For family of slain activist, no end in sight for case

7 November 2010 | Ethan Bronner, New York Times

Rachel’s family — her father, Craig, her mother, Cindy, and her sister, Sarah — has mostly been at the Haifa District Court, away from their Olympia, Wash., home, while fighting a civil case claiming the intentional and unlawful killing of their daughter.

HAIFA, Israel — Seven years after an American student, Rachel Corrie, was killed in Gaza by an Israeli military bulldozer she tried to block, becoming a global symbol of the Palestinian struggle, her parents and her older sister sit in an Israeli court in this northern city with two hopes: to confront the men who ran over her and to prove that the army investigation into her death was flawed.

On both counts, it has been a frustrating effort. To guard their identities, the bulldozer operators are called only by their initials and testify behind a screen, disembodied voices claiming vague memories. The Corrie lawyer presses them with props: “Mr. A,” he said to a commander this past Thursday, arranging a plastic toy bulldozer, an orange lump of putty and a Raggedy Ann doll, “Where was she when you saw her?”

Mr. A’s answer differed markedly from that of Mr. Y, the driver of the bulldozer who testified two weeks earlier, although both denied seeing her before she was crushed under their vehicle. The army said Ms. Corrie’s death was an accident. The Corries believe the drivers either saw Rachel or were so careless toward the protesters as to be criminally negligent.

On the blond wooden benches of the Haifa District Court, the Corries take notes, volunteer translators whispering in their ears. They have mostly been here, away from their Olympia, Wash., home, since their civil case claiming the intentional and unlawful killing of their daughter began in March and there is no end in sight, with sessions already planned for January. They are exhausted but unbent.

“If I killed someone, I would remember that day for the rest of my life,” Cindy Corrie, Ms. Corrie’s mother, said during a break, eyes tearing, voice shaking. “This is not just about Rachel, but something bigger. What happens to the humanity of soldiers?”

This is indeed about something bigger but just what has been debated since the instant of Ms. Corrie’s death. Books, plays, videos and even an aid ship to Gaza have been dedicated to her memory and spirit, her focus on human rights and the plight of the Palestinians. A student at Evergreen State College in Olympia, Ms. Corrie, then 23, joined the International Solidarity Movement, a pro-Palestinian activist group, in January 2003 and moved to Gaza to help prevent house demolitions in the southern border town of Rafah.

It was the height of the second Palestinian intifada, or uprising, against Israel, which at the time occupied Gaza. The Israelis say the houses in question were the source of sniper fire and arms-smuggling tunnels. Ms. Corrie, by contrast, wrote e-mails home saying that the families she met were gentle people whose houses had been shot at and whose children were harassed for no reason.

“The count of homes destroyed in Rafah since the beginning of this intifada is up around 600, by and large people with no connection to the resistance but who happen to live along the border,” she wrote in one e-mail on Feb. 27, 2003. “I think it is maybe official now that Rafah is the poorest place in the world.”

Rafah was never the poorest place in the world, but Ms. Corrie was writing as an incensed activist, not an economist. For many Israelis, however, the glorification of Ms. Corrie and her activism has amounted to an effort to portray Israel and its army as exceptionally brutal, part of a campaign to delegitimize the state and its security challenges.

The day that Ms. Corrie was killed, her fellow activists sent two photographs of her to news agencies that were then transmitted around the world. The first one showed her standing in an orange jacket with a bullhorn addressing an approaching bulldozer, and the second showed her crumpled on the ground, near death. The clear implication was that the two pictures were sequential, whereas the first was shot hours earlier with a different bulldozer.

The Israeli Army investigation found that the drivers of the bulldozer that killed her did not see Ms. Corrie because she was standing near a high mound of dirt as it approached. The drivers, it said, had limited lines of sight inside their heavily armored vehicle, and that by placing themselves in the bulldozer’s path as human shields, the eight activists bore primary responsibility.

But the Corries believe that the army carried out a lackluster investigation filled with internal contradictions and with insufficient care to what orders soldiers received when faced with civilians in their paths. That view, it turns out, was not only that of a grieving family. It won support from the United States government.

Lawrence B. Wilkerson, who was chief of staff to then-Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, wrote to the Corries in his official capacity in June 2004. He referred to their query whether the American government viewed the military’s final report “to have reflected an investigation that was ‘thorough, credible and transparent.’ I can answer your question without equivocation. No, we do not consider it so.”

Mr. Wilkerson recommended that the Corries pursue the matter in an Israeli court. An observer from the American Embassy in Tel Aviv has attended every session of the case.

Sarah Corrie Simpson, Ms. Corrie’s older sister, who is here with her mother and father, Craig, has taken a leading role in bringing attention to the case. Asked what she thought of how her sister was viewed, she said her family did not consider itself anti-Israel and was not responsible for the way in which Ms. Corrie’s name had been used by groups and causes.

To the contrary, she said, the family was using Israel’s court system to get its army to stand up to the standards it professes, a vote of confidence in the society.

