Counterpunch: “What Rachel Saw”

by Sonja Karkar, March 15th

A slip of a girl faced one of Israel’s most feared war machines in the Occupied Palestinian Territories–the armed bulldozer–and died. This deliberate killing was no accident. Maybe the Israeli authorities would have preferred it not to happen because of the public relations backlash, but the driver of the bulldozer was wielding power that day. He had a mandate from his government to clear Palestinians out of their homes at a moment’s notice and he knew that he would be protected regardless of the crimes he dared to commit. Rachel Corrie was a US citizen, but even the US government closed ranks behind Israel and the bulldozer operator. Being an American did not protect Rachel, and four years later, the US administration still refuses to investigate her death denying her American family justice and closure.

The bulldozer killing of Rachel Corrie was not the only case of such a death in Palestine, but it was the first time a US citizen had become the target of Israel’s military. Rachel was a peace activist who had gone to Rafah in Gaza because she wanted to help bring the terrible plight of the Palestinians to the notice of the world. With others in the International Solidarity Movement (ISM), she believed that non-violent resistance was a means of doing that, and tragically, she achieved that with her death more than she could have ever done with her life.

Rachel was one of hundreds of foreigners who work as human shields in the Occupied Palestinian Territories–dedicated men and women committed to social justice who are seeking to keep the lines of communication open with the outside world while Israel is doing everything to close them. Rachel was trying to stop the bulldozer from demolishing a Palestinian physician’s family home–one of thousands that have been demolished for Jewish settlements and to make way for the Separation Wall. She wore an orange safety flap- jacket with reflective stripes, and photos clearly show her holding a megaphone. According to witnesses, she was talking to the driver and he knew that she was there. But, that did not stop him from pushing the dirt up against where she was standing into a mound with his blade and as she fell, he drove the bulldozer over her, reversed the killing machine, and ran over her again.

Israel: Scrambling for Cover

Israel’s investigations cleared itself of any wrongdoing: Rachel was not run over by the bulldozer, “but rather was struck by a hard object, most probably a slab of concrete, which moved or slid down while the mound of earth which she was standing behind was moved”; the driver of the bulldozer had a “blindspot” and could not see Rachel in front of him; the soldiers who should have been flanking the bulldozer were called away to deal with another emergency; the Israeli army had not intended to demolish the physician’s house, but was only looking for explosives in a security zone; the peace activists “were acting very irresponsibly, putting everyone in danger–the Palestinians, themselves and our forces–by intentionally placing themselves in a combat zone”; the Israeli army was not guilty of any misconduct, and therefore, was not responsible for Rachel’s death.

Only days before the Israeli findings were reported, another peace activist working with the ISM, Tom Hurndall lay in a London hospital with severe brain damage after being shot in the head by an Israeli soldier as he tried to protect Palestinian children from Israeli sniper fire being shot over their heads. Other internationals shot and killed by Israeli soldiers were: German doctor Harald Fischer, Italian cameraman Rafaeli Ciriello, British United Nations worker Iain Hook and British national James Miller. As for the Palestinians, more than 5,050 Palestinian men, women and children have been killed by Israeli troops and Israeli settler paramilitary units since September 2000.

It is important to put Rachel’s death in context. Without an understanding of the history behind the injustices being perpetrated against the Palestinians, Rachel’s act of courage cannot be understood. In her writings, she believed that good and decent people everywhere would also speak out and do something, if only they knew.

Why Palestine?– Understanding the social justice issues

The Palestinians are the victims of the longest occupation in modern history. From the time that Israel was created in 1948, Israel intended to rid itself of the Palestinians. It was not a land without people like the myths and propaganda would have us believe. At that time, Palestinians were the majority population in cities, towns and villages and had been for centuries: their history goes back to time immemorial. But after World War II, the world decided to carve up Palestine and give the greater share to the Jewish refugees from Europe on the basis of a religious claim and out of guilt for what they had endured as victims of the Holocaust–a ghastly crime against humanity that had nothing to do with the Palestinians. Unwilling to accept the injustice of being “given” 47% of their homeland, the ill-equipped Palestinians, and backed by neighbouring Arab countries, found themselves fighting a war with the new Israeli army equipped and backed by the world powers. The ethnic cleansing campaign Israel had already begun in villages and towns caused many people to flee as the horrors of massacres reached them. No one who left thought that it would be permanent, but 750,000 Palestinians found themselves refugees living in tents in neighbouring countries with no attempt made by Israel to redress the catastrophic loss of their homes and their homeland in almost 60 years.

