Arabs slam bill to criminalize ‘nakba’

Brenda Gazzar | The Jerusalem Post

17 May 2009

Arab activists and politicians are slamming proposed legislation that would criminalize commemorating the establishment of the State of Israel as a day of mourning.

The bill, which has been submitted by MK Alex Miller (Israel Beiteinu), would punish citizens with jail terms of up to three years for commemorating what Palestinians and Arabs consider their nakba or catastrophe. The bill, which is still in a preliminary stage, is expected to be discussed by the cabinet in the coming weeks, Miller said.

“We think this is another step to limit freedom of speech and political activity” of Arab citizens, said MK Hanna Swaid of the Arab-Jewish party Hadash.

Such a proposal, he said, was an attempt to deny Arab citizens their right to commemorate a very important chapter in their history and identity. While it is considered unlikely to pass, Swaid said he feared that such a bill could stir up a “dialogue of hate” against Arabs in Israel.

“To deny the right of the Palestinians to commemorate this is very limiting and very frustrating,” Swaid said.

But Miller of Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman’s Israel Beiteinu Party argues that the bill could contribute to coexistence and unity of the state.

“From my perspective, it very much harms me, as a citizen, when citizens… mourn the establishment of the State of Israel when they themselves have equal rights in this country,” Miller told The Jerusalem Post on Sunday.

“If we really want to achieve coexistence, the time has come that we stop this absurd theater,” he said, noting that some demonstrations commemorating “Nakba Day” have turned violent.

Some of the community’s leaders, he said, “try each year to incite citizens in the state and I want to stop this through this law.”

According to Prof. Avishai Braverman, the government’s minister of minority affairs, the bill would infringe on one’s inherent right to protest and “is a danger to democracy and is liable to strengthen the extremists.”

He also added, however, that “the deligitimization of the State of Israel by an extremist part of Arab citizens does not contribute to building coexistence.”

A “responsible and moderate” attitude needs to prevail both in Israeli politics and in the Israeli public, he said.

There were no disturbances or problems on Friday, when Arabs in Israel commemorated “Nakba Day” with events throughout the country, police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said Sunday.

Similar proposals have been introduced into the Knesset in previous sessions but have not passed.

However, Jafar Farah, director of the Haifa-based Arab advocacy organization Mossawa, said he would not be surprised if the law did pass given the current political climate vis a vis Arabs in Israel.

“The ongoing efforts of extremists in the government to complicate the Middle East conflict with confrontations with our community are alarming,” Farah said.

“Thoughts and feelings will soon be forbidden in the State of Israel,” he said. “It reminds us of the McCarthyism in the US and it’s about time to show the leaders of the extreme right wing how humanity treats civilians.”

MK Sheikh Ibrahim Sarsour (UAL-Ra’am Taal) said that such a proposal would not stop Arabs from commemorating the nakba, even if it meant they would all be put in jail because of it.

“Israel’s insistence on a formal and public denial of its responsibility of the Palestinian Nakba… and its constant desire to erase the memory of Palestinian generations in all possible ways, all this will not change reality and will never reduce the complete rights of the Palestinians in their homeland,” he said in a statement issued on Friday.

New York Activists to Singer Leonard Cohen: “Don’t Play Apartheid; Don’t Play Israel!”

Adalah-NY

17 May 2009

Activists urge Cohen to cancel Israel concert
Activists urge Cohen to cancel Israel concert

New York activists gathered in front of Radio City Music Hall Sunday night during a Leonard Cohen concert to call upon the singer/songwriter to cancel his scheduled September concert in Israel. The protesters sang songs, chanted, handed out leaflets to concert attendees and produced sidewalk art. The call comes in support of earlier calls by Jews, Palestinians, Israeli citizens and residents of the UK, and coincides with the publication of an open letter by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) calling for protests throughout the cities Cohen is touring.

“With the construction of the Apartheid Wall and Israeli settlements on Palestinian lands, and on the heels of the brutal Israeli attack on Gaza that killed over 1,400 Palestinians and injured 5,000 more, the Palestinian Catastrophe continues and we demand that artists start taking a courageous and principled stand by refusing to entertain occupiers and oppressors,” said Riham Barghouti, Palestinian-American activist with Adalah-NY. This week Palestinians around the world commemorate the 61st Anniversary of the Nakba of 1948, when Israeli forces expelled 800,000 Palestinians and destroyed 531 villages.

Protesters chanted “Leonard, Leonard Have A Heart, Don’t Help Apartheid With Your Art” and sang “Ain’t Gonna Let Occupation Turn Me Round, Gonna Keep On Walkin’, Keep Boycottin'” to the tune of “Ain’t Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Round”. A particular crowd favorite was, to the tune of Frere Jacques,

Are you sleeping, Are you sleeping,
Leonard Cohen, Leonard Cohen
While your songs are so fine
Israel’s taking Palestine
Don’t go there, Don’t go there

Activists passed out fliers to ticket-holders on the back of which was written “Don’t Play Israel”. Concert-goers were asked to hold them up during the concert so that Cohen could see a visual call to join the growing cultural and academic boycott of Israel by canceling his upcoming concert in Tel Aviv on September 24, 2009. Since over 170 Palestinian civil society organizations issued their call for boycott in July 2005, Palestinian groups have focused on cultural events as a key tool in the Israel government’s campaign to legitimize its ongoing occupation and oppression of Palestinian people.

