehem for the Palestine Investment Conference scheduled for May 21-23, the threat of being barred from entering the occupied West Bank by Israeli officials is likely to be foremost on everyone’s mind. Those hoping to actually invest in Palestine will be looking for answers regarding who will guarantee unhindered access in the future for themselves, their staff and the suppliers needed for investments to succeed in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt).
Along with movement and access restrictions for Palestinians, Israel’s denial of entry practices against foreigners trying to reach the oPt continues to pose severe obstacles on investment efforts to revive Palestinian economic life. The conference attempt to promote international investment in the occupation-strangled Palestinian territory is being undertaken despite the fact that Israel has not demonstrated any serious intention to reduce the restrictions it is placing on the Palestinian economy.
For this conference, though, some lucky participants will be passing Israeli-controlled crossings thanks to Israel’s pre-authorization of limited 14-day permits. Investors expecting future access to their investments are unlikely to have the U.S. Administration, the Quartet, and Quartet Special Representative Tony Blair regularly available to negotiate entry visas for themselves or for their staff. For investors, Israel’s refusal to establish a transparent, internationally lawful policy on which foreign nationals wishing to enter or maintain their presence in the oPt can rely is clear evidence that third states are not doing enough to create the necessary environment for investments to succeed.
Campaign members recently met with Mr. Blair, stressing the need for a comprehensive solution to foreign nationals’ vulnerability to arbitrary exclusion or expulsion by Israel and pointing out the futility of attempting to realize investments in the oPt while the ability of Palestinian institutions and businesses to recruit and retain the human resources needed for development remains uncertain and subject to Israel’s political discretion.
The Campaign urges the Quartet and other third state actors to send clear signals that the arbitrary exclusion and expulsion of foreign passport holders from the oPt, like Israel’s other abusive restrictions on movement and access, violates Israel’s treaty obligations to those states, is contrary to the UN Charter and directly concerns the States themselves.
Contrary to international law, Israel continues to exercise its control over entry and residency in the oPt in an arbitrary, capricious and political manner that seriously harms Palestinian economic, social and cultural life. Since the Campaign began in 2006, thousands of Palestinians with foreign passports as well as other foreign nationals were denied entry into the oPt, refused permits to stay, and/or have been deported. Israel’s refusal to act on the overwhelming majority of family unification applications since 2000 directly affects at least half a million people whose families remain separated or are threatened with separation. Vital health, educational, religious and social services are handicapped and disrupted. The results of Israeli practices includes business investment is deterred or thwarted and families being forced to relocate just to stay together.
Campaign member and businessman Sam Bahour observes that “real investment in Palestine starts with real access to all of the occupied Palestinian territory – the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.”
The Israeli army prevented a number of Israeli peace activists to join the Palestinian residents of Al-Khader in their weekly nonviolent protest against the construction of the separation wall on their land on Friday at noon.
Eyewitnesses told IMEMC that troops stopped the Israeli activists and took the keys of their cars at one of the entrances of the village, and informed the activists that they will get their keys back only if they are going back to Jerusalem.
Coordinator of the Local Committee for Popular Resistance in Bethlehem Samer Jaber, said “This is an attempt by Israel to prevent solidarity with the Palestinians in their just struggle to end the Israeli occupation.”
“Israel has prevented hundreds, if not thousands, of Internationals to come to Palestine the moment they figured out that those internationals are coming to join nonviolent activities with the Palestinians,” Jaber added.
Jaber told IMEMC that around 150 Palestinians and Internationals, protested near the southern entrance of Bethlehem area. The protest took the form of holding the Friday prayer in the street at the presence of around 60 Israeli soldiers.
The protestors dispersed after the Imam gave a speech to the worshippers and protestors calling for an ongoing nonviolent resistance to end the Israeli occupation.
Original article published in the Jerusalem Post on March 18th. For original article click here
The Palestinian Authority is planning to mark Israel’s 60th anniversary by calling on all Palestinians living abroad to converge on Israel by land, sea and air.
The plan, drawn by Ziad Abu Ein, a senior Fatah operative and Deputy Minister for Prisoners’ Affairs in the Palestinian Authority, states that the Palestinians have decided to implement United Nations Resolution 194 regarding the refugees.
Article 11 of the resolution, which was passed in December 1948, says that “refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible.”
