IDF soldier: We used Palestinians as human shields

Amos Harel | Ha’aretz

15 July 2009

The Israel Defense Forces used Palestinians as human shields during Operation Cast Lead last January despite a 2005 High Court ruling outlawing the practice, a Golani brigade soldier says. He says he did not see Palestinians being used as human shields but was told by his commanders that this occurred.

The soldier says his unit employed a variation of the practice, the so-called “neighbor procedure,” when it checked homes for Palestinian militants.

The soldier’s testimony appears in a collection of accounts being published this week by Breaking the Silence, an organization that collects IDF soldiers’ testimony on human rights abuses by the military. The Golani soldier gave similar testimony in a meeting with a Haaretz reporter.

The IDF Spokesman’s Office, for its part, says that “the IDF regrets the fact that a human rights organization would again present to the country and the world a report containing anonymous, generalized testimony without checking the details or their reliability, and without giving the IDF, as a matter of minimal fairness, the opportunity to check the matters and respond to them before publication.”

The soldier’s allegations relate to IDF conduct during fighting in the eastern part of Gaza City. The soldier, a staff sergeant, says that in his unit and others, Palestinians were often sent into houses to determine if there was anyone inside.

“The practice was not to call it ‘the neighbor procedure.’ Instead it was called ‘Johnny,'” the soldier said, using IDF slang for Palestinian civilians. The IDF employed this practice extensively during the second intifada, before it was outlawed by the High Court of Justice in 2005.

At every home, the soldier said, if there were armed occupants, the house was besieged, with the goal of getting the militants out of the building alive. The soldier said he was present at several such operations.

In an incident his commanders told him about, three armed militants were in a house. Attack helicopters were brought in. “They … again sent the [Palestinian] neighbor in. At first he said that nothing had happened [to the armed men],” the soldier said.

“Again they brought in attack helicopters and fired. They again sent in the neighbor. He said there were two dead and one still alive. They then brought in a bulldozer and began to knock the house down on him until [the neighbor] entered.” The soldier said he had been told that the only militant remaining alive was captured and turned over to the Shin Bet security service.

The Golani soldier also testified that his commanders reported incidents in which Palestinians were given sledgehammers to break through walls to let the army enter through the side of houses. The army feared that the doors were booby-trapped.

The soldier added, however, that although the unit commander justified the use of the so-called Johnny procedure, the commander said he was not aware that sledgehammers had been given to civilians or that weapons were pointed at civilians. The commander said the allegations would be looked into.

The soldier said he had heard of other instances in which Palestinian civilians were used as human shields. One time, for example, a Palestinian was put at the front of an IDF force with a gun pointed at him from behind. But the soldier said he had not seen this himself.

The IDF Spokesman’s Office said in a statement that on initial consideration, a few of the allegations appear to be similar to allegations published several months ago after a lecture by officers to cadets at a pre-military academy.

“Now, too,” the spokesman said, “a considerable portion of the testimony is based on rumors and secondhand accounts. Most of the incidents relate to anonymous testimony lacking in identifying details, and accordingly it is not possible to check the allegations on an individual basis in a way that would enable an investigation, confirmation or refutation.”

The spokesman said the Breaking the Silence report suggests that the organization might not be interested in a reliable comprehensive examination of the allegations, “and to our regret this is not the first time the organization has taken this course of action. The IDF is obligated to examine every well-founded complaint it receives.”

The spokesman also noted that allegations by Breaking the Silence containing specifics would be investigated.

“The IDF expects that every soldier and commander who suspects there was a witness to a violation of orders or procedures, and especially with respect to violations causing injury to noncombatants, will bring all of the details to the attention of authorized parties,” the spokesman said.

West Bank fence not done and never will be, it seems

Amos Harel | Ha’aretz

14 July 2009

Seven years after construction work began on the West Bank separation fence, the project seems to have run aground. Work has slowed significantly since September 2007, and today, after the state has spent about NIS 9.5 billion, only about 60 percent of the more limited, revised route has been completed.

With fierce opposition coming from the United States, Israel has halted work on the “fingers” – enclaves east of the Green Line that were to have included large settlement blocs such as Ariel, Kedumim, Karnei Shomron and Ma’aleh Adumim, within the fence. The military has, in practice, closed up the holes that were to have led to these “fingers.” But giant gaps remain in the southern part of the fence, particular in the southern outskirts of Jerusalem, in the Etzion bloc and in the Judean Desert.

