BBC: Hope flowers for West Bank school

By Raffi Berg

For the Palestinian children of Hope Flowers School, violence and conflict is a part of everyday life.

Just six km (four miles) from Jerusalem, their village has seen repeated Israeli incursions, shootings and demolitions by the army.

It is fertile breeding ground for militancy, but, at the hilltop school – a unique project in the West Bank and Gaza – concepts of hatred and retribution are shunned.

“Unfortunately we’re in a time when hate has escalated between the two sides,” says Ghada Ghabboun, the school’s co-director.

“For many Palestinians, Israelis are the enemy, and vice-versa, but here we work hard against this kind of stereotyping.”

Founded as a kindergarten in 1984, the institution places peace and democracy at the heart of its syllabus and extra-curricula activities, promoting non-violence and dialogue as means for conflict resolution.

As such, its methods and programmes have been groundbreaking.

Hope Flowers was the first school in the Palestinian territories to hold inter-faith lessons, instead of splitting its Christian and Muslim pupils into separate classes, and has invited rabbis from Israel to teach the pupils about Judaism.

It was also the first Palestinian school to teach Hebrew, to try to engender trust among the children towards Israelis.

The move did not go down well with local Palestinian militants, who accused the school’s founder, Hussein Issa, of being a collaborator and torched the school bus.

“There were so many challenges,” says Ms Ghabboun. “In the 1980s, it was a new idea. Back then, Palestinians rejected the idea of speaking to Israelis and the notion of co-existence.

“But after 23 years, the school has succeeded and managed to overcome the opposition of Palestinians.”

Firebombed

The vision of the school was born out of the grinding poverty and harsh conditions of the Deheishe refugee camp, just south of Bethlehem, to which Hussein Issa’s family fled during the 1948-49 Arab-Israeli war.

While many of his contemporaries harboured thoughts of revenge, he sought a different way to effect positive change for the Palestinians, by bringing Arabs and Israelis together.

To this end he established the al-Amal – or Hope – kindergarten, for Israeli and Palestinian children – the first such centre of its kind, embracing children from both sides of the conflict.

Some Palestinians, however, opposed the concept violently. Hussein Issa was a target of attack, his car was set on fire and the family home was firebombed.

It is precisely this fear of the unknown which the school aims to dispel.

“When you speak about ‘the enemy’ you don’t know him, you create an image of a monster, you deprive him of his humanity,” says Hussein Issa’s son, Ibrahim, also a co-director of the school.

“I have many Israeli friends and some I differ with, but we have one common ground, we are all human beings, and it’s important to see even your enemy in this way.”

Through the 1980s and 90s, as contacts between Israelis and Palestinians – politically and socially – began to grow, so the kindergarten began to take root.

It evolved into Hope Flowers school in 1989, and by the year 2000, some 600 students from Bethlehem, Hebron, Jerusalem and surrounding villages were on its register.

The school was recognised by the Palestinian Authority and there were even exchange programmes with Israeli schools in Netanya, Hadera and Tel Aviv.

Demolition threat

Hussein Issa lived to see his dream become a reality but died in March 2000.

Before the end of the year, the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada dealt the school a devastating blow.

The exchange programmes with Israeli schools ground to a halt when the Israeli government barred its citizens from travelling to Palestinian areas because of security risks.

As unemployment in the West Bank soared as a result of the closure of the territory, pupils’ parents lost their jobs and could no longer afford the US $550-a-year (UK £270) tuition fees.

With an increasing financial burden, the school was eventually forced to lay off 16 of its 30-strong staff.

Israeli road closures and other obstacles also meant many children could no longer reach the school, and the number of pupils fell by more than half.

But a more immediate threat to the future of Hope Flowers lies just beyond its peeling blue painted gates.

There the Israeli army is building part of its 700km-long West Bank barrier, which staff say will cut the school off from other parts of the West Bank.

