Haaretz: Israel passes law banning calls for boycott

11 July 2011 | Ha’aretz

The Knesset passed Monday a law penalizing persons or organizations that boycott Israel or the settlements, by a vote of 47 to 38.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was not present during the vote. MK Zeev Elkin (Likud), who proposed the law, said the law is not meant to silence people, but “to protect the citizens of Israel.”

According to the law, a person or an organization calling for the boycott of Israel, including the settlements, can be sued by the boycott’s targets without having to prove that they sustained damage. The court will then decide how much compensation is to be paid. The second part of the law says a person or a company that declare a boycott of Israel or the settlements will not be able to bid in government tenders.

MK Nitzan Horowitz from Meretz blasted the law, calling it outrageous and shameful. “We are dealing with a legislation that is an embarrassment to Israeli democracy and makes people around the world wonder if there is actually a democracy here,” he said. Ilan Gilon, another Meretz MK, said the law would further delegitimize Israel.

Kadima opposition party spokesman said the Netanyahu government is damaging Israel. “Netanyahu has crossed a red line of political foolishness today and national irresponsibility, knowing the meaning of the law and it’s severity, while giving in to the extreme right that is taking over the Likkud.”

On Sunday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held discussions with Speaker of the Knesset, Reuven Rivlin and MK Elkin. The three discussed whether to have the Knesset vote on the law on Monday, a day after MK Dan Meridor warned that approving the law on the same day of the Quartet meeting may cause damage to Israel. Before midnight on Sunday the prime minister’s office announced there is no reason to delay the vote.

Before the vote, the Knesset’s legal adviser, attorney Eyal Yanon, published a legal assessment saying parts of the law edge towards “illegality and perhaps beyond.” He went on to warn that the law “damages the core of freedom of expression in Israel.” Yanon’s assessment contradicts that of Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein, who said the bill is legal.

Peace Now movement announced Monday it opened a Facebook page calling for a boycott of products that come from the settlements. On Tuesday it plans to launch a national campaign, with the aim of convincing tens of thousands of people to support the boycott.

Palestinians in Gaza march for return on Naksa Day

5 June 2011 | International Solidarity Movement

Photo by Rashad AbuMudallala

Hundreds of Palestinian refugees rallied outside the Erez Crossing in Beit Hanoun today to demand the right to return to the homes from which they and their families were ethnically cleansed by Zionist militias and Israeli military forces beginning in 1947. They were joined by other Palestinians and foreign supporters, including the International Solidarity Movement – Gaza Strip.

The demonstration, organized by the Preparatory Commission for the Right to Return, marked the 44th anniversary of the Naksa, or “setback,” Israel’s 1967 occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank and its accompanying expulsion of 300,000 refugees from their homeland. Many of them had already been forced from their original homes during the Nakba, or “catastrophe,” the displacement of 711,000 Palestinians by Zionist militias in 1947-1948.

The rally was addressed by representatives of a broad range of political parties and civil society organizations.

Another nearby gathering, organized by the Beit Hanoun Local Initiative, celebrated Palestinian culture with an exhibition of traditional food, clothing, and lifestyles.

Simultaneous demonstrations by Palestinians elsewhere faced violent repression, including lethal force, from the Israeli military. The Syrian Arab News Agency reported that live gunfire by Israeli forces had killed 23 protesters, including a child, a woman, and a journalist, and injured over 350, outside the occupied Golan Heights. At the Qalandia checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem, Israeli troops targeted hundreds of demonstrators with tear gas, concussion grenades, and rubber-coated bullets, injuring dozens.

The mobilization drew support from allies of the Palestinian struggle across the world, including Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign organizers.

The Palestinians of Israel are poised to take centre stage

11 November 2010 | Seumas Milne, The Guardian

In a quiet street in the Sheikh Jarrah district of occupied East Jerusalem 88-year-old Rifka al-Kurd is explaining how she came to live in the house she and her husband built as Palestinian refugees in the 1950s. As she speaks, three young ultra-orthodox Jewish settlers swagger in to stake their claim to the front part of the building, shouting abuse in Hebrew and broken Arabic: “Arab animals”, “shut up, whore”.