“I don’t see this as about Israel’s legitimacy,” she said in an interview. “My family is not anti-Israel. What Rachel saw when she went to Gaza was extremely troubling and because of what happened to her we are now connected to the Palestinian issue. But Israeli peace activists shared her concern and are helping us with our case. From our family’s perspective, this is about human rights for all people and holding governments accountable.”

Cindy Corrie added, “An Israeli colonel said at this trial that there are no civilians in a war zone. But there are. If that hadn’t been the army’s attitude, maybe my daughter would still be with us.”

IDF general: Naalin shooting an operational accident

03 November 2010 | Ynet News

Commander of IDF colleges Major-General Gershon Hacohen testifies as character witness for former battalion commander Omri Borberg convicted of attempted threats in 2008 shooting incident involving bound Palestinian protester

The defense team of Lieutenant-Colonel Omri Borberg and Staff-Sergeant (res.) Leonardo Corea, who were involved in the shooting of a bound Palestinian protester two years ago, tried to convince judges to mitigate their sentence on Wednesday.

The prosecution is pushing for Borberg’s demotion, a former commander of Battalion 71 in the Armored Corps, which will in effect end his military career.

Three months ago the special military court on the Kirya base convicted Borberg of attempted threats and his soldier Staff Sgt. Corea, of illegal use of a weapon. Both of them were also convicted of inappropriate behavior.

Two high ranking IDF officers reported to the special military court in order to testify as the ex-battalion commander’s character witnesses on Wednesday. Major-General Gershon Hacohen, commander of IDF colleges and former commander of the 36th Division testified in favor of Borberg.

“He’s the finest of men, a man whose judgment can be trusted,” he said. “The incident he was involved in is not a moral failure but an operational accident. The fact that his tenure as battalion commander has been suspended is punishment enough.”

Ground Forces Command Major-General Sami Turjeman is also slated to testify in favor of Borberg whom he knows well.

Facing 3 years in prison

What started as a routine protest of a few dozen Palestinians and left-wing activists in the West Bank village of Naalin on July 7, 2008 turned into one of the IDF’s most significant command and legal matters in recent years. Staff Sgt. Corea fired rubber bullets from close range at anti-fence protester Ashraf Ibrahim Abu Rahma as he was blindfolded and bound and hit close to his shoe.

The maximum punishment Corea and Borberg face is three years in prison.

The judges ruled that Abu Rahma did not pose a threat and that the Borberg’s actions were unlawful. It was further stated that the incident had caused significant damage to the reputation of the IDF, its commanders and soldiers.

Civil resistance to bring down the Walls

1 November 2010 | Ayed Morrar, Huffington Post

Budrus, a documentary film now debuting across the US, tells the story of a successful protest campaign by unarmed Palestinian civilians against Israel’s military occupation in my small West Bank village. Our struggle’s success and the consequent expansion of civil resistance to other West Bank communities may provide hope to viewers desperate for positive news from the Middle East, but today an Israeli crackdown on unarmed Palestinian protesters is threatening this growing movement. For our movement to thrive and serve as a true alternative to violence, we need Americans’ to demand that Israel, a close US ally, end this repression.

Budrus depicts our ten month campaign of protest marches in 2003-2004, which included participation by men, women and children, and by representatives from all Palestinian political factions, along with Israeli and international activists, to resist the construction of Israel’s Separation Barrier on our lands. Young women, led by my 15-year-old daughter Iltezam, ran past armed Israeli soldiers and jumped In front of the bulldozers that were uprooting our ancient olive trees. The soldiers regularly met us with clubs, rubber-coated bullets, curfews, arrests and even live ammunition. But we won in the end. The Israeli military rerouted the barrier in Budrus, allowing us access to almost all of our land.

The film ends with Palestinian and Israeli activists heading to the neighboring village of Ni’ilin where the struggle to save Palestinian land continues today. But following Budrus’s success and faced by a growing numbers of civilians protesting the confiscation of their lands, Israel has responded with military might, attempting to quell this new movement. Twenty Palestinians have since been killed during unarmed demonstrations against the construction of the Separation Barrier.

In Ni’ilin, in the dark of night, Israeli soldiers have staged hundreds of military raids and arrests of civilians from the village; hundreds more were injured — forty by live ammunition, and five, including a ten year old, were shot dead. Today, a horrid 25 foot concrete wall stands in Ni’ilin, behind which lie 620 acres of village lands taken for the expansion of illegal Israeli settlements.

Through a five-year protest campaign, another nearby village, Bil’in, has become an international symbol of nonviolent resistance to Israeli occupation, with world leaders from Jimmy Carter to Desmond Tutu visiting to show support. On October 11th, Abdallah Abu Rahmah, one of Bil’in’s most prominent protest organizers, was sentenced by an Israeli military court to twelve months in jail. His crime — leading demonstrations in his village that were very similar to those I led in Budrus.

During Abdallah’s trial, Israel’s military prosecution repeatedly demanded that an ‘example’ be made of him to deter others who might organize civil resistance. The EU, Britain, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have all condemned Abdallah’s incarceration, yet he remains in prison.

Palestinians’ wishes are simple — we want what is ours, our land, with true sovereignty. We want freedom, equality and civil rights — what Martin Luther King, Jr. called in his Letter from a Birmingham Jail “our constitutional and God-given rights.”