Since the cabinet under former prime minister Ariel Sharon first approved construction of the fence, in June 2002, the route has undergone some dramatic changes. The original route, which was inspired by Sharon, was to have effectively annexed about 20 percent of the territory of the West Bank to Israel.

In June 2004 the High Court of Justice, ruling on a petition by residents of Beit Sourik, ordered the state to amend the route to reduce the disruption it caused to Palestinians.

About nine days later the International Court of Justice in The Hague issued an advisory opinion declaring the barrier illegal and demanding that Israel dismantle it.

In response, the cabinet amended the route in February 2005 to include just nine percent of the West Bank. In April 2006 an additional one percent was shaved off by the government of Ehud Olmert.

In practice, however, the route encompasses only 4.5 percent of West Bank land. The four “fingers” in the last map (and which Israel presented at Annapolis in November 2007) were never built, not at Ariel and Kedumim (where a “fingernail” was built, a short stretch of fence east of the homes of Ariel); not at Karnei Shomron and Immanuel; not at Beit Arieh, nor south of that, at Ma’aleh Adumim. Instead, with little publicity, fences were put up to close the gaps closer to the Green Line, at Alfei Menashe instead of at Kedumim, at Elkana instead of Ariel and in the Rantis area instead of at Beit Arieh.

About 50,000 people in these settlements remain beyond the fence. West of Ma’aleh Adumim the wall built along Highway 1 blocks the gap in the barrier and leaves the city’s 35,000 residents outside of the barrier, forcing them to pass through a Border Police checkpoint in order to reach Jerusalem. The fact that the “fingers” were never built also damages these people’s security because the state refuses to build periphery fences around them and declare their proximity to a “special military area.”

In some cases, such as the roads built around the original barrier route at the Beit Arieh enclave, hundreds of millions of shekels were wasted on unused roads that may never be completed.

Large gaps remain in the southern West Bank. Between Gilo in south Jerusalem and Gush Etzion are tens of kilometers of barrier, work on which was suspended due to two High Court petitions – one filed by residents of Beit Jala, the other by villagers from Batir, Husan and Nahalin. As a result access to Jerusalem from the direction of Bethlehem is relatively easy – for commuters and terrorists both.

In the case of the former petition, the state has delayed submitting its response for months. In the second, the High Court has still not ruled after about two and a half years. Part of the dispute is over the construction of the eastern barrier, one of two surrounding Gush Etzion. The bloc, which even the Palestinians will presumably agree to keeping – at least part of it – within Israeli territory in the final-status agreement, has been without a barrier for seven years.

A second, 30-kilometer gap in the fence, stretches from Metzudat Yehuda (Yatir) in the west to the Dead Sea in the east. The state announced during a recent High Court deliberation of a petition submitted by area Bedouin that work on the barrier there was suspended.

The delay in building the barrier at Ma’aleh Adumim is typical and illuminates the state’s conduct overall. The High Court has intermittently deliberated on a petition by resident of Sawahra against the route of the fence at Kedar that was to have been built on their land. Work was suspended, and the state recently submitted a new map that annexes less of the territory, but at the last High Court session, earlier this month, the representative of the state said the work would not be resumed “for budgetary and other reasons.”

Supreme Court President Dorit Beinisch suspended the court’s ruling, in light of the state’s response, saying she had no intention of “dealing with virtual matters.” That description seems apt for the entire separation fence, at this point.

The Brodet Commission, which in 2007 examined the state’s military budget, included in its report scathing criticism of the way the budget for the separation barrier was handled.

“The conduct regarding construction of the fence is another example of wasteful, inadequate conduct. The committee was not persuaded that the process was carried out with due, detailed consideration that took in all of the economic and security considerations. The commission saw no analysis of cost-effectiveness or a thorough examination. The army viewed itself as a subcontractor,” the report said.

IDF Colonel (res.) Shaul Arieli, who has studied the fence issue extensively on behalf of the Council for Peace and Security, told Haaretz in response: “The desire to include more territory within the confines of the fence than is practically possible has resulted in a situation where the settlement blocs are left outside of the fence while other blocs remain vulnerable and do not receive protection. In addition, exorbitant sums of money have been pumped into infrastructure and fences that were supposed to follow a route that was impossible to complete.”