There is a brief physical confrontation with Rifka’s daughter as the settlers barricade themselves in to the rooms they have occupied since last winter. That was when they finally won a court order to take over the Kurd family’s extension on the grounds that it was built without permission – which Palestinians in Jerusalem are almost never granted. It is an ugly scene, the settlers’ chilling arrogance underpinned by the certain knowledge that they can call in the police and army at will.

But such takeovers of Palestinian homes in Sheikh Jarrah have become commonplace, and the focus of continual protest. The same is true in nearby Silwan, home to upwards of 30,000 Palestinians next to the Old City, where 88 homes to 1,500 Palestinians have been lined up for demolition to make way for a King David theme park and hundreds of settlers are protected round the clock by trigger-happy security guards.

Throughout the Arab areas of Jerusalem, as in the West Bank, the government is pressing ahead with land expropriations, demolitions and settlement building, making the prospects of a Palestinian state ever more improbable. More than a third of the land in East Jerusalem has been expropriated since it was occupied in 1967 to make way for Israeli colonists, in flagrant violation of international law.

Israel’s latest settlement plans were not “helpful”, Barack Obama ventured on Tuesday. But while US-sponsored Israeli-Palestinian negotiations go nowhere and attention has been focused on the brutal siege of Gaza, the colonisation goes on. It is also proceeding apace in Israel proper, where the demolition of Palestinian Bedouin villages around the Negev desert has accelerated under Binyamin Netanyahu.

About 87,000 Bedouin live in 45 “unrecognised” villages, without rights or basic public services, because the Israeli authorities refuse to recognise their claim to the land. All have demolition orders hanging over them, while hundreds of Jewish settlements have been established throughout the area.

The Israeli writer Amos Oz calls the Negev a “ticking time bomb”. The village of Araqeeb has been destroyed six times in recent months and each time it has been reconstructed by its inhabitants. The government wants to clear the land and move the Bedouin into designated townships. But even there, demolitions are carried out on a routine basis.

At the weekend, a mosque in the Bedouin town of Rahat was torn down by the army in the night. By Sunday afternoon, local people were already at work on rebuilding it, as patriotic songs blared out from the PA system and activists addressed an angry crowd.

The awakening of the Negev Bedouin, many of whom used to send their sons to fight in the Israeli army, reflects a wider politicisation of the Arab citizens of Israel. Cut off from the majority of Palestinians after 1948, they tried to find an accommodation with the state whose discrimination against them was, in the words of former prime minister Ehud Olmert, “deep-seated and intolerable” from the first.

That effort has as good as been abandoned. The Arab parties in the Israeli Knesset now reject any idea of Israel as an ethnically defined state, demanding instead a “state of all its people”. The influential Islamic Movement refuses to take part in the Israeli political system at all. The Palestinians of ’48, who now make up getting on for 20% of the population, are increasingly organising themselves on an independent basis – and in common cause with their fellow Palestinians across the Green Line.

Palestinian experience inside Israel, from land confiscations to settlement building and privileged ethnic segregation, is not after all so different from what has taken place in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. After 1948, the Palestinians of Jaffa who survived ethnic cleansing were forced to share their houses with Jewish settlers – just as Rifka al-Kurd is in Jerusalem today. The sense of being one people is deepening.

That has been intensified by ever more aggressive attempts under the Netanyahu government to bring Israel’s Arab citizens to heel, along with growing demands to transfer hundreds of thousands of them to a future West Bank administration. A string of new laws targeting the Palestinian minority are in the pipeline, including the bill agreed by the Israeli cabinet last month requiring all new non-Jewish citizens to swear an oath of allegiance to Israel as a Jewish state.

Pressure on Palestinian leaders and communities is becoming harsher. A fortnight ago more than a thousand soldiers and police were on hand to protect a violent march by a far-right racist Israeli group through the Palestinian town of Umm al-Fahm. The leader of the Islamic Movement, Ra’ed Salah, is in prison for spitting at a policeman; the Palestinian MP Haneen Zoabi has been stripped of her parliamentary privileges for joining the Gaza flotilla; and leading civil rights campaigner Ameer Makhoul faces up to 10 years in jail after being convicted of the improbable charge of spying for Hezbollah.

