Tag: Bil’in - Page 38 - International Solidarity Movement

Trying to fill the hole our father has left

3 December 2009

As we move into the cold months, many of you in the UK will be looking forward to Christmas. In the Palestinian village of Bi’lin, last weekend marked the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha, a time to see family and friends and for people to eat together. But for many Palestinians, the Eid was not so festive. Rajaa Abu Rahmah, aged 19, only has one wish this festive season, to see her father freed from prison.

On 10 July 2009, Adeeb Abu Rahmah, a leading activist and organiser from the occupied West Bank village of Bi’lin, was arrested during the weekly demonstration at the Wall. A man committed to non-violent direct action, Adeeb was charged with incitement to violence, a blanket charge often used to indict leading members of Palestinian communities resisting against the confiscation of their land. A judge initially ruled that Adeeb should be released with restrictive conditions, forbidding him from attending demonstrations, but an appeal filed by the military prosecution was upheld, meaning that Adeeb would be held until the end of legal proceedings. Trials for Palestinians in Israeli military courts often last for over a year, leaving Adeebs family fatherless for the holidays.

Jody McIntyre spoke to Rajaa, Adeebs eldest daughter of eight children who is currenlty studying medicine at the All Quds University, to see how the family were coping during Eid al-Adha:

Jody McIntyre: Why do you think your father was arrested?
RA: Because he struggled against the Wall and the settlements, and to defend our land. They said in the judgement against him that they would serve a high punishment to make an example for others participating in the non-violent resistance here, so I suppose they are using my father as a symbol to dissuade others from continuing with the struggle.

JM: The Israeli authorities are trying to present Adeeb as a violent man who incites riots, but what is your father really like as a person?
RA: All the people who struggled with him every week will tell you that he is not a violent man. But more to the point, we have a right to be on our land, so you cant stop this person from resisting against an Occupying Force that has come and illegally confiscated that land. My father was fighting for his right in his own way, by going to the Wall to demonstrate, and shouting to make his voice heard. You cannot say that it is wrong for a man to defend his rights.

JM: How has your family life changed since your father went to prison?
RA: I am the eldest child, so there are no brothers to take care of the family. Most of my brothers and sisters are small children. Since my father went to jail, we have lost our main source of income, so our financial support is depleting. But it has also affected our feelings, we have no sense of security or safety now our father has been imprisoned.
My youngest sister is always crying when she thinks of our father, and all the kids are very frightened when they see the Israeli Occupation Forces. I think seeing the soldiers reminds them of why they cannot be with their father.
It has been especially difficult during the holidays, first Eid al-Fitr (the Muslim holiday marking the end of Ramadan) and now Eid al-Adha this is the second holiday we have been forced to spend without our father. The Eid is supposed to be a time to meet all the family and be happy together, but without our father here with us there is no joy. It is even more upsetting for us to think that he is not somewhere comfortable, but suffering in the cold of an Israeli military prison.
My sister Duaa is 18 years old; she was due to get married this summer, but now that our father has been imprisoned we have had to postpone the marriage until he is released.

JM: Do you know when your father will be released?
RA: The court said that it could be another 14 months, but they can renew the sentence indefinitely, so none of us know when we will see our father again.

JM: How has your fathers arrest affected your studies?
RA: This semester I am facing many problems with paying my university fees, and I keep missing the deadlines to pay. It also affects my feelings, as it is difficult to concentrate on my studies whilst I know my father is in prison. However, the experience has also made me feel stronger. As the eldest child, I know that I am responsible for my younger brothers and sisters, and I want to try to fill the hole that our father has left.

JM: What is your message to the authorities responsible for keeping your father in prison?
RA: My father hasnt done anything to you, and he has a right to defend the land you have stolen, so you must release him.

JM: When your father is released, what will be the first thing you say to him?
RA: That I missed him.

Words – Jody McIntyre
Photos – Hamde Abu Rahme [of Adeeb during demonstrations at the Wall)

Palestinian shot in Naalin claims soldiers said he ‘deserves it’

Hanan Greenberg | YNet News

2 December 2009

Ashraf Abu Rahma, who was shot by IDF soldier during anti-fence protest takes stand in military court, says he was arrested for no reason, bound, and beaten by soldiers. ‘I heard a shot, I was hit, and I fell,’ he testifies.

Ashraf Abu Rahma, the Palestinian who was shot in the foot with a rubber bullet while he was bound and gagged after being arrested in a demonstration in Naalin in July 2008, arrived Wednesday in the Kirya’s military court to testify against the two defendants in the affair – the then-commander of the 71st Battalion and the soldier suspected of the shooting.

According to Abu Rahma, after he was shot, the soldiers said to him, “You deserve this and even more.”