By the time the 1967 war happened, Israel was firmly entrenched in the consciousness of the world and its absolute victory was so astounding that the plight of the Palestinians was drowned in the hubris. A new generation of refugees had fled their homes and those who remained–in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem – came under Israeli military occupation. This occupation has continued for forty years, and, in outright violation of international law, Israel has been appropriating more and more land that was intended for a Palestinian sovereign state.

It is important to understand just what the Palestinians have lost and are continuing to lose despite the talks of peace, the peace process and now the Road Map. Not only has Israel been completely intransigent in these negotiations, the US has not been an honest broker, constantly demanding the Palestinians to rein in violence while allowing Israel to violate every single aspect of Palestinian lives and doing nothing to stop Israel’s illegal land grabs and illegal settlement building.

The peace plans have masked Israel’s true intent, which is to take all of Palestine. Under the Oslo Agreement in 1993, the Palestinians had their land reduced to a mere 22% of their original homeland and the Palestinians accepted that in the hope that they could finally have a state of their own. But that was an elaborate peace plan drawn out over years and in reality gave the Palestinians a piecemeal sovereignty and no borders that they could control. In 2000, Israel’s Prime Minister Barak offered them an outrageous 80% of the 22% under what is famously known as Barak’s “Generous Offer” and the Palestinians have since been severely castigated for refusing to accept it. Sharon then came along with his “Peace Plan” in 2002 and offered the Palestinians nothing more than had been offered by Barak, but the media spin encouraged everyone to wait in anticipation. The disengagement from Gaza that followed and was so enthusiastically hailed by the world was in fact nothing more than a distraction from Sharon’s land theft and furious settlement building in the West Bank while Gaza became the world’s largest open-air prison, totally isolated from the West Bank and the rest of the world.

Today, the Palestinians are left with barely 7% of historic Palestine and a totally fragmented 7% at that. The Separation Wall that went up in 2002 on the pretext of Israel’s security has been shown as just another tactic to appropriate land, to further fragment what is left to the Palestinians, and to destroy the economic and cultural life of Palestinian communities and families. In effect, Israel is unilaterally setting its own borders, and at the same time, is herding the Palestinians into the squalor of prison-like ghettoes without access to water or the fertile lands that sustained their farming communities for centuries.

Not content with forcing the Palestinians into this no-man’s land of 700 kms of wall, over 500 checkpoints, and constant military surveillance and intimidation, Israel is also manipulating some of the most malevolent charades designed to ethnically cleanse the Palestinians from the land. It decides on who can come and go and who will get permits to visit from abroad with family reunification and re-entry being denied in alarming numbers–spouses are being separated, children are being forced to live with one or other parent or relatives, sick people cannot seek medical treatment overseas, academics cannot take study leave, and investors, professionals and tourists are being stopped from entering. Over 60,000 foreign nationals with a Palestinian heritage or married to Palestinians live in the occupied territories on tourist visas and are being denied re-entry when they leave to renew them every three months. Those who cannot afford to leave become illegal residents and are deported if caught. These were people who encouraged to come after the Oslo Agreement to re-build Palestine.

In Israel itself, the 1.3 million Palestinians are also finding it impossible to live because nationality and residency laws with IDs and passes discriminate between Jews and Arabs and 93% of the land inside Israel is held in perpetuity for Jewish people anywhere in the world. Everything is set up to ensure that Israel’s Jewish citizens are advantaged, which therefore, reduces Arab-Israelis to second-class citizens and makes a mockery of them having the vote and being represented in the Knesset. East Jerusalem which is supposed to become the capital of a future

Palestinian state is being systematically de-Arabised through a complex system of manoeuvres under the pretext of urban planing and expansion. Building permits are rarely granted to Palestinians and by restricting movement, Israel can confiscate property under the law of absentees. And, although Jerusalem has an internationally recognised special status allowing all religious denominations free access to its holy places, Israel has denied access to Palestinian Christians and Muslims in their own city: it is becoming increasingly clear that Israel intends to make it a city and a state for Jewish citizens only.