Meanwhile Israel is also demanding that the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah recognise Israel as a Jewish state as part of any agreement. Few outside the Palestinian Authority – or even inside it – seem to believe that the “peace process” will lead to any kind of settlement. Even Fatah leaders such as Nabil Sha’ath now argue that the Palestinians need to consider a return to armed resistance, or a shift to the South African model of mass popular resistance, also favoured by prominent Palestinians in Israel.

As for the people who actually won the last elections, Mahmoud Ramahi, the Hamas secretary general of the Palestinian parliament, reminded me on Monday that the US continues to veto any reconciliation with Fatah. He was arrested by the Israelis barely 24 hours later, just as talks between the two parties were getting going in Damascus.

The focus of the Palestinian-Israeli struggle has shifted over the last 40 years from Jordan to Lebanon to the occupied territories. With the two-state solution close to collapse, it may be that the Palestinians of Israel are at last about to move centre stage. If so, the conflict that more than any other has taken on a global dimension will have finally come full circle.

Why is Israel laying claim to an Arab home in Jaffa?

Dana Weiler-Polak | Ha’aretz

22 November 2009

Tziona Tajer Street in Jaffa, off the main thoroughfare, Yefet, begins with a lush park and ends in a narrow picturesque alleyway bounded by refurbished old homes. One of these houses, behind a heavy blue gate, belongs to the Shaya family. Hanging by the entrance is a large portrait of the family patriarch, Salim Khoury Shaya, a priest who served in the 1920s as the spiritual leader of the Christian Arab (Greek Orthodox) community. Around that time he also built the house on a hill in Jaffa.

Salim Khoury Shaya died at age 90 in 1963. His daughter-in-law, Fadwa Shaya, who married his son George, is now the eldest resident of the house, where she has lived since 1947 and where her children and some of her grandchildren grew up. In the guest room, surrounded by hand-carved dressers and ornate 1930s-era mirrors, she tells the story of the Shaya family, at least the three generations she knows.

Salim Khoury Shaya’s seven children, she says, lived in the house their father built. In 1948, three of them went to visit relatives in Lebanon, where they got stuck when Israel’s War of Independence broke out and weren’t able to return. The other four siblings – George, Evelyn, Awda and Claire Shaya – remained in the house; their children are now in their 40s.

In 1950, after the Knesset passed the Absentee Property Law, the house was transferred to the Custodian of Absentee Property. (A 1954 Supreme Court ruling said that “the Absentee Property Law is meant to fill a temporary role: to preserve absentee properties lest they become abandoned and open to looting.”) It took nine years, until 1959, for the state to recognize the rights of the four siblings who were not absentees and still lived in the house, but the authorities still did not completely give up their hold on the property.

Instead, a partnership was declared giving the state ownership of 40 percent of the house in place of the absentee siblings. The family was left with ownership of the other 60 percent. Government-owned housing company Amidar, which took over management of the property, says there are hundreds more such houses, all belonging to Arabs, that have been jointly owned by the state since some of the owners left in 1948 or later.

In the 1950s, George Shaya and his siblings tried to fight the forced partnership, arguing that before they left the other siblings sold them their stake in the house. The absentee siblings also traveled to Cyprus and signed an affidavit to this effect, but an Israeli court rejected it. In June 1960, the court turned down the siblings’ request to receive full ownership of their house, and in 1963 the Israel Lands Administration received custody of 40 percent of the house. That year, Salim Khoury Shaya died.

George Shaya continued to fight for the house until his death in 1973. His daughter, Mary Kusa, remembers her father always saying that “I don’t want to buy my house.” She and the other children grew up, married and had families. Some still live in the house.

George’s son Sami says that in the 1990s they tried to buy the state’s stake in the house, but Amidar refused. Amidar maintains, meanwhile, that the company wanted to sell but that disputes in the family prevented the deal from going through.

Amidar also says that over the years the family has refused to sign a contract and pay rental fees to Amidar, even though, “by law, when one or more owners makes exclusive use of the property he must pay the owners a relative portion of the fees for use of the property.”

Fadwa Shaya says the family feared that paying rent would be perceived as conferring recognition of the state’s ownership of the house, so they did not pay. She also says the state did not see to the maintenance of the house, as it should have. “I paid and took care of every problem that came up,” she says. “There were times when everything was falling apart and I paid for everything, even when I was a widow with four children.”