Abu Rahma came face-to-face with the defendants on Tuesday for the first time since the incident. Lt. Col. Omri Burberg and Staff Sgt. (res.) Leonardo Corea, sat on the defendants bench without even casting a glance at the witness. Abu Rahma addressed the judge when he asked that his assailants be judged to the letter of the law.

At the start of his testimony, Abu Rahma claimed that there were no grounds for his arrest at the said protest. He said that following his arrest, he was beaten by Border Guard officers and blindfolded. “They bound my hands. I heard a shot. I was hit in the leg and fell,” said Abu Rahma. According to his testimony, after being shot, he heard the soldiers saying to him in Arabic: “You deserve this and even more.”

The event, which was first reported in Ynet, occurred on July 7, 2008. During that time, the village Na’alin was under curfew and full closure for four days. Palestinians, Israeli left-wing activists, and international peace activists marched from the village of Dir Kadis in order to bring food to the besieged residents of Na’alin.

Abu Rahma, who was among those protesting, was arrested for about a half an hour. He was taken to a military jeep by Lt. Col. Burberg who was in the field. Once he was next to the jeep, one of the soldiers near him shot at him. According to Abu Rahma, he was hit in the foot.

The former battalion commander was charged with making threats, and the subordinate soldier was charged with unlawful use of a weapon. Previously, the two were slapped with the relatively light charge of inappropriate conduct, however, the indictment was changed following an unusual intervention by the High Court of Justice.

The Military Advocacy has yet to formulate a stance on what type of punishment it will request be handed to the defendants if they are found guilty. However, in closed conversations with the Military Advocacy, they said they will seek heavy punishments for both Burgerg, who has since left his position in the battalion and has been transferred to a lesser position, and for Corea, even though he already completed his military service

Let’s Talk About Resistance

Natalie abu Shakra

27 November 2009

The choice of civil resistance in challenging the Israeli occupation is considered by some as a form of “surrender.” In an interview [in Arabic] on Al Aqsa, Palestinian activists Mazen Qumsiyeh and comrade Haidar Eid answer these questions.

Eid was asked about the meaning of civil resistance of which he spoke about the numerous terms coined to non-violent resistance, civil resistance, non-violent struggle and therefore multiple definitions to each term. There is, he says, the Gandhian non-violent struggle, Satyagraha, which is to depend totally on people power and the strength of economic boycott of the occupier’s products. “What happened in South Africa was that this concept was further developed to include multiple and different forms of struggle, of which complete one another. And there was an emphasis in the later part of Apartheid, during the eighties, on Boycott [in all its forms].” Eid emphasized that the four pillars of struggle in South Africa should be taken as a model to learn from in the Palestinian struggle.

In the Palestinian context, the word “peace” has come to have a negative connotation, and Eid explains that this is due to the “industry of peace” processes that the Palestinians had to face constantly, and particularly from 1993 till now, where peace as a process was not linked to the attainment of justice for the Palestinian people, and the right of return of the refugees with reparation of the decades of suffering, estrangement, refugeehood and exile. “When we speak of peace, we will speak only of peace that leads to the implementation of Palestinian people’s legitimate rights.” What the settler colonial policies and direct military occupation of the WB and GS since 1967 require, says Eid, is an amalgam of the different forms of struggle. And, as such, the Palestinian call for Boycott, which brings together and is a common ground to all Palestinian national and Islamic factions, was initiated and appeals to the official and unofficial international community to boycott Israel. As a result of this initiative, the BNC [BDS National Committee] was formed in 2005 of which held the participation of all Palestinian national and Islamic factions.

“I believe that we in Gaza, unlike the WB, have not invested much in other forms of resistance. I don’t believe that armed struggle, of which I do not oppose and believe to go hand-in-hand with other forms of resistance, is enough taking into consideration the absurd imbalance of power between the Israeli state and the Palestinian national and Islamic resistance-there is a need to turn to people power as well.” Eid mentioned that if a minority involve themselves in armed resistance, then the majority of the people “from farmers, academics and intellectuals” need engage more in civil resistance against occupation.

“Can we imagine the Palesitnian people without Edward Said, Ghassan Kanafani, Mahmoud Darwish?” Eid asks. “What makes those Palestinians stand-out is their emphasis on the fact that the struggle against the Israeli occupation is an ideological struggle: we must defeat the Zionist mentality that this land is for the Jews, and that, we as Palestinians, should prove to the world that we posses the higher moral ground, that the Palestinian people in their resistance, whether armed or civil, will re-humanize the Israeli, unlike the latter whom strips the Palestinian off her humanity.”