What Rachel Saw

Against this background, Rachel Corrie came to Palestine as part of an international movement which realised that Israel was creating an apartheid state out of occupation. Never has a state that describes itself as a democracy so cruelly oppressed and imprisoned a whole people in their own land in total breach of international law, all international conventions and umpteen United Nations resolutions. The full horror of Israel’s practices have left many a visitor in shock and few can forget what they see. Rachel wrote stunned about her experiences in her emails home and her words continue to haunt those who hear them.

“I don’t know if many of the children here have ever existed without tank-shell holes in their walls and the towers of an occupying army surveying them. No amount of reading, attendance at conferences, documentary viewing and word of mouth could have prepared me for the reality of the situation here. You just can’t imagine it unless you see it.”

Little would she have realised when she wrote these words that they would have the power to move people to action, so much so, that the play “My name is Rachel Corrie” had sell-out performances in London, and last year, was spectacularly banned in New York.

This year, Israel’s military occupation will have been ongoing for forty long years. Home demolitions are just one of the many ruthless and violent measures used by Israel to terrorise an already terrorised people. They are a clear violation of international humanitarian law. Since 1967, Israeli bulldozers have destroyed more than 11,000 Palestinian homes, injuring, killing or leaving homeless, thousands of individuals in the process. In Rafah, the homes that were bulldozed stood in the way of the Separation Wall that was being built between Rafah and Egypt, and along with the family homes, greenhouses, mosques, schools and shops were also destroyed. Today, the neighbourhood in Rafah where Rachel stayed is entirely gone. In one midnight attack, only five out of 30 homes remained standing. The house that Rachel Corrie had been trying to save has also been completely demolished.

Israel’s home demolition policy is just an extension of Israel’s plan to displace or transfer the Palestinian population. Already, some 80% of Palestinians have been pushed out of Israel. In the occupied Palestinian territories, more than half of the Palestinian population is being forced to live in the shanty-towns deliberately created by Israel. It is impossible to imagine the trauma of seeing one’s family home demolished and all one’s belongings ground into the dirt by the bulldozer: seeing it happen to someone else is bad enough. Rachel Corrie would have seen it happen many times. But that day, the house that she was protecting was the home of a family that had opened its doors to her and where she had been staying. The bulldozer arrived without warning. In many cases, the family are only given an hour at the most to remove their belongings and if they protest, they are forcibly removed, and if they protest too much as they watch all that they have worked for and probably all they own, being ground into nothing, they are beaten, jailed and even killed. This day, Rachel was killed for protesting non-violently.

Justice Denied

Rachel’s family is still searching for justice four years after her murder. No independent inquiry has been carried out in the US and it seems that while the FBI is supposed to carry out an investigation, it does not have any files on Rachel Corrie. US Representative Brian Baird did introduce a bill in the US Congress just a week after Rachel’s death calling on the US Government “to undertake a full, fair and expeditious investigation”, but no action was taken or has been taken since, despite 56 House members signing the bill.

This official silence surrounding Rachel’s death is disturbing. When three Americans were killed in Gaza supposedly by Palestinians, the FBI were on the scene within 24 hours. With Israel and US closing the case which such finality, Rachel’s parents turned their attention to Caterpillar Inc, the corporation which manufactures the bulldozers used by Israel in its illegal demolitions. They filed a lawsuit claiming that their product violates international law, but this was dismissed by a Federal judge in November 2005 and he ruled that Israeli law offered adequate available remedies. Of course, Israel had already exonerated itself and no remedies are available to Rachel’s parents. They have since appealed the decision.

Blaming the victim is the way Israel and its supporters operate. Not a modicum of humanity for the Palestinians and nothing for those who dare to take up their cause. A vindictive campaign by Israel’s supporters continues to dog the efforts of Rachel’s family to expose the lies and distortions of the truth about Rachel’s death. Promises of a transparent investigation never eventuated and only two American Embassy staff members in Tel Aviv and Rachel’s parents were ever allowed to “view” the full document. It prompted Richard LeBaron, US Embassy Deputy Chief of Mission in Tel Aviv, to say that “there are several inconsistencies worthy of note”.