The initiative is the first of its kind and is clearly aimed at embarrassing Israel during the anniversary celebrations by highlighting the issue of the “right of return” for the refugees.
Entitled “The Initiative of Return and Coexistence,” the plan suggests that the PA has abandoned a two-state solution in favor of one state where all Arabs and Jews would live together.
“The Palestinians, backed by all those who believe in peace, coexistence, human rights and the UN resolutions, shall recruit all their energies and efforts to return to their homeland and live with the Jews in peace and security,” the plan says.
“Fulfilling the right of return is a human, moral and legal will that can’t be denied by the Jews or the international community. On the [60th] anniversary of the great suffering, the Palestinian people are determined to end this injustice.”
Abu Ein’s initiative, which has won the backing of many PA leaders in Ramallah, calls on all Israelis to welcome the Palestinians “who will be returning to live together with them in the land of peace.”
The plan calls on the refugees to return to Israel on May 14, 2008 with their suitcases and tents so that they could settle in their former villages and towns. The refugees are also requested to carry UN flags upon their return and to be equipped with their UNRWA-issued ID cards.
The Arab countries hosting Palestinian refugees are requested to facilitate the return of the refugees by opening their borders and allowing them to march toward Israel. The plan specifically refers to Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, whose governments are asked to provide logistic support to allow the refugees to carry out their mission.
Palestinian refugees living in the US, EU, Canada and Latin America are requested to use their foreign passports to fly to Ben-Gurion Airport from May 14-16. The plan calls for the Palestinians to hire dozens of boats flying UN flags that will converge on Israeli ports simultaneously.
To ensure international backing, the plan calls to invite world leaders, the UN secretary-general, journalists and legal experts from around the world to declare their support for the Palestinians’ “right of return.” The Palestinians, in return, would promise to practice their right peacefully and to denounce terror and violence.
Arab governments are requested to provide both financial and political backing for the initiative. The plan stresses that the Palestinians can no longer expect to achieve the “right of return” at the negotiating table with Israel. “We must take matters into our own hands,” it states. “Negotiations, slogans and UN resolutions are not going to bring us our rights.”
What stays with me most from the last few days is the kindness of women. Just ordinary women, caught in bad circumstances, being nice to one another.
I’ve spent a lot of the last week being searched, questioned, detained, jailed, and ultimately denied entry and deported from the State of Israel–that land which I had been raised to believe would always be the ultimate refuge for anyone born Jewish. But not, apparently, for me.
I was refused entrance because of work I have done in the past with the International Solidarity Movement, a group which supports nonviolent resistance against the Occupation. ISM works in the West Bank and Gaza, bringing internationals as witnesses, moral and practical support for nonviolent Palestinian initiatives–like the ongoing campaign against the Wall which the Israeli military is building to protect the illegal settlements which have encroached deeply into the territory once designated for a Palestinian state.
I came to join the ISM out of a deep belief that nonviolence is a powerful means of struggle, that the Jews of Israel who after all are my own people are good people and a nonviolent struggle would touch their hearts and turn the tide toward real justice. I saw efforts to establish a nonviolent movement as a small ray of hope in an endless cycle of killing begetting more killing and revenge begetting revenge.
Four years ago, I spent a month or more working with the ISM. When I left the country, I was questioned and warned that I might have difficulty returning.
But I chose to try, anyway. This time my intention was to work with ecological groups, doing permaculture presentations and trainings. I had invitations from three green Isrtaeli organizations, and the assurance of a lawyer that that would be enough to get me in.
The lawyer was wrong.
There’s a jail that they take people to, who are refused entry into a country or being deported for one reason or another. It’s not a horrific place–no one was being beaten or tortured, no screams echoed on the concrete walls. Those places exist, too, and most Palestinian men and many women have spent time in them, under conditions so much worse than anything I have ever experienced that the strength it takes to survive is hard to fathom.
But this jail is just a kind of limbo, a place to wait, for a forced flight back home, or for a few lucky or intrepid ones with lawyers, for a hearing and a trial. Most people are there for a few hours, maybe a day or two. Some are there longer, as their court cases drag on.
There’s a human tide of immigration that washes around the world, lured by the gravitational pull of jobs and hope. Now and then, the waves crash up against the seawall of a border and leave behind a human being as the sea leaves mementoes of driftwood and shells..