But Israel is sending a clear message — even unarmed resistance by ordinary civilians demanding basic rights will be crushed. It is little known that the second intifada began not with guns and suicide bombings against civilians, but rather with protest marches to Israeli military checkpoints inside the occupied West Bank, and with civil disobedience in the tradition of the US civil rights movement. Israel responded by firing over 1.3 million live bullets in one month into crowds of protesters. When ordinary people could no longer afford to risk protesting, small groups turned, in anger and despair, to armed resistance.

Budrus’s struggle showed that civil resistance can bring down walls, both literal and those of the heart, and set an example for a bright future for Israelis and Palestinians in this biblical land. Today Palestinian and Israeli protesters are together confronting Israel’s military occupation in other villages. But this hopeful possibility is now threatened again by Israeli bullets and arrests.

For this future to materialize, those who are outraged by the violence deployed against protesters must demand an end to the injustice. If Americans want to see the example of Budrus continue to spread, individuals, civil society groups and the US government must act to pressure Israel to end its brutal crackdown on civilian protesters.

Clashes erupt at Israel march

27 October, 2010 | Al Jazeera

Violence between police and Palestinian-Israeli protesters angered by a march by a right-wing Jewish group.

Our Land of Israel supporters in the town of Umm al-Fahm in northern Israel.

Violent clashes have broken out between Palestinian-Israelis and Israeli police in response to a demonstration by members of a right-wing Jewish group in the town of Umm al-Fahm in northern Israel.

Israeli police fired tear gas at a crowd of Palestinian-Israelis who had gathered to protest against the march by about 70 Our Land of Israel supporters through the mainly Arab town.

The Jewish protesters were calling for the Islamic Movement of Israel, led by Sheikh Raed Salah, to be made illegal.

Dozens of young Palestinians threw stones at police, who had been deployed to prevent a repeat of the violence that took place last year.

The police responded with tear gas and baton charges, Al Jazeera’s Sherine Tadros reported.

“Certainly police were expecting this kind of violence and it has manifested itself,” she said.

Fifteen of the Palestinian demonstrators were injured, two of them members of the Knesset.

No Our Land of Israel protesters were arrested, but ten from the Palestinian side were.

Plainclothes Israeli police officers were seen amongst the Palestinian protesters with handguns firing shots.

Protesters have said that they believe live ammunition was used, a charge which Israeli police deny.

Micky Rosenfeld, a spokesperson for the Israeli police, told Al Jazeera their level of response “did not involve live fire or rubber bullets”.

“Soft balls were used, which in fact only cause minimum amount of damage and no one was injured seriously, in terms of those causing the riots,” he said.

“Unfortunately five Israeli police officers were injured, they were on standby when they were attacked.”

‘Long-term provocation’

Hundreds of riot police were deployed in anticipation of violence on Tuesday. Other units are also on alert across northern Israel and helicopters were patrolling the skies.

But while police acted to separate the marchers from the town’s population, the messages on their signs – that Israel should “be cleansed” of its Palestinian inhabitants – were still visible.

“This is part of a long-term provocation that’s been taking place,” Marwan Bishara, Al Jazeera’s senior political analyst, said.

“This is one of the multiple fault lines between the Palestinians and Israel.

“This is a struggle that’s been going on for a while now between the Palestinian minority and some on the fringe of Israeli society that in Europe you would certainly call a fascist movement.

“One of its main goals is the expulsion of the Palestinians citizens in Israel.”

‘Provocation’

The march roughly coincides with the 20th anniversary of the assassination of Rabbi Meir Kahane, a right-wing religious leader who routinely referred to Palestinians as “dogs” and called for their expulsion from Israel.

Afu Agbaria, an Arab parliamentarian who joined other officials in protesting against the march, called it a “provocation against the people of Umm al-Fahm and the Arab minority in the country.”

“They are attacking the legitimacy of the Arab presence in the country in co-ordination with the right-wing extremists in the government,” he said.

Most Palestinian-Israelis live in the north of Israel. Umm al-Fahm is the second biggest Arab city in the county and the centre of the Islamic Movement.

“Given the context, really of the timing of this march and the fact that the Arabs here, the Palestinians citizens of Israel, very much feel discriminated against – both on a public level and in terms of Israeli government policy,” Tadros reported.

In the past few weeks, far-right Jewish groups have spray painted Palestinian property with racist graffiti.

Caterpillar to delay supply of D9 bulldozers to IDF

25 October, 2010 | The Jerusalem Post

Caterpillar, the company which supplies the IDF with bulldozers, has announced that it is delaying the supply of D9 bulldozers during the time that the trial of Rachel Corrie proceeds, Channel 2 reported on Monday.

The company does not usually manufacture a military version of the D9 but it has many features that make desirable for military applications and the IDF has used them extensively for operations.

Rachel Corrie was a US activist who was killed in Gaza seven years ago by a bulldozer driver who struck and killed her. Her family charged that the IDF and its officers had acted recklessly, using an armored Caterpillar D9R bulldozer without regard to the presence in the area of unarmed and nonviolent civilians.