If this is the way an American citizen is treated, one has to wonder how many other crimes are being treated as mistakes or the fault of the victim? And, how many excuses can continue to exonerate Israel from the crimes that are being committed every day? It is about time that Israel’s crimes are recognised for what they are. Israel kills Palestinians deliberately­ women, children, old men, young men – decent, honourable, innocent people who go about their ordinary everyday business are being made to suffer collective punishment for anyone who dares to resist the Israeli military–with guns or in peace. Of course there are Palestinians who are fighting, just like the French resistance fought their German occupiers and just as it is the right of any people to fight those who oppress them. Resistance, as a last resort, is enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and is a right under the UN charter’s Article 51. But Rachel Corrie did not come to fight with guns. She came to resist non-violently; she came in peace.

The highly politicised nature of the conflict and the fact that Rachel Corrie was American has ensured that the controversy of her death continues. Rachel’s courage was perhaps born out of the idealism of youth, but it was a courage far greater than nations with bombs and arms and power to wield who have failed miserably to hold Israel accountable for the war crimes it has perpetrated against the Palestinians over decades of brutal occupation. For this reason, Rachel Corrie will always be a symbol of acting out truth to power in the struggle for Palestinian liberation against the Israeli occupier and a world long desensitised to the immorality pervading the corridors of power of all governments.

You will be remembered forever, Rachel and we hope that out of your tragic death will come a better understanding of the inhumanity gripping our world and what we have to do to bring compassion and justice back into our consciousness. Palestine has waited a long time and Palestine deserves some human kindness in its 40th year of occupation. We have no doubt that Rachel Corrie would have campaigned for that too: we feel her spirit with us as the struggle goes on.

Sonja Karkar is the founder and president of Women for Palestine in Melbourne, Australia.

YNet: “Court convicts Hebron settler for stoning Palestinian homes”

by Efrat Weiss, March 14th

Yifat Elkobi convicted for harassing her Palestinian neighbors; severity of her actions requires harsh punishment, judge says

The Jerusalem Magistrates Court convicted Wednesday Yifat Elkobi, resident of the Jewish settlement in Hebron , for inappropriate conduct in public and causing damage to the house of a Palestinian family in 2001.

Elkobi recently made headlines when Ynet exposed an incident documented by B’Tselem showing her harassing a Palestinian family in Hebron.

Justice Rivka Friedman-Feldman said that Elkobi’s actions were severe and that luckily she only smashed windows and didn’t cause any bodily harm.

According to the indictment, in 2001 Elkobi was throwing stones at the homes of Palestinians in Hebron, damaging one house.


Harsh punishment for severe acts

The court sentenced her to four months of community service, a suspended sentence of 6 months and either a NIS 300 fine (about $71) or a 10-day jail sentence. She was also instructed to pay the Palestinian family NIS 1000 ($237) in compensation.

In her ruling, Justice Friedman-Feldman wrote that Elkobi showed disrespect to the court and the judicial process during the trial, and that she still refuses to take responsibility for her actions.

“Until today, Elkobi has only received light punishments. The severity of these actions, however, requires harsh punishment,” she said.

The Independent: “Art from Gaza and the West Bank: Gallery of a troubled nation”

by Donald Macintyre, March 13th

The Palestinian answer to Charles Saatchi pursues the elusive dream of a permanent home for his unique but unheralded collection

Mazen Qupty had always planned to study film – the seventh art as he calls it. Yet the irony is that if he hadn’t reluctantly taken a friend’s advice to do a law degree instead, he wouldn’t now, at 52, be embarked on the great project of his life, the establishment of a national museum of contemporary Palestinian art. For even in the negligible market there is for Palestinian painting, Mr Qupty, a successful lawyer whose clients include most of the churches in the Holy Land, would never have been able to afford to collect the 170 pieces that he and his wife, Yvette, have promised to donate as the nucleus of the museum that is their dream.