Qumsiyeh, answering to “what is civil resistance,” mentioned that the Palestinian struggle has, since the British mandate till this date, involved resistance in all its forms: from civil to armed.

“Sumuud [endurance] by itself is resistance,” says Qumsiyeh. Simple acts as “getting married, going to school, reading a book” become acts of resistance. “When a student comes to my class at eight in the morning after passing numerous checkpoints- that is resistance,” Qumsiyeh notes.

Civil resistance is inclusive[at a time when exclusivity seems dominant]: from a woman, to a child to an elderly – all can resist. And that was what both academics and activists implied.

“We all need to look at Bil’in, ” says Qumsiyeh, “the demonstrations against the wall occurring all those years, unhesitatingly and consistently.” Not only in Bil’in does this civil resistance emerge but, more recently, in Gaza, says Eid, when the Palestinians in the Strip attempted to break the wall separating them from Egypt, twice, in forming a human chain from the beginning till the end of the Strip. Beit Sahour, the town of which Qumsiyeh is from, was exemplary in its civil resistance and civil disobedience, during the First Intifada, according to Eid. “When the Palestinians from Beit Sahour gave up their IDs to the military officer there,” this, Eid says was an example of civil resistance.

What about the use of bodies and human shield? Eid says that this is one of the most sublime forms of civil resistance, using the body in fighting off the bullets the bombs, in protection and defense of home and land.

A question arises of whether or not this kind of resistance creates a battle within the psyche of the occupier. This, Eid says, was something Mandela wrote about in his diaries and something which Said questioned a while before his death: “who possesses the higher moral ground: the colonized or the colonizer; the occupied or the occupier?” According to Eid, that as a civilian struggling for your moral and legal rights possesses the higher moral ground and, therefore, psychologically attacks the occupier. “This was what happened with the Nazi German, this was what happened with the White South African colonizer,” Eid says.

Eid mentions that “Israel is one of the societies of which domestic violence is most encountered” and “that there is a direct relation between domestic violence and suicide cases in the Israeli society and between the occupation in the WB, GS and 1948 lands.” He continues, “I think this is very important. For instance, there are many US soldiers who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan who commit suicide shortly after their return.” Thus the occupied possesses a moral and psychological power that should be invested against the occupation itself.

Eid re-emphasises that the obvious, huge imbalance of power in the Israeli-Palestinian case requires the moving away from negotiations that are but a waste of time:

“Israel has more than 450 nuclear heads, it has Apaches, it has F16s- it has the most strategic alliance with the USA. I mean, how can we as 10 millions Palestinian, more than half living in the Diaspora and in refugee camps living under horrendous conditions, fight that? People power.”

This inclusivity which brings together and encourages Israeli Jews against Israeli Apartheid and policies of colonization, with 1948 Palestinians, along with the farmer, the student, the fisherman, and all supporters of these universalistic rights share together this moral grounding, and can channel their suppression through civil resistance, through boycott – which is but the simplest of forms of resistance, and one of the most powerful simultaneously.

According to Eid, “if you hit the occupation in the core of its existence, through its strategic relations with the USA, through US boycott of Israel in all its faces […] if all the Islamic Palestinian factions, for instance, from Islamic Jihad, to Hamas, which all have a supportive stance from Islamic movements worldwide, promote BDS in their discourse, when every leader of an Islamic movement speaks and it was demanded to boycott US & Israeli products till the implementation of every basic Palestinian right-” then we can talk about the road to liberation.

Dozens of activists from around the world join Bili’n’s weekly protest on the International Day for Solidarity with the Palestinian People

27 November 2009

Under the slogan, “Towards a Palestine free from settlements, the Wall, Apartheid roads, checkpoints and roadblocks, and for one united Palestine with no islands and cantons”, the residents of Bil’in, joined by international and Israeli activists, gathered in a protest after the Friday prayer. The protesters raised Palestinian flags and banners calling to hold on to Palestinian rights including Jerusalem, right of return, borders, access to water, the release of all detainees and removing the Wall and settlements.

A representative leader of Fatah, Mohammed al-Madaniy, and Leila Ghanam, the Governor of Ramallah and al-Bireh, joined the Bil’in residents in today’s demonstration.

A Greek group participated with the people in Bil’in to give their support. The international activists carried banners showing their solidarity with the Palestinian people and the Palestinian right to resist the occupation and live in peace on their land. A British activist, Jody McIntyre, said: “We came to be in solidarity with the Palestinians, we believe in their right to live in peace. We are here today in Bil’in because we see the Wall as an obstacle to the building of a Palestinian state”. Sasha Solanas, from the United States, said: “I’m here today to show my solidarity with the Palestinians in Bil’in on the International Day for the Solidarity with the Palestinian people. I have heard a lot about this village and the weekly protests against the Wall and settlements. I admire the struggle in Bil’in, and I’m happy to be here with you today.”