Now I had become a piece of that detritus. And for the other women with me, some tide of hope has also gone out. The first night, I am with Tina, the young American law student of Palestinian descent. She and her brother are plucked from a student tour group and refused entry. All the indignant protests of their law professor, travelling with them, and their professional friends cannot change their fate. Tina, in her headscarf and white poncho, has spent months planning and organizing the trip, and she sobs in disapppointment when it finally becomes clear she will not be able to stay.
With us is Zmerna, who I begin to call the Bewildered Brazilian. She is slim, dark-haired, dressed in her good jewelry and high heels. She speaks nothing but Portuguese, and no one else speaks her language–not the guards, not the Security or the Ministry of Interior or anyone she has contact with through the whole process. A couple of us speak Spanish and at times manage to communicate some simple concepts.
“Prison?” Zmerna says in alarm as the guards marched us into the locked entryway. Tina and her brother have been told they were going to a hotel, where they would have wifi and access to their luggage and computers..
“Not prison,” says the guard. But they separate us from Tina’s brother, and lock us into a small room full of bunkbeds. I say, if you’re locked in and can’t get out, you’re in jail. It’s not the worst jail I’ve ever been in. I note its attractions: plastic mattresses, wool blankets, a toilet with a door that actually closed, a shower. Tina has a horror of germs, and has to force herself to use the facilities. I try to comfort and reassure her. She tries to comfort me. We both sit down and try to comfort Zmerna, who is crying on the other bunk.
Tina’s course which she will now miss is, ironically enough, a human rights course. I tell her she deserves an ‘A’.
“Get some sleep,” I said. “You’ll need your rest.” Bur I find it hard to take my own advice. There’s an energetic field that seems to underly Israel, like a nest of high voltage wires that short circuit continuously, buzzing and jangling. It’s hard to hold an uninterrupted conversation, a train of thought. I find myself able to doze lightly, but not able to relax and truly sleep. My mind keeps buzzing and I keep fighting with it, doing my meditations, grounding, trying to draw some help and nurturance from the land itself. But all I can really feel are walls and fences, barriers to any flow.
By morning, Zmerna and Tina are gone. I refuse the first flights that are offered to me, waiting to hear back from the lawyer my friends have hastily arranged to take my case. One of the guards, round and hard as a billiard ball, with a round beer belly and sharp, round eyes, tries to intimidate me, shouting and bringing out a pair of handcuffs to show me. But his heart isn’t really in it, and he soon gives up and admits that they will not physically force me to get on a plane.
Instead they move me to a new room, with Sol, a young Phillipina with an acne-scarred face, six months pregnant, who istrying to resist going back to the Phillipines. With her is Marie, from Moldava on the border of Romania and Ukraine, who has been here for a month, while her lawyer push her case slowly through the courts. Sol is heavy bodied and tired and sad; Marie is slim, blond, and radiantly cheerful, washing out her underware in the sink, stalking about the cell in her gold, high heeled sandals, creaming her face and chattering on the cell phones. They are economic refugees. In Israel, one of the results of the Intifada and the closures is that the low-level jobs once done by Palestinians are now taken by a stream of immigrants from Russia and Central Europe, Africa and Asia. They come, as immigrants all over the world come, with the hope of bettering themselves, making money to send home, finding love and fortune. When they overstay their welcome, or when the system decides, for its own reasons, not to admit them, they end up here.
Marie gives Sol most of her lunch. I try to give her mine. For some reason, I just can’t eat. It’s not my usual reaction to stress–usually, the worse things get the more I’ll eat anything in front of me. But for once in my life, I have entirely lost my apetite, even though I tell myself that I should eat something. “Eat when you can, sleep when you can, and whenever you get a chance to pee, pee!” is my usual rule. But this time I just can’t force down the mystery meat, the plentiful but greasy and dead-looking chicken wings, potatoes and rice. I do eat some aged salad, and an orange.
To cheer Sol up, I offer to read her cards,, as I have my pocket Tarot deck with me. Her face lights up as I predict something good happening for her, soon. Love, celebration, joyfullness–the cars are like a window into all the bright possibilities on the other side of the walls.