It says something about international ignorance of contemporary Palestinian art that the richness, technical mastery and vibrancy of the works Mr Qupty has hung and stored in his home in the East Jerusalem suburb of Beit Hanina come as a complete shock. Sip a glass of wine in Mr Qupty’s living room and you are mesmerised by the variety of the works on the opposite wall, its centrepiece the first picture Mr Qupty ever bought and the only one from his collection – the largest single one of Palestinian art assembled anywhere – that he never rotates back into storage to make way for others. By Taysir Barakat, born in the Jabalya refugee camp in Gaza 48 years ago and a graduate of the College of Fine Arts in Alexandria, it’s a haunting, memory-laden oil painting just over a metre square, its colours dominated by a luminous dark red, of a boy standing in a swing, with female figures in the background framed by open windows, entitled “The Children of Our Neighbourhood”.

In the current circumstances, in which Palestinians have more pressing priorities than the arts, the dream of a national museum might seem as impossible as indeed it did to Mr Qupty when it first came up at a dinner he was giving for a group of diplomats in 2004. But he has shown since then that if anyone can make it happen, he can. Mainly thanks to Mr Qupty – whose mantra is that “everything starts with a dream” – the museum, albeit in embryonic form, already exists. A few months after that dinner, Mr Qupty assembled a group of artists together with sympathetic businessmen and professionals – including Tim Rothermel, the former Jerusalem head of the UNDP which provided some of the initial funding – to found a new, and these days the only, gallery in the heart of East Jerusalem. By any standards Al Hoash, which opened December 2005, is a busy place, its modest but airy, first-floor space in the Nablus road rapidly turning into a cultural focal point for Palestinians in the city and – on the all too rare occasions when closures and roadblocks in the West Bank permit – well beyond.

The National Museum of Norway has taken an interest in Mr Qupty’s longer-term project. He hasn’t yet put a figure on what it might cost, beyond saying with a smile that it would be nothing like the staggering price tag that Abu Dhabi is paying for a satellite version of the Louvre. But with help from the Oslo Art Academy and the Norwegian government, Mr Qupty has taken another decisive step by launching a contemporary art academy in Ramallah.

Al Hoash’s opening show, appropriately enough, was a retrospective of the work of Hassan Hourani, a brilliant young artist from Hebron who studied at art school in Baghdad in the 1990s and was working in New York on an illustrated children’s book, Hassan Everywhere, when, on a trip home in 2003, he and his nephew drowned off Jaffa beach after stealing out of Ramallah for a family day – at once illegal and innocent – by the seaside. (The Israeli writer Dorit Rabinyan, who formed a close friendship with Hourani in New York of the sort, as she said, they would never have had at home, described in a tribute to the painter after his death how, when she feared that her admiration for his stories and illustrations had been “biased” by their friendship, a children’s book agent had told Hourani he had an “eerie” talent.)

Since its opening, and despite its shortage of funding, Al Hoash has mounted a different exhibition every month. And it shows Palestinian films almost every week. It prides itself on serving not just the elite but the local community. It runs a series of workshops, most of which are free and which target, among others, underprivileged children and women facing abuse. Last week more than 200 people attended the vernissage for this month’s show. There was the usual notable Jerusalem Palestinians and diplomats, of course, but nearly the last guest to leave was 13-year-old Ismail from the building next door where his and other poor families have been squatting. “He kept tugging at me,” Mr Qupty said with satisfaction, “and saying, ‘Mazen, when’s the next workshop going to start?’.”

This month’s exhibition at Al Hoash is timed to coincide with International Women’s Day but instead of carrying a clunkingly worthy political message, it celebrates the work of five Palestinian female artists. They include oils by Sophie Halaby, a Palestinian from Jerusalem who lived in Paris in the 1930s – an influence felt in her impressionistic work (they were rescued by Mr Qupty after her in 1998). “She was quite rich and single, with no relations,” he explains. “One of her neighbours was a lawyer, who claimed she had left him all her property. But he didn’t care for the art. I rang him and he said, ‘Come and take it’. When I saw it, I said how much do you want and he said pay what you like. So I said, ‘$5,000?’, and he agreed.”

In fact, because Mr Qupty, who generally buys direct from the artists, has collected mainly paintings by Palestinian artists in the West Bank and Gaza, rather than those in North America or Europe who are more connected to the international market, he has never paid more than $5,000 for a picture. But whereas Israeli works art of often range between $5,000 and $100,000 in value, the equivalent for Palestinian pictures is $1,000-$5,000, not least because only a handful of Palestinians can afford higher prices.

