The road back to Ramallah

by: -bat.

Katie and I head out of Hebron in a service taxi, one of the large ones this time, and retrace the route I had taken the night before. It had been dark when I arrived, but now it is daylight, and I have someone to explain what’s going on beside the road as we travel. In daylight she points out to me just how many destroyed orchards we pass beside the road. Either side are fields containing the stumps of what had once been olive trees. I don’t know if they have also been burnt, but they look blackened to me as well. We are not talking about just a few rows close to the road where people could hide either – whole fields have been obliterated, and presumably the livelihood of the farmer along with it.

But where some things are being wiped out, there are also new things springing up. We pass a ramshackle group of mobile homes and temporary buildings on a hillside, surrounded by a high fence. This is how some settlements begin – as illegal outposts. That’s “illegal” in the sense of “under Israeli law” of course – all settlements are illegal under international law. But people can come out here, set up temporary buildings, arm themselves, and form a settlement. Eventually they become enough of a headache that the Israeli government legitimizes them, and a new official settlement is born. We pass other temporary structures on the way as well – very rough shanty town type constructions of corrugated iron and cloth, with animals running about amongst the people. I had seen these on the way down but not known what they were. Katie now explains that they are what has become of the local Bedouin. These people are traditionally nomadic, but with the restrictions of the occupation this is an impossible way of life. But Israel does not permit them to erect any permanent structures. So they build these tiny shanty towns, which then get periodically demolished by the army, leaving them homeless once more. To my eyes this looks like the worst living conditions of anyone in the west bank that I have seen so far.

Checkpointing

The journey grinds to a halt as we wind up the side of the valley which leads up to a checkpoint at the summit. A queue of stationary traffic stretches ahead of this. If you are going to get detained at any checkpoint then this is the best one. Not because of any different treatment you will get at the hands of the soldiers, but simply because the setting means that it has excellent views out across the valley. Might as well have something nice to look at whilst being held and interrogated, right?

Initially the service taxi sits stationary in the queue, and for a while we take the opportunity to get out and stretch our legs by taking a walk in the sunshine. Eventually though our driver gets exasperated with the wait, and decided to take matters into his own hands by breaking out of the queue, tearing up the nearside edge of the road and pushing in again right at the top where the soldiers are searching the vehicles. Surprisingly this doesn’t seem to bother anyone, not even the Israelis. If I was them and a vehicle broke out of the queue half a mile down the road and sped towards the checkpoint then I would be very alarmed, but this does not seem to phase them.

The soldiers finish searching the car in front and turn their attention to our van. They ask for papers from everyone. At the time time I did not really realize what was happening – I assumed the checks were to search people on their journeys to look for weapons and the like. What I did not realize is that Israel has divided the west bank into small fragments and does not permit movement between them without an appropriate travel permit. This is what was being checked here, and as Katie and I are obviously not Palestinian then we have to hand over our passports – her’s US, mine UK. It’s a tense moment – Katie has some passport problems and we have to hope the soldier does not realize. Luckily he takes far more of an interest in me.

“Where are you going ?” he asks

“Ramallah” I tell him.

“And what are you going to do when you get to Ramallah ?”

Erp! I wasn’t expecting that as the next question. I was busy thinking of a reply to “what are you doing here?” instead. I am completely unprepared and so I do precisely what I am always being told not to do in these situations. I open my mouth and tell him the absolute literal truth.

“I’m going to sit down and have a cup of tea.”

Just for once, it happens to be the right thing to say. The soldier stares at me, looks down at the visa in my passport, and hands both of them back without checking Katie’s. The service taxi lurches into life, and with a great sense of relief the checkpoint disappears into the distance.

Attending a wedding

If you has asked me what I thought I might find in Palestine before I went then I would have given you several answers; Arabs, settlers, soldiers, police, etc… but one of them would not have been “Anglicans”. Yet, a few hours later I find myself sitting in a church pew with Katie awaiting the arrival of a bride. It’s a pretty traditional pew, in a pretty traditionally decorated building. We have stained glass, flowers, a priest, an organ with the usual somewhat variable organist, and a congregation which could have been plucked from somewhere in the home counties. Had I taken a photo you would have been hard pressed to identify it as not being a modern church somewhere in Sussex.

It’s very hard to describe what it is like to watch what I would normally have referred to as ‘an English wedding service” being conducted by Palestinians, almost entirely in Arabic, including the hymn singing to organ tunes I know so well from school. I am English, and am used to the “decaffinated” version of Christianity we have in this country. I would never describe myself as a Christian – yet I realize that in Palestine I am one, despite my atheism. Belief doesn’t matter – these are my cultural reference points, this is the framework of my value system, and hence this is the visible social minority to which I belong. I can’t change that, it’s part of me, I just didn’t realize it before. Sometimes you need to see something out of context (or possibly in a better context) to understand things about it.

It’s a beautiful service too. I have a fondness for weddings – I have somehow managed to miss the cynicism regarding them which affects so many of my friends. They make me happy, and especially here, with all the misery being inflicted on these people, being able to see a couple doing something unequivocally positive is very welcome. I sincerely hope they carve out a happy life together.