Marie’s cards show trouble ahead, but I comb through them for every hint of good fortune. Strength is at her crown. “You are a strong woman,” I tell her. In truth I am amazed at her ability to smile, to radiate cherrfulness and grace after a month in this place which, for all it’s amenities, is still driving me crazing with boredom after less than a day.
“Ani ’zkah,” she agrees, smiling and nodding with confidence. “I am strong.”
And then Sol gets called by the guards, to be ready to go. Whatever is happening to her, she seems joyful about it. The cards’ prediction is confirmed, and she leaves us, smiling.
The guards, for reasons of their own, move me to a different cell. I am settling into the solitude when the door opens and they usher in Irina, from Russia–Siberia, to be exact. Irina is plump and middle-aged, like me, and she makes herself at home, taking off her blouse and relaxing in her slip. She wears a gold icon around her neck and gold, spoked earrings and she tells me she is a doctor, a gynecologist who has been in Israel for eight years. She speaks fluent Hebrew but little English, and we communicate in Hebrew words I drag up from my deep memory like archaeological relics. She has a big bagful of food and drink, and she makes me drink a cup of orangina and shares her face cream. Although we are both fifty six years old, I can’t help but notice how much better preserved she appears. Her hair is still brown, her face neatly made up, her mouth a red rosebud and her skin clear of wrinkles. Whereas I have no hairbrush–it disappeared in the original search at the airport, my skin is dry and covered with a fine net of wrinkles, and I am coming to more and more resemble the Hag of the Underworld.
Irina does what I think of as ‘the woman thing’…she flirts with the guards, purses up her little rosebud mouth and lowers her eyes, scolds them from time to time, pleads with them. I can’t do it. It’s not that I don’t know how, I just can’t bring myself to do it even though I know that the way I am with them–clear, calm and stubborn–makes them angry.
Irina comforts me as I get bad news from my lawyer, news which convinces me that I have little chance of winning a case. My own cards look consistently dismal.
Irina goes off to Moscow. I try again to sleep. In the night I am jolted awake with the conviction that I have made a terrible mistake in abandoning my case. But in the morning, when I might still get word to my lawyer to carry on with it, the cards say over and over again that it is useless, and time to make a strategic retreat. I can’t ever know, really, if they’re right or wrong, if I’ve lost all objectivity, if my own inner sense of agreement with their verdict is accurate or influenced by the stress of going cold turkey from all my usual addictions and comforts: food, tea, exercise, and above all, work. In the end, I have to make some decision, so I decide to go.
The morning brings two sweet, doll-like Filipina women, sisters who have come, they say, to spend Holy Week with a friend. Immigration has not believed them, and after yelling and shouting and threatening, is sending them back. They are slim and delicate and beautiful, and one speaks English quite well. She is studying for a Bachelor of Science in Tourism, she tells me, and says, again and again, repeating it like a mantra: “You come to the Phillipines, you will not need visa.” They huddle on the bunk in a state of shock, two delicate, frightened birds, while I urge them to eat, to rest, and assure them that they don’t need to be afraid, that nothing terrible will happen to them. Finally I read their cards, too. I feel like I have become the Hag of the Underworld. I’m glad to see their faces brighten a bit, imagining they can go home now with at least a good story and a bit of confidence in a brighter future predicted for them by the old Witch in the bowls of the Israeli jails.
Just as I finish the second sister’s reading, the guards come to escort me to the plane.
I’m in the back of the van with the tall, good-looking guard whom Irina told me was the good one, the one with a heart of gold. “I noticed you were doing something with the cards,” he says. “You read them? What are they called?
And while they load my luggage onto the plane, I read his palm.
Israel is a place where faith is either magnified or abandoned, where belief becomes delusion easily, shifts to fanaticism, or burns itself out into cynical ash. From my first visit there with my Hebrew High School student trip when I was fifteen, For me, something in the air or the water or the energy always challenges every system of belief or faith I come in with: from my childhood faith in a personal God that deserted me in the midst of the Hebrew High School youth trip I was on at fifteen, to my belief that nonviolence would easily turn the hearts of the Israelis back toward justice for all people of the land. And my faith in a refuge.
But I continue to believe in this: that in even the terrible places of the world, we find.the small hands of sisterhood, reaching across boundaries and borders and walls, across gaps of culture and language and belief to do acts of kindness for one another. And that in the end, that power is strong enough to break down the walls.