The Israeli authorities no longer raid or close down Palestinian exhibitions as they did in the Seventies and Eighties. But, although there was more interest in the post-Oslo Nineties, Mr Qupty says these days few Israelis even know about Palestinian art – although there are exceptions. The owner of the newspaper Haaretz, Amos Schocken, has a large collection of works by Palestinian Israeli painter Ibrahim Nubani who, like several of his fellow-Palestinian artists, trained at the Israeli Bezalel art school in Jerusalem.

It’s hardly surprising that Mr Qupty wants the national museum to be in East Jerusalem, designated as the capital of a future Palestinian state. But Sophie Halaby’s pictures are a reminder of another reason; Islamist trends across the West Bank and Gaza mean that her nudes could be shown in few, if any, other places.

At Al Hoash there is also a very different piece by the 65-year-old artist Vera Tamari. It uses a series of photographs to depict the woman’s ticking biological and emotional clock; arranged like a calendar, the work consists of 28 plates containing a fried egg, with knives and forks positioned like the hands of a real clock. A series of almost expressionist paintings by Maha Dayeh depicts the sea, but, appropriately enough, as something almost claustrophobic and enclosing, as the museum’s director, Rawan Sharaf, points out. “All these sharp corners and confined spaces – this isn’t a sea you want to jump into,” he says.

Yet it’s striking how relatively little of the work is overtly, noisily political. Mr Qupty, a Christian Palestinian born in Nazareth, points out that in the beautiful “primitive” paintings of the famous West Bank artist Suleiman Mansour – such as the picture of a family passing in front of an olive grove shaped against the sea like the map of historic Palestine – there is a national as well as an aesthetic point. But the Qupty vision extends far beyond the politics of the conflict. Palestinian art is little more than a century old; it started with iconography for visiting Christian pilgrims but extended rapidly to embrace the Muslim – and Druze – communities as an expression of Palestinian cultural identity.

“It’s crucial to collect our heritage and to show what we can do,” Mr Qupty says. “The United States and Israel have succeeded in convincing the world that we are terrorists. But we just want to be human beings, and, in this perspective, art has a major role to play… The one thing that is making the Palestinian nation one people is their dream [of a state] and their culture. Realising the dream seems to be a long-term process so maybe we should do something practical about the culture now.”

Cultural centres of the Arab world

Louvre and Guggenheim, Abu Dhabi

As part of a $27bn (£14bn) initiative by Abu Dhabi’s government, projects were unveiled last year to build branches of the Louvre and Guggenheim museums on an island outside the city. The Guggenheim should be completed within five years and the Louvre is expected to open shortly afterwards.

Qatar Museum of Islamic Arts, Doha

The ruling al-Thani family of Qatar have a reputation for being fervent collectors of art from across the Arab world and are building a 45,000 sq m museum to hold their collection of paintings, weaponry, glassware, coins, books and manuscripts. It will open later this year.

Grand Egyptian Museum, Cairo

Set to open in 2011, the museum is hoping to attract more than 5 million visitors a year. The building will be adjacent to the pyramids in Giza.

National Museum of Iraq, Baghdad

Opened in 1926, the museum once held a fine collection. It was looted after the US-led invasion of Iraq and much has not been recovered.

AP: “Reporters hurt as Israeli security forces break up Palestinian demonstrations”

Associated Press

Crowd-control devices like stun grenades and tear gas have injured a number of journalists in recent weeks, including two television crewmen covering a women’s protest Thursday — and reporters are charging they’ve been targeted by Israeli security forces.

Over the last three months, at least five journalists were injured — including an AP photographer whose leg was broken by a stun grenade — while covering protests or Israeli military operations. In one incident, an AP photographer said a stun grenade was thrown at reporters as they talked to soldiers.

The army denied any targeting of journalists, and said it would investigate the incidents.

The military “does not intentionally harm journalists, and any such claims on this matter are baseless,” a military statement said, adding that there are “inherent risks to journalists” covering combat operations.

The casualties were caused by non-lethal means the Israelis use to break up demonstrations and riots. However, stun grenades, which make a loud noise can cause serious injuries when their canisters fly through the air, and tear gas can also cause injury in high concentrations.