Defense Minister Ehud Barak is “determined to complete the security fence, despite the delays,” his office said in a statement. “The minister and the military establishment are working to solve the problems delaying its completion.”

Defense Ministry officials pointed out that Barak was “among the first supporters of the fence and did much to advance its construction.”

Security officials claim the rate of construction depends on finding a solution to the legal issues and point out proudly that there is an unbroken barrier from Tirat Zvi in the Beit She’an Valley to the southern entrance to Jerusalem, and from southern Gush Etzion to Metzudat Yehuda.

Viva Palestina convoy updates

Viva Palestina

12 July 2009

The Viva Palestina members who spent the night in their buses at the Suez Crossing after being stopped by Egyptian authorities on July 11 have now rendezvoused in Cairo with British Member of Parliament George Galloway and former Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney, who has rushed to join the convoy following her deportation from Israel on Wednesday.

Galloway, McKinney and the Viva Palestina leadership have been working with Egyptian and U.S. authorities to expedite the passage of the convoy over the Suez Canal and into Gaza.

Egyptian authorities have held up the convoy claiming that it has not acquired the necessary travel permits from U.S. officials in order to cross into Gaza. But the convoy sent copious documentation, on request, to several Egyptian state officials before even setting foot in Cairo.

New York City Councilmember Charles Barron, who led the group at the Suez Canal, says, “Whether these new requirements are genuine or not, we will get around these obstacles. We are going to Gaza.”

George Galloway was interviewed on Al Jazeera television tonight and emphasized the convoy’s determination to bring medical aid to Gaza.

In an interview prior to the broadcast, he said, “If the Egyptian authorities want us to jump through yet another hoop, we will, even though their ambassadors in Washington, DC, London, and Tripoli, Libya were already supplied with this information, at their request. The U.S. embassy in Cairo was informed about the mission as was the Egyptian Foreign Ministry.

“So now we expect that there should be no further reasons for the delayed transportation of this urgently needed relief to the people of Gaza. We have hundreds of thousands of dollars of medicine, which are time-sensitive and perishable and which need to reach the children of Gaza.”

Another group of Viva Palestina delegates is in Alexandria to take possession of 47 vehicles that will be used to drive the group’s humanitarian and medical relief supplies through the Rafah border crossing. A third Viva Palestina element is continuing to gather additional aid in Cairo.

Tomorrow, Viva Palestina plans to gather all its forces in Ismailia, load all of the collected aid on its vehicles, and make final preparations for the drive through the Sinai.

The Viva Palestina convoy expects progress on all fronts tomorrow and is calling on sympathetic organizations to mobilize their networks and stand ready for actions such as solidarity protests at Egyptian embassies and consulates.

Israel phone firm’s West Bank wall gag fails to amuse

Allyn Fisher-Ilan & Alastair Macdonald | The Washington Post

12 July 2009

A television advert for an Israeli cellphone firm showing soldiers playing soccer over the West Bank barrier has sparked cries of bad taste and prompted Arab lawmakers on Sunday to demand it be taken off air.

The jaunty commercial for Israel’s biggest mobile phone company Cellcom makes light of Palestinian suffering and shows how far Israelis fail to understand their neighbors, critics said. The company stood by the ad, however.

It shows a ball falling on an Israeli army jeep from the far side of a towering wall. A game ensues, back and forth with the unseen Palestinians after a soldier dials up “reinforcements,” including two smiling women in uniform, to come and play.

The advertisement made by McCann Erickson, part of U.S. Interpublic Group, ends with the upbeat voiceover: “After all, what are we all after? Just a little fun.”

Since the ad went out last week — as Palestinians marked the fifth anniversary of a World Court ruling that Israel’s walls and fences in the West Bank were illegal — some Israelis have taken to blogs and social networking sites to voice dismay.

“Aside from being a great contender for the ‘creepiest ads of all time’, this one-minute ad says a lot about how mainstream Israel likes to see itself and the Palestinians,” journalist Dimi Reider wrote in a blog which concluded most of his fellow Israelis did not understand Palestinians’ rage at the barrier.

Ahmed Tibi, an Arab member of Israel’s parliament, said he had written to Cellcom demanding it pull the ad: “The barrier separates families and prevents children from reaching schools and clinics,” he told Reuters. “Yet the advertisement presents the barrier as though it were just a garden fence in Tel Aviv.”

“RACIST COMMERCIAL”

Few Palestinians watch the Israeli stations where the advert aired but there was outrage among liberal Israelis on the Web.