Israel says the barrier is meant as protection against suicide bombers, while Palestinians see it as a device to grab land and the International Court of Justice has declared it illegal.

“It’s frightening. When the wall is finished, there will be surveillance cameras, trenches and watch-towers,” says Ms Ghabboun.

“For the Israelis, these are security measures, but for us they mean danger.”

In the shadow of the wall lies the school’s unfinished cafeteria, under demolition order by the Israeli army since 1998. The order is frozen pending appeals.

The structure now also falls inside a 200m no-man’s-land on either side of the wall, within which construction is prohibited.

Officials say the order was issued because the cafeteria was built without a permit, but staff believe it is to make way for the expansion of the adjacent Jewish settlement of Efrat.

Nor does the school itself have a building permit from the Israeli authorities, which means it too could one day be pulled down.

Mr Issa says a permit would cost $60,000, which the school could not possibly afford.
But despite such obstacles, Ms Ghabboun is sanguine about the future.

“There have been worse times than this in our history,” she says. “Normal life is difficult for the Palestinians, but the name of the school is Hope, so we’ll never say we can’t go on.”

Anti-wall Protests: army violence in Bil`in, relative restraint in Walaja

By Ghassan Bannoura/John Smith
IMEMC

September 28, 2007

http://www.imemc.org/article/50679
http://www.imemc.org/article/50677

Video coverage Bil`in at http://mishtara.org/blog/?p=250

Nine injured in the weekly non violent protest at Bil`in

At the weekly non violent protest at the village of Bil`in, located near the central West Bank city of Ramallah, nine civilians were injured due to Israeli army attacks on the protest.

Villagers, Internationals and Israelis marched after conducting the Friday prayers in the village towards the wall which Israel is building on the stolen village land.

Regardless of the fact that the Israeli high court of Justice, at the beginning of the month, ruled that the section of the wall built in Bil`in is an illegal structure and should be removed. The Israeli army nevertheless attacked the civilian protesters with batons, sound bombs and tear gas injuring nine of them.

Among those injured were Mustafa Al Khatib, Abdullah Abu Rahmah and Mohammed Khalil.

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Peaceful demonstration at al-Walaja village

One hundred Palestinian villagers, alongside Israeli and international supporters, on Friday conducted a non-violent protest at the construction site of the illegal Israeli Wall that is destroying the village lands of al-Walaja.

At Friday mid-day, the protestors gathered for prayers, shortly after which the demonstrators marched towards the wall`s construction site, holding flags and banners calling for the Wall to be torn down.

Israeli soldiers surrounded the demonstration, marching with it, but not intervening in protest`s progress.

Protestors remained at the site for one-and-a-half hours, while speeches were delivered by local organizers, shortly after which the demonstration peacefully dispersed.

Christian Science Monitor: Nonviolent protest gains in West Bank

By Joshua Mitnick

A Supreme Court decision in favor of one protesting village has inspired others.

from the September 24, 2007 edition

Al Walajeh, West Bank – “All those who love the prophet should lend a hand!”

Ten shouting Palestinians were pushing against one boulder, but the primitive Israeli roadblock cutting off the tiny Palestinian village from Bethlehem was not budging. Then, with the help of two giant crowbars, an Israel protester, and a Japanese backpacker, the group heaved the stone aside, opening the road for the first time in three years.

“Tomorrow they’ll bring a bulldozer and move it back,” sighed Sheerin Alaraj, a village resident and a demonstration organizer. “Then next week we’ll come back again to protest.”

Inspired by the experience of other Palestinian villages, the Al Walajeh demonstrators are part of a small but growing core of protesters combining civil disobedience with legal petitions to fight Israeli policies.

Earlier this month, the village of Bilin, which has held weekly protests since 2004, garnered widespread attention and praise in the Palestinian press when the Israeli Supreme Court ordered a part of the military’s separation barrier near Bilin to be dismantled. Increasingly, other Palestinian villages are following Bilin’s lead, though it remains to be seen whether this kernel of nonviolence will grow into a full-fledged movement.