On Thursday, paramilitary border police fired stun grenades from a distance of about 10 meters to break up a demonstration of women at the Qalandia checkpoint between the West Bank and Jerusalem.

Associated Press Television cameraman Eyad Moghrabi was hit on the leg by a flying piece of metal. TV footage showed a stun grenade exploding among the reporters, who were several meters away from the demonstrators. The pictures show the reporters scattering, with one clutching her leg.

“This was not the first time they fire where the journalists are located,” Moghrabi said.

Police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said the officers warned everyone, including journalists, that their presence was illegal, before firing the stun grenades, denying that reporters were targeted.

In its statement, the military said it “strives to ensure that the press is not hindered,” but said that when soldiers declare an area closed, reporters are expected to leave.

While agreeing that the military did not have a deliberate policy, Daniel Blumenthal, vice chairman of the Foreign Press Association, said there are numerous complaints. “We assume some soldiers act on their own initiative because of their idea about where a journalist should be (during) an event.”

Thursday’s casualties were only the most recent.

On Wednesday, Al-Jazeera technician Maamoun Othman was wounded when Israeli soldiers fired stun grenades during the arrest of a radical Islamic leader.

“A stun grenade was fired at me directly. It landed on my stomach,” Othman said.

On Feb. 27, journalists say they were hit as they talked to soldiers about covering an army operation in Nablus.

AP photographer Emilio Morenatti said soldiers approached them in jeeps, asking them to leave.

As they were talking with the soldiers “one hand appeared from the (army) car, and threw a stun grenade at us,” he said. No one was hurt.

The FPA protested the Nablus incident, calling it “obstruction and ill treatment of journalists.” Morenatti suffered a broken leg from a fragment of a stun grenade, thrown from a distance of about two meters while he was covering a protest in the West Bank village of Bilin in January.

On Feb. 16, AP photographer Nasser Shiyoukhi was hurt when soldiers fired a tear gas grenade that exploded next to a group of reporters near Hebron.

The Guardian: “Negev desert nomads on the move again to make way for Israel’s barrier”

by Rory McCarthy, February 28th

Security fence and spread of Jewish settlement risks way of life for thousands

The bulldozers came for Hamid Salim Hassan’s house just after dawn. Before the demolition began, the Bedouin family scrambled to gather what they could: a fridge, a pile of carpets, some plastic chairs, a canister of cooking gas and a metal bed frame.

Now, with their house a wreck of smashed concrete and broken plastic pipes, Mr Hassan and his family are living in a canvas tent on a neighbour’s land. Their possessions are piled outside, along with boxes of supplies, including washing-up liquid, toothpaste, corned beef, wheat flour and tomato paste, provided by the International Committee of the Red Cross.

His tent is small but it affords Mr Hassan a compelling view of the future. Stretched out before him are the hilltops of the West Bank where he and his family, all Bedouin shepherds who fled Israel in 1948, used to live and graze their sheep. Standing there now is Ma’ale Adumim, one of the largest Jewish settlements which is illegal under international law. Snaking up the hillside towards his tent is the West Bank barrier, also ruled unlawful in advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice. When complete, the steel and barbed wire barrier, which here will be 50m wide and include a ditch and patrol roads, will surround Ma’ale Adumim, attaching it to a greater Jerusalem.

For the 3,000 Bedouin living here, most from the Jahalin tribe, this presents an imminent crisis. “They came and destroyed my house to protect their wall,” said Mr Hassan, 62. “They really don’t have enough land already that they had to come and destroy my house? We’ve lost everything.”

Earlier this month the Israeli military destroyed seven huts and tents belonging to Bedouin living near a settlement in Hebron, in the southern West Bank. Another group of Bedouin living further east in the Jordan Valley have been given two months to leave their homes near an Israeli military base and a Jewish settlement.

In each case the Israeli authorities argue the homes have been built without permits, but Palestinians say they are notoriously hard to obtain.

Bedouin culture has been eroded as a result. Refugees from the Negev desert in Israel who crossed after 1948, their grazing land has been squeezed by the growth of Palestinian towns, the rapid emergence of large Jewish settlements and lately the vast concrete and steel barrier. Most Bedouin live on land that under the Oslo accords was supposed to be unpopulated farmland where Israel has civilian and military control. Today most live in primitive shacks, many no longer keep animal herds and they have little in the way of formal land ownership documents. They have become one of the most vulnerable Palestinian communities.