The protesters marched towards the Wall built on the land of Bil’in chanting and singing slogans to resist the occupation, hold on to the Palestinian rights, and a national unity among the Palestinians. When the demonstration reached the razor wire placed by Israeli soldiers to block the protesters, the Israeli army announced a closed military zone, but the protest kept moving towards the gate. The Israeli soldiers fired teargas canisters and stun grenades, dozens suffered teargas inhalation.

Inside Israeli jails, the real victims of a cry for justice

Jesse Rosenfeld | The National

24 November 2009

Amid the growing media fever over a possible prisoner swap involving the release of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier held by Hamas, another young captive has a less visible public profile – but personifies Israel’s chokehold on Palestinian self-expression.

Mohammad Othman, 33, from the West Bank town of Jayyous, and an activist with the grassroots Palestinian organisation Stop the Wall, was arrested on September 22 at the Allenby Bridge crossing on the Jordanian border. He was on his way home after a meeting in Norway with supporters of the global movement for boycott, divestment and sanctions on Israel (BDS). Adameer (Arabic for “conscience”), the Palestinian prisoners’ support and human rights organisation, contends that his arrest is a result of “his successful human rights advocacy and community activism”.

Mohammad was interrogated for two months at the Kishon detention centre in northern Israel. His lawyer told me he was repeatedly asked about his meetings, contacts and political activities in Europe. He alleges that Mohammad was kept in isolation, deprived of sleep, questioned round the clock, and threatened with death.

On Monday, Mohammad was formally placed in Israeli administrative detention for three months. He is the latest of more than 335 Palestinians held in this way, a practice based on a 1945 emergency British Mandate law and highlighted in a report last month by the Israeli human rights groups B’Tselem and HaMoked.

I first met Mohammad Othman in Jayyous a year ago, during a protest against the annexation of the towns’s farmland to build Israel’s wall. Residents had just had their permits to cross the wall to their farms revoked, and had rekindled their earlier campaign of resistance. He led me down an alley as soldiers began retaking the main street with tear gas and rubber bullets, forcing young boys to retreat from the barricades that were blocking the military jeeps from driving through the town. “We constantly worry about army raids and arrests, all the local activists do,” he told me after we were out of the line of fire.

On Sunday, almost exactly a year after that in Jayyous, I watched Mohammad stand in front of a military tribunal housed in a barracks that looked like an oversized chicken-coop inside Israel’s Ofer prison in the West Bank. His lawyers were appealing against his prolonged detention without charge.

Outside the court, family members of other detained Palestinians clung to the fence, waiting for news about their loved ones. British and German consular officials and representatives from Israeli and international NGOs filled the small courtroom. Shackled at the legs, and having only a fraction of the proceedings against him translated, Mohammad raised his fist twice to the gallery in a gesture of strength and resistance.

Across the West Bank, just as in that courtroom, Israel is trying to tighten its grip on expressions of Palestinian self-determination. The border village of Bil’in has captured the international eye with a forceful and well-documented resistance campaign against the dispossession caused by Israel’s wall. It is precisely such international calls from Palestinian society that Israel is targeting with a systematic campaign of violence and incarceration inside its controlled territory.

This summer a committee of representatives from Bil’in visited Canada to support a lawsuit against two Israeli settlement construction companies registered in Montreal. When they returned, their leader, Mohammad Khatib, was arrested by the Israeli army. And while those two companies continued to build illegal homes on the farmland of Bil’in, the military conducted systematic raids into the village for three months.

When I last spoke to Mohammad Khatib in September, he was exhausted from a combination of the Ramadan fast and constant night-time army invasions. He told me that young people arrested in Bil’in were severely beaten by the army on the way to interrogation, and then had confessions beaten out of them.

Last Thursday, pressure on the town again escalated again when undercover Israeli soldiers beat and arrested a 19-year-old village activist, Mohammed Yasin. Gaby Lasky, the lawyer for the Bil’in detainees, says she has been told by the military prosecution that the army intends to put an end to the village’s anti-wall demonstrations by using the full force of the law against protesters.

And that is the strategy of Benjamin Netanyau: hit all pressure points. On the diplomatic stage he is demanding acquiescence from the Palestinians’ official representatives, but that policy is not limited to a public-relations dance with a Palestinian Authority that a growing number of people are calling to be dissolved. The aim is to turn the Palestinians’ internationally heard call for solidarity into a cry for Israeli mercy. It is being expressed in military raids on Palestinian homes, and in political prisoners held without trial in Israeli jails and tied to chairs in interrogation rooms.