The family ignored the demands for rent payments until, in June 2007, they received a demand that was hard to ignore, for a payment of about NIS 213,000 – a cumulative bill for seven years of rent (calculated at 40 percent of monthly rent of NIS 6,340). The siblings asked Amidar to look into the matter. They say the company was understanding and promised to get back to them. The family waited patiently and cooperated with an appraiser sent by Amidar to value the house; they also cooperated with the people who took measurements to see if anything had changed over the years.

In retrospect, says one daughter, Anisa Shaya, “We learned that we were fighting people who weren’t really concerned about the people whose house this was. They were only interested in the business side – how much they’d get if the house were sold.”

The siblings say Jaffa’s rising property values are behind the move. According to Kusa, “Our feeling is that Amidar came after us. When we went to them [in June 2007] they didn’t give us a straight answer and just asked for the neighbors’ phone numbers. One day, my brother got a phone call from a detective wanting information about who lived in the house. Apparently they wanted to check if the house was rented and if they could demand part of the rental money.”

They were even more stunned when, less than three months later, with no prior notice and without having received any answers, the ILA’s development arm sued them in Tel Aviv Magistrate’s Court. The authority was seeking to dissolve the partnership, which basically meant that the house would be sold. “It’s a feeling of injustice,” says Anisa Shaya. “First they show up out of the blue demanding money, and the next minute they want to throw us out on the street. Where is my mother who has lived in this house since 1947 supposed to go?”

The first hearing in the case is scheduled for February. Attorney Hisham Shabaita from Tel Aviv University’s Human Rights Clinic is representing the family. “The state is cynically and aggressively seeking to dispossess citizens of their home that was built before the state’s founding, solely because they are Arabs,” he says. “The state’s aim to act upon a dubious partnership in a residence, a partnership born out of the controversial Absentee Property Law … stems from pure greed.”

Kusa adds: “I have no doubt that if we were Jews the state would not be doing this. Our whole lives we have felt that we are part of this society. Even as a member of a minority I never considered anywhere else home. But it’s clear to me that if I were to convert, they would behave differently.”

Even now, with the echoes of their father’s battle still in their heads, the siblings say all they want is to resolve the dispute and acquire the state’s stake in the property. But they say the other side has no desire to reach a solution and is only interested in tapping the property’s value.

Amidar, which manages the ILA development arm’s assets, said in response that since 2005 it has been in contact with the family in an attempt to reach an accord over the sale of the lot, but the family has not been able to come to an agreement to acquire the property.

“In September 2007, Amidar filed a lawsuit in court over the use of the property without payment of rent to the company, in accordance with the assessment of appropriate usage fees,” the company says. It says Amidar’s development authority for Tel Aviv-Jaffa “would be pleased to cooperate with and come to an agreement with the family.”

The dark side of Tel Aviv

Abe Hayeem | The Guardian

13 October 2009

The centenary of Tel Aviv, a city said to date from 1909, has provided a useful opportunity to present the face of Israel as a hip country built by Jewish pioneers on empty sands. Its vibrant cosmopolitan flavour, its commercial centre, its Mediterranean beaches, its liberal society and culture, are seen as signifying a truly commendable Zionist enterprise. According to the blurb on the centenary celebrations “several dozen families gathered on the sand dunes on the beach outside Yafo to allocate plots of land for a new neighbourhood they called Ahuzat Bayit, later known as Tel Aviv”.

After the horrors of the Gaza onslaught and unending blockade, and the evidence of war crimes committed by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) early this year (which Israel has responded to with hysterical denial) no effort has been spared by the Israeli embassy and its propaganda machines to deflect the attention of the world to Israel’s marvellous technical and medical discoveries, and to use Tel Aviv to present its upbeat image. Hence Tel Aviv festivities were organised in New York, Vienna, Copenhagen and Paris, with the creation of Tel Aviv beaches in Central Park and along the banks of the Seine, the Danube and Copenhagen’s canals.

In London this week, the Israeli embassy teams up with easyJet to promote its new flights to Tel Aviv with a series of events around London to provide “a sweet taste of Israel’s 24-hour city” as a “celebration of Israeli culture, which includes the valuable contribution from many minorities in Israel, such as Christians, Muslims and Druze”.