Open and free

Mr Hassan, 62, was born in Be’er Sheva, in what is now Israel. His family crossed during the 1948-9 war and moved to land near Azariya, the biblical town of Bethany, near Jerusalem. For years they continued their semi-nomadic existence, grazing their large flock of sheep on the hillside. In 1975 a group of 23 Jewish families founded the settlement of Ma’ale Adumim, which has grown into a town of 35,000 people. Mr Hassan and other Bedouin were forced off the land. Most set up shacks on another hilltop. Ten years ago Mr Hassan found the money to buy a plot of land and built a house, giving up his Bedouin existence. “Life changes,” he said. “We had no other choice.” His seven children, including his daughters, went to school and college, integrating into a new urban life.

Other Bedouin have also changed and work as construction labourers, many even employed in Ma’ale Adumim, building the settlement that has taken the land they once lived on.

“In the past people envied our lifestyle. The land was open and free. There were sheep and we were rich,” said his brother Saeed Hassan Salim, 50. “The occupation put us out of business. The Bedouin life is slipping away.” He now lives in a small shack that stands directly in the path of the barrier and is almost certain to be demolished soon.

“It seems the whole presence in this area is about to disappear,” said Jeremy Milgrom, 53, a rabbi and human rights activist who has worked with the Bedouin here for 15 years and is mapping their remaining communities. “We are asking why it is this has to happen. Why did the government assume the prerogative that they can absolutely redesign the entire landscape and eliminate the Bedouin?”

The Israeli military’s civil administration, which runs the West Bank, says the Bedouin were being offered alternatives. “They came and illegally put up their houses and tents. So we are working against this illegal construction,” said its spokesman Captain Tsidki Maman. “We are helping them to find a place where it will be OK for them to settle.”

The areas under consideration are all on the other side of the barrier from the Jewish settlements.

Capt Maman rejected the Bedouin argument that they have lived on the land for years. “The Bedouin are travelling all the time. They can’t say they’ve been here for decades. It’s not like this,” he said.

In the late 1990s there was a similar move against the Bedouin around Ma’ale Adumim and several of their homes were demolished. But supported by Shlomo Lecker, an Israeli lawyer, the Bedouin were given a deal under which they would move to a new area, with plots of land, building permits and up to 40,000 shekels (then £7,000) per family. Around 50 families took up the offer, and now live in an area known as the Jebel. However, the deal was not without its problems: the houses are within a few hundred metres of Jerusalem’s main rubbish dump and on land that other Palestinians claim as their own.

Power and water

The prospect of another move is being hotly debated within the Bedouin community. For some it is an opportunity to upgrade to houses with electricity and running water. Others say they would rather move into Palestinian towns like Azariya but lack the money, while others still want to stay on their land and cling to what is left of their traditional lifestyle.

Mr Lecker, the lawyer, said in reality they will have little choice but to move. “They are being forced. They don’t have another option,” he said. “All these shacks are built without permits and there is a lot of pressure on them.”

Israel defends the barrier on the grounds of security, saying it has drastically reduced the number of suicide bombings. But Mr Lecker said: “There is absolutely no reason to build the wall there. This is to do with taking a huge chunk of land and making it part of a wider Jerusalem. It is the idea of taking the land without the people. Why not give them rights in Israel – identity cards, electricity and water? The land comes with the people and if you take the land and push out the people then what do you call it?”

Backstory

Bedouin shepherds have lived a nomadic or semi-nomadic life in the Negev desert for centuries. After the 1948-9 war, when Israel was created, many were forced out or fled. Around 140,000 now live in the Negev, in Israel. Some serve in the Israeli military but around half live in villages not recognised by the state where they lack basic services and building permits.

Those that fled Israel crossed to Jordan, Egypt or the Palestinian territories of Gaza and the West Bank. In the West Bank, around 3,000 members of the Jahalin tribe live next to land taken by the Jewish settlement of Ma’ale Adumim. In the 1990s several Bedouin families were moved to make way for the settlement. Now other homes are being demolished, to make way for the West Bank barrier.