“Before Bilin, people never had faith it would achieve anything, neither nonviolence, nor the legal system,” says Mohammed Dajani, a political science professor at Al Quds University. “Maybe this will be a response to the skeptics, that, ‘Look, it works.’ ”

Nonviolence means more attention

While Palestinian militants dominate international headlines through suicide bombings and firing rockets on Israeli towns, residents of Bilin and a handful of other tiny farming villages like Al Walajeh have eschewed the armed struggle. Instead, they have linked arms with Israeli peace activists and chained themselves to trees to delay Army bulldozers cutting a swath for an electronic fence severing the villagers from their land.

Though Palestinians glorify the armed militiamen and those killed in battle with Israel, protest leaders say the nonlethal tactics have one crucial advantage: it attracts Israeli and international peace activists, who in turn bring sympathetic media coverage.

The leaders sound like a Palestinian version of Martin Luther King Jr., and their voices have become more prominent in the ongoing debate about whether peaceful or military actions will win their statehood.

“We use nonviolence as a way of life…. We learned from many experiences: like India, Martin Luther [King], and South Africa,” says Samer Jabber, who oversees a network of activists in the villages surrounding Bethlehem.

Every Friday in Bilin for the past three years the protesters have faced tear gas, rubber bullets, and beatings that have caused hundreds of injuries. Demonstrators sometimes threw rocks, one of which caused a soldier to lose an eye. (While leaders say they’re against such violence, followers don’t always hold the line.)

“The belief in one’s rights is more important than anything else. If I am confident about my rights, nothing will make me despair,” says Iyad Burnat, a Bilin resident and one of the protest leaders. “When you resist an Israeli soldier by peaceful means, their weapons become irrelevant.”

The strategy paid off when the Supreme Court ruled that the current path of the fence around Bilin offered no security advantages. Villagers will now be able to reach their crops without having to pass through gates in the fence manned by soldiers.

In Al Walajeh, Ms. Alaraj says the protests would be meaningless without a challenge in the Israeli courts. Villagers fear that the construction of the separation wall – set to be more than 400 miles long total, affecting 92 Palestinian communities – will leave the hamlet completely surrounded.

Praise from the Palestinian press

Even though the Bilin ruling was not the first time the court ordered a portion of the barrier moved, it has resonated widely among Palestinians.

“It has become obvious that popular civil resistance has become the best way for national resistance from the occupation,” wrote Waleed Salem in an Al Quds newspaper op-ed.

The civil disobedience taps into Palestinian nostalgia for the first intifada in the late 1980s, marked by grass-roots participation and stone-throwing.The current uprising is led by a network of underground militias, most of which have ties to political parties.

A way to heal Palestinian rifts, too

Just three months after Palestinians watched Hamas’s violent takeover of the Gaza Strip from the Fatah-run militias, nonviolent protest against Israel is being seen as a way to heal rifts among Palestinians.

“Armed struggle has a side effect on the occupied people. Palestinians start to use this tool against the occupation, but in the end they use it against themselves,” says Jabber. “Violence has become part of the culture. We realize that we have to reform.”

In 2002, an open letter by Palestinian intellectuals against the use of suicide bombing failed to trigger a change in the uprising. Now, the demonstrations draw, at best, several hundred protesters – possibly because the protests are taking place in poor and isolated villages.Last Friday, only several dozen came out to move the boulders in Al-Walajeh. Palestinians say that after seven years of daily conflict, people are exhausted. “It’s because of frustration,” says Alaraj. “There’s been real poverty in the last two years. And when you’re not eating, then you don’t think of anything else.”

The opening of the road, organizers hope, will encourage more people to join the protests. “If everyone moves forward toward that objective it will be most effective,” says Abdel Hajajreh, a demonstrator. “Don’t forget, Gandhi liberated an entire country.”