Shopping in a five star prison

After the ceremony Katie has to go home and work – she draws political cartoons for a Palestinian newspaper – so I spend the rest of the afternoon with Katie’s friend Neta and her children. We go shopping for books, and then sweets for the children. Neta is great company, and an engaging person to talk to as she is the first actual Israeli I have met living in the west bank. She tells me how she grew up in Israel and met her future husband through a programme to try and get Israelis and Palestinians to mix face to face to encourage understanding and trust. In her case it worked rather better than expected as she now lives in Palestine with her husband and children.

It’s also the only chance I have to hear even a small part of the Israeli side of the story first hand. She talks to me about how growing up in Israel she was conditioned to be scared of the Arabs, to believe that they all wanted to attack and kill any Israeli, and that it took years for her to get over it, even after marrying a Palestinian and moving to the occupied territories. I have heard this from other people, but never directly from someone who grew up there. I tell her about what I’ve seen and we talk about the checkpoints, the occupation and the wall – how it seems to be an attempt to turn a whole country into a prison.

“Yes” she says, “Ramallah is nice, but it is a five star prison. Hebron is maybe a three star prison, and Gaza is a one star prison. But they are all prisons”.

I look around me, at the people bustling in and out of the cafes and shops. She is right of course. Life here may look OKish but without a permit to enter east Jerusalem they cannot cross through Qalandia to go into the city, and they certainly cannot go to the airport and leave the country. All require permits, and permits are virtually impossible to get without a very good reason. But I am not in prison, I can go and wave my UK passport like a magic card and pass through checkpoints with relative ease. Most importantly, I can get out of here any time I like.

The boys from the Mersea and the Thames and the Tyne

Eventually we tire of shopping and Neta and I go to an upstairs restaurant for some tea, where we bump into a number of other friends of hers who are also guests at the wedding. She knows a lot of people it seems. I feel somewhat foolish in retrospect actually – at the time I just assumed she was some friend of Katie’s, but upon coming back I have realized that she is actually one of the founders of the ISM, a high profile figure in Palestinian activism and also someone I have read numerous articles by on the internet when reading about Palestine before I went. Doh! Maybe, though, it’s better to meet someone that way, not knowing anything about them and just taking them as they are. To me she was just a really nice person whom I got to spend an afternoon and evening with.

So I sit there, and chat to the others round the table, including one person working with a human rights organization. One thing which I have skipped over in writing these accounts is the conversations I had with other activists I met out there. Katie once wrote in her journal that NGO’s in Palestine are like scenester bands in San Fransisco, and I now realize what she means. I had only really heard of ISM before I went, but in actuality there seem to be innumerable small organizations working out there and the first question you get asked is “which organization are you with?”. Trying to explain that I wasn’t “with” anyone per-se, I just happened to be out there visiting a friend for the weekend seemed to somewhat perplex people. They always seemed happier when I explained that my friend was with ISM, as if I didn’t quite make sense unless I could be attached to an NGO of some kind.

The west bank appears to be stuffed with internationals – including a sizable contingent of brits, to the extent that on two separate occasions I met someone who recognized me from back home. Small world. They come in all shapes and sizes. Some are what you might expect them to be, young, idealistic, and enthusiastic, whereas others are he opposite, retired older people doing something they see as a good thing, with determination. All the people I had met up to this point had one thing in common though – they were volunteers. Which was why I was very interested to meet someone who was a career human rights worker for the first time, and who had worked doing the same job in other parts of the world. We talk for a while, until she says, almost as a throwaway comment when discussing something else “Yes, but I am not out here for ‘The Cause’ or anything”.

Now there’s something to stop and think about. Because, despite my statements about visiting a friend, I am also most definitely out there for The Cause, as have been all the other volunteers I have met. I try not to see anything in black and white, but despite all the shades of gray I know who’s side I am on in the overall situation. It’s so obvious to me that what’s being done is wrong that it is hard to imagine anyone seeing it and maintaining a neutral point of view. At the time it irked me a little, but now I can see a bigger picture. There are a lot of trouble spots in the world, and a lot of people suffering. If you want to go in and try and alleviate that in all those places then you can’t afford to get involved in the politics, and you can’t chose sides. It’s not about a neutral point of view, it’s about maintaining a detachment which enables you to do the work, and then get up one day and move to Sudan to do whatever is necessary there. Concentrate on the people, ignore the overall battle.

I have a lot of respect for that, because it is not something I am capable of.

Dancing and singing

Inevitably of course I end up at the wedding reception. At this point I am starting to feel a bit self conscious. I am not really dressed for a wedding; the only footwear I have is my paraclogs, and due to the lack of my luggage I have been wearing the same clothes for rather too long and have four days worth of stubble. I look like something the cat dragged in, and gatecrashing has never really been something I was comfortable with anyway. But my new found friends insist that nobody will mind, and that I look just fine.

Hence I find myself lining up with everyone else in smart shirts to shake hands with the happy couple and their relatives in the wedding line and thence to the hall where places are set with food and refreshments. Unlike an English reception everyone starts dancing immediately. I decide to remain diplomatically seated and inconspicuous. This lasts precisely as long as it takes Neta to arrive. She’s having none of my wallflower act and immediately drags me onto the dancefloor with all the rest. So I try and copy everyone else and shimmy away clicking my fingers over my head. I hope I didn’t do too badly.

In actual fact it is great fun – an awful lot more fun than a number of weddings I have been to back home. People are friendly and enthusiastic about enjoying themselves. The cake arrives and is cut with a sword whilst tow roman candles of the kind you would have outdoors in this county do their