A Hebrew-language Facebook group called “I too got nauseous watching the new Cellcom ad” had signed up 218 members. They demanded “take this racist commercial off the air immediately.”

Israeli blogger Ami Kaufman told Reuters: “We see Israeli soldiers playing with … the people that they are incarcerating behind the wall. But the most grotesque, most disturbing part of this ad is the fact that the Palestinians basically aren’t seen … They’re like monsters or aliens … This is the alienation that Israeli society feels toward the Palestinian people.”

Noam Sheizaf, another Israeli journalist and blogger, said it distorted reality: “In reality, if a Palestinian comes close to the fence to return a football … he is likely to get shot.”

Asked to comment, Cellcom said its “core value is communication between people” regardless of “religion, race or gender.” It said the commercial illustrated the possibility for people of diverse opinions to engage in “mutual entertainment.”

A spokeswoman said it was a coincidence the ad came out so close to last Thursday’s anniversary of the 2004 decision by the World Court that Israel had no right to build hundreds of miles of walls and fences on Palestinian land it took in a 1967 war.

Israel built the barrier with the declared aim of stopping suicide bombers. For Palestinians, it has become one of the most hated symbols of Israeli occupation, a land grab whose course round Jewish settlements would cripple any state they establish.

Transportation Ministry to Hebraize road signs

Udi Etzion | YNet News

13 July 2009

Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz recently ordered a change in roadside signs across Israel’s highways so that the all names appearing on them in English and Arabic would be a direct transliteration of Hebrew.

For example, the sign directing drivers to Jerusalem would read Yerushalayim, Nazareth will become Natsrat and Caesarea will become Kesariya. Arab names are to be changed accordingly.

The Transportation Ministry has been working on the project for over a year and says its main purpose is to create uniform roadside spelling for more than 2,000 names of cities, towns and villages.

Current road signs, says the ministry, reflect the vast changes and development in Israel’s highways, and as such there are many variations of places’ names. Caesarea, for instance, appears as Caesarea, Qesarya, Qesariyya and Ceysaria.

“The lack of uniform spelling on signs has been a problem for those speaking foreign languages, citizens and tourists alike,” explains Yeshaayahu Ronen, head of the ministry’s Transportation Planning Department.

“It impairs drivers’ ability to find their way and we have decided to follow many other countries around the world and make the transliteration of all names correspond directly with Hebrew.”

Katz authorized Ronen’s department to decide which signs would be replaced.

“Almost all Israeli communities’ names have previous names. Some Palestinian maps still refer to the Israeli cities by their pre-1948 names, since they see them as settlements,” said Katz. “I will not allow that on our signs. This government, and certainly this minister, will not allow anyone to turn Jewish Jerusalem to Palestinian al-Quds.”

Katz is convinced the new style will not infringe on Arab drivers’ ability to find their way. “We will continue to serve the Arab public and have signs in Arabic. I have no problem with an Area B (defined by the Oslo Accords as areas under the Palestinian Authority’s civil control and Israel’s security control) sign reading ‘Nablus’ in Arabic.

“The names on the signs should reflect the reality of the local population, which is exactly why Israeli signs must have Hebrew transliteration.”

As for the cost of the new plan, the Transportation Ministry says the change will be gradual. Ministry Spokesman Avner Ovadia says that no existing sign will be changed and that the new ordinance will only affect new signs, or those replaced due to wear.

MK Tibi: Al-Quds will remain al-Quds

Arab Knesset members were infuriated by the proposal: “Al-Quds will remain al-Quds and Shfaram will remain Shefa-‘Amr,” said MK Ahmad Tibi (United Arab List-Ta’al).

“Minister Katz is mistaken if he thinks that changing a few words can erase the existence of the Arab people or their connection to Israel. This is a blatant attempt at harming the Arabic language and everything it represents.”

Hadash Chairman Mohammad Barakeh added that the decision was too far-reaching: “Yisrael Katz is merely the transportation minister and it appears that the power went to his head… I hereby inform him that he cannot change the nature of a place. Yisrael Katz will come and go but Shefa-‘Amr is here to stay.”

Minister of Minority Affairs Avishay Braverman criticized the decision as well: “Road signs are not a political issue. Arabic is an official language in the State of Israel,” he said.

“I would suggest the Minister Katz place much needed street signs in Arab communities before he changes road signs.