Indymedia: Al Walaja resists roadblocks and Illegal Apartheid Wall

On Friday, September 21st, the people of Al Walaja village, in coordination with international and Israeli activists, came together to protest the Apartheid wall as they have done before. This week however, they added a variation, trying to demonstrate also against the matrix of repression throughout the West Bank, represented by roadblocks in this village.

They wanted to combine the struggles, against the building of the Apartheid Wall, and against the road blocks – the older means of restricting the freedom of the Palestinians in the occupied territories. This worked with the usual success… as the policy of the state forces is to allow the removal of roadblocks during the demonstration and restore them soon afterwards.

Following is the report of a comrade who participated in the demo. The article is in Hebrew with pictures at: israel.indymedia.org/newswire/display/7504/index.php

“Like in every Friday of the last few months, this Friday too, tens of Palestinian peace activists, Israelis, and internationals, arrived for the demonstration against the Apartheid Wall which is being built in the Walaja village near Har Gilo.

As the previous demonstration that was at the route of the Apartheid Wall was dispersed with high level of violence – with nine injured demonstrators, this week the people chose the way to the main entrance road of the village. With joint efforts, they succeeded to remove the road block and enabled free traffic to the neighbouring Palestinian villages.

The Apartheid Wall is being built on the lands of the village to separate them from the colonialist settlement Har Gilo. It will encircle the village completely leaving only one entrance under control of the Israeli soldiers.

The passage through that entrance will be allowed only for inhabitants of the village and will isolate the people of Walaja from the rest of the West Bank.”

Non-Violent Protest in Al-Walaja Turns Ugly as Israeli Army Rears its Head

Al Walaja Village, Bethlehem region, inside the Jerusalem Municipality

Today, September 14th, demonstrators against the Apartheid Wall in the village of Al Walaja were met with severe repression by Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF). Walaja, which is located 8 kilometers west of Bethlehem, has taken up nonviolent resistance in protest of the building of the Apartheid Wall, which, when completed, will completely encircle the village. This will sever many villagers from their livelihoods in nearby Jerusalem, resulting in increased rates of unemployment. In Walaja 65 houses and the village mosque are slated for demolition under Israel’s policy of using state-sponsored terror to force indigenous Palestinians to emigrate. The future of the village appears bleak.

In today’s demonstration, around 100 Palestinians, Israeli, and international activists gathered for a march to the Apartheid Wall. After the men of the village finished their prayer, the people marching climbed a hill in an attempt to reach the wall, but they were prevented from doing so by a line of IOF soldiers and military jeeps. While soldiers attempted to push the demonstrators back, the activists linked arms and held their ground. The activists then gathered around a military jeep and began chanting slogans against the illegal occupation of their land.

After about thirty minutes of non-violent demonstrating, the IOF set off a sound bomb in the middle of the demonstration, and soldiers began striking at the crowd with their wooden clubs. Several demonstrators, attempting to retreat, slid on the rocks and fell, and at least one Palestinian man was seen receiving hits repeatedly with a club while he was on the ground. A British activist was beaten several times with a club on his legs, hand, and chest. Soldiers also kicked demonstrators repeatedly. While this was taking place, several soldiers went around the crowd, attempting to arrest at least two Palestinians, seemingly at random. These attempted kidnappings were prevented with the help of other activists.

By this time most of the demonstrators had retreated down the hill, and many were returning to the village. After the violent provocation from the soldiers, some Palestinian youth began to throw a few stones. Before the handful of youth could be dealt with by the much larger non-violent contingent, tear gas canisters were thrown at the activists, effectively dispersing those that remained.

Several villagers from Walaja raised fears that the IOF would pursue the demonstrators into the village, and to prevent this stones and a garbage container were placed in the street as barriers. Fortunately, the military did not invade the village. The demonstration ended with villagers returning to their homes and Israeli and international supporters leaving for other cities. For some Israeli activists however, it did not end there. One group had parked their car within the line of fire of the IOF and returned to find their windows smashed in an apparent case of army-sponsored vandalism.