Before the show, protesters chalked “Leonard: Don’t Play Israel” on the sidewalk in front of the stage entrance. Radio City Music Hall staff quickly mopped the sidewalk. “They can wash away these words, but they can’t wash away the growing boycott movement,” said Hannah Mermelstein, an activist with NYCBI, the New York Campaign to Boycott Israel. NYCBI recently launched its own campaign against Motorola for its development and production of bomb fuses and communications equipment for the Israeli military. “We are proud to be a part of the growing boycott and divestment movement called for by Palestinians. Concerted effort to isolate Israel is the only means to end the ongoing dispossession and oppression of Palestinians by Israel.”

Norwegian MP: If investment in occupation acceptable, we must revise ethics guidelines

Ma’an News Agency

15 May 2009

A Norwegian ethics committee is due to travel to Israel and the West Bank in two weeks to assess the investment of the world’s largest government pension fund, The Norwegian Government Pension Fund, in Africa Israel Investments.

In advance of that visit, a delegation of seven members of the Norwegian Socialist Left Party travelled to the West Bank and Gaza Strip this week to see for themselves the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, siege on Gaza and the destruction wrought following Israel’s war on the area last winter.

After under a week in the area Member of Parliament Ågot Valle, spokesperson on foreign affairs for the party, spoke out about Norwegian investment in the Africa Israel Investments company. “No doubt we as a party cannot support investment in a company that violates human rights, contributes to an occupation and war,” Valle said in a telephone interview.

The company, owned by Israel’s richest businessman, Lev Leviev, invests in settlements and owns construction companies involved in building both the separation wall and illegal settlements in the West Bank.

Valle’s party is encouraging the ethics committee to be thorough in its assessment, but added that if it finds investing in Africa Israel Investments ethical, “then the ethics guidelines must be re-written.”

The visit was, in part, to solidify the Socialist Left position over the ethics committee findings and over Norwegian investments in the Israeli company, but it was also a chance to “see for ourselves” the realities in the area.

Delegates who had never been to the area were “shocked” at the “strategically planned settlements,” checkpoints and 30-foot-high border wall snaking across the West Bank, as well as “some heavy destruction” in the Gaza Strip. The delegation, including three members of Parliament, was denied entry to the coastal area Tuesday without explanation. A second attempt was successful.

Following the tour, which will finish this week, MP Valle noted that the delegation could not help asking themselves, “After seeing the situation here; does Israel really want peace?”

Life among the ruins in Gaza

Amira Hass | Ha’aretz

15 May 2009

Wadi Gaza is an agricultural region southeast of Gaza City. The ruins of Hussein al Aaidy’s family home are immediately apparent. The houses (and several other heaps of ruins) are scattered among budding hills, lazing goats and fields that have been plowed but not sown. Up until nine years ago, these houses were surrounded by orchards and other fruit trees. Until the Israel Defense Forces bulldozers uprooted everything in order to safeguard the Israelis driving to the settlement of Netzarim.

The thousands of heaps of ruins in the Strip have now become part of the landscape. What attracts attention is when one pile of ruins or another disappears. The Gaza Public Works Bureau has already solicited bids for clearing away the ruins of several public buildings and several mosques. Building contractors have begun to evacuate the rubble, and tents have been set up on the site in order to serve the public and for prayers.

But these are the exceptions. There is no point in clearing away the ruins of the 4,000 buildings and homes that have been totally destroyed, so long as Israel does not permit building materials to be brought into the Strip.

The Gazan Ministry of Public Works also warns citizens not to clear away ruins through private initiative: It’s too dangerous. At least 50,000 people, members of 8,000 families whose homes have been destroyed, know that the temporary solution they have found is liable to become a long-term one.

“And that’s not a solution,” says Al Aaidy, whose family is now dispersed among several houses, far from the plot of land they bought years ago and cultivated with a great deal of love. His mother, Kamela, 80, refused to leave her land.

The expulsion from Be’er Sheva in 1948 was enough for her. Now she lives by herself in what used to be the family goat pen (the goats fled or were killed: One hen survived and is still alive and pecking in the soil of the goat pen). She stores some of her possessions in a rusty bus that they dragged to the site a long time ago. She heats up tea on a bonfire.

“You can see the ruins of the house, you can’t see the ruins in our soul,” says Hussein al Aaidy, a man in his 50s. He was a Fatah activist, a prisoner in Israel from the 1970s who was freed during the prisoner exchange deal in 1985. After his release, he worked at several jobs, so as to be able to build a house for his family.

The Al Aaidys thought that the ground invasion of Israel’s Gaza campaign would be like the previous ones: that the shelling and the shooting would be outside the house, and that they would be safe inside it. His brothers’ families, who live nearby in buildings with ceilings of asbestos and tin, joined him on Saturday, January 3, 2009, on the eve of the ground attack and when the bombing intensified.