While there is much on the surface that makes Tel Aviv enticing, this picture must be not be allowed to mask the dark underlying history of ethnic cleansing and land expropriation on which Tel Aviv was built, and that still continues today, even in Jaffa, while savouring the Israeli food and the Bauhaus architecture. In fact, the whole myth of Tel Aviv being built on empty sand dunes has been taken apart by various Israeli scholars, but none of this will feature in the promotional events.

As Yonathan Mendel says in his article “Fantasising Israel” in the London Review of books:

It [Tel Aviv] didn’t just emerge from the sand in 1909, as the Zionist myth tells us. Al-Sumayil, Salame, Sheikh Munis, Abu Kabir, Al-Manshiyeh: these are the names of some of the villages that made room for it and the names are still used today. Tel Avivians still talk about the Abu Kabir neighbourhood, they still meet on Salame Street. Tel Aviv University Faculty Club used to be the house of the sheikh of Sheikh Munis.

The Israeli organisation Zochrot has published maps of Tel Aviv showing where Arab localities existed, particularly in Jaffa and its suburbs to the south, and in smaller villages east and north of the city, but which have been erased from maps of the region and its posted signs.

Initially Tel Aviv in its infancy was an adjunct of Jaffa, which Mendel says:

was probably the most prosperous and cosmopolitan of all Palestinian cities, with a port, an industry (Jaffa oranges), an international school system and a lively cultural life. In 1949, after Jaffa had been almost completely emptied of its Palestinian inhabitants (only 4,000 were left out of a population of 70,000), the Israeli government decided to unite the two cities in one metropolis, to be called ‘Tel Aviv-Jaffa’. In doing this, Ben-Gurion not only created a new Tel Aviv that was ‘part of’ biblical Jaffa, he erased the Palestinian city.

The city was subject to intensive shelling in 1948, when more than 60,000 of its residents were forced to leave – mostly fleeing to Gaza. Seventy-five per cent of the city was bulldozed, leaving only 4,000 Palestinians in the now run-down Ajame and Jabaliah neighbourhoods, which in fact today are the subject of intended clearance by the Amidar corporation, who have imposed fines on the residents for “illegally” improving their houses when they had refused to allow them to upgrade

What will be built in their place is luxurious real estate at fantastic prices beyond the reach of the existing inhabitants. Jaffa today has been turned into a picturesque artists’ colony, in the houses expropriated from their Palestinian owners.

Distant from the portrayal of Tel Aviv as a beautiful cultural city is its significance as the centre for the Israeli military and military research in an area called HaKirya, where the IDF has had its headquarters since it was founded in 1948. In addition to occupying large areas in the heart of Tel Aviv it accommodates the Israeli military deep underground, where the pre-planning and the daily orders for the assaults on Gaza were made.

This supposed “mixed city” of Tel-Aviv/Yafo (even the name Jaffa is not used) has only 4.2% Palestinian residents, compared with the 20% of Israel’s wider population – hardly an indication of the city’s vaunted “diversity”. In fact, as the author and architect Sharon Rotbard has pointed out, Jaffa existed before 1909 as mainly Arab, but in fact a mixed city, with many Palestinian Jews in suburbs established in 1887 and 1905. The new Tel Aviv was established by white European Jews, and thus, as Gabriel Ash says the centennial “is legitimising colonialism through the commemoration of the arrival of white Europeans to the orient”.

The American historian VG Smith comments on Tel Aviv’s Bauhaus architecture:

The myth of Tel Aviv as ‘the White City’ rests on the importation of style characteristics from European Modernism into Israel … and can be understood as a vocabulary of forms or as a social movement to achieve a better life through architecture. To mimic International Style characteristics is as false as the nation’s imitation of a modern state.

As an open letter put it last month, protesting at Toronto International Film Festival’s decision to spotlight Tel Aviv:

Looking at modern, sophisticated Tel Aviv without also considering the city’s past and the realities of Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza strip, would be like rhapsodising about the beauty and elegant lifestyles in white-only Cape Town or Johannesburg during apartheid without acknowledging the corresponding black townships of Khayelitsha and Soweto.