“All of us, 30 people, were in one inner room, on the second floor,” said Kamela this past Sunday. “I was lying on a mattress, I wrapped my head in a mandil [a head kerchief] and a thick scarf. Because of the cold.”

At about 8 P.M., something pierced the air and the three stories of the concrete house: A shell? A missile from a helicopter or a drone? They didn’t know. Dust, fragments of concrete and shouting filled the room in which they were crowded. Kamela al Aaidy would later discover that her head kerchief was soaked with blood.

She had been wounded by shrapnel in her head; today, she still gets dizzy when she gets up and walks. They ran from the partially demolished house to one of the buildings in the yard – in the hope that the forces that were shelling would see them and understand that they were civilians. Six people were injured by shrapnel: Kamela, her sister-in-law and four children. They contacted friends and relatives to call for medical assistance. They discovered that the IDF was not allowing rescue teams access to them.

Haaretz accompanied the efforts of Physicians for Human Rights to have them rescued, and reported daily and in real time about the situation: They were almost without food, without medicine, little water, cold, shelling and firing all around. But only on Friday, January 9, almost seven days after they had been wounded – after exhausting negotiations on the part of PHR and phone conversations conducted by Hussein al Aaidy himself with soldiers or officers in the Coordination and Liaison Authority for the Gaza Strip – was the first evacuation allowed: four of the wounded and four escorts.

Healthy carried the wounded

They walked for about 1.5 kilometers, the healthy ones carrying the seriously injured on stretchers: The wounds of the children Ragheda and Nur, who were injured by shrapnel all over their bodies, were beginning to become infected; they began to lose consciousness. Before their evacuation, Hussein had cut into Ragheda’s flesh with a knife – two of his brothers held her as she screamed and cried – and sterilized the wound with salt water. The grandmother, Kamela, shakes her head as she tells us this, as though she wanted to chase away the memory.

The next day, Saturday morning, a week after they were shelled, the healthy ones and the two wounded women also left. They understood that it was dangerous to remain in the area, as “every moment we expected another shell to fall on us, to be wounded again, perhaps killed,” explains Hussein, almost apologizing for “abandoning” the house. Their departure was preceded by negotiations over the phone conducted by Al Aaidy, who speaks Hebrew, with an officer or soldier in the liaison office.

“They wanted us to take a six-kilometer detour: I refused,” he recalls. “They demanded that we go south, to the area of Netzarim. I refused. In the end, they agreed to let us go north, near the Karni Crossing. But there were conditions: That each of us would be a meter away from the next person. That we wouldn’t stop. That we wouldn’t put down the children, whom we adults were carrying on our backs. That we wouldn’t put down my mother, whom two of us carried together. They told me: If we can’t count the 22 people who left the house, anyone who sees you from a helicopter or a tank, will fire at you.”

One of the conditions was that they would carry a white flag, and that scared them most of all. “I was in all the wars and none of them was so difficult. In none of them did they kill people waving white flags, as they did this time,” explained Kamela. “And when we marched, I was already in despair, I wanted them to put me down. Leave me on the road and I’ll die, I told my sons.”

The exhausted convoy marched for about 700 meters, according to Hussein al Aaidy’s estimate, until they encountered a group of tanks. One soldier got out of the tank, aimed his rifle at the convoy and ordered them to stop. “That was lucky, that way we could rest a little, we put down the children and Mother,” recalls Al Aaidy with a little smile. The soldiers ordered him to approach. “There was a dog with the soldiers. They cocked their weapons. As though they wanted to scare us. I told the soldier: We’re leaving by prior arrangement, contact your commanders. And the soldier answered me: ‘I won’t contact anyone.’ We waited like that for 20 minutes. The way a person waits for death.” The three kilometers until they reached the ambulances took about an hour and a half to two hours – they no longer remember precisely.

And since then they can’t find a place for themselves, says Al Aaidy. When the attack stopped, they were astonished to discover that the IDF had blown up their house.

“From the school where we hid during the attack we wandered to relatives, from those relatives to other relatives, from them we dispersed among rented apartments. The children switched schools, they can’t concentrate on their studies and don’t show any interest, all their books and games and notebooks were buried, everyone is jittery, they quarrel, the children don’t want to be here, on the land next to the demolished house, they wake up at night from nightmares, shouting. And our case is relatively mild: There are no dead, as in other families.” Al Aaidy shows me an electronic board he found among the ruins, apparently from a missile that landed on the house.

“If all this science is designed to destroy, then maybe it would be better to go back to the Jahaliya,” he muses, referring to the pre-Islamic age of ignorance.

The IDF Spokesman responds: “From the moment of the attack, direct contact was established between the affected residents and the army, and an attempt was made to evacuate them from the Gaza Strip, so they could receive medical care in Israel.

“The residents were evacuated at the first opportunity at which they would not have been exposed to mortal danger from the fighting that was taking place in the area. In order to provide additional information about the attack, we would need precise location coordinates. As we were not provided with that information, we are unable to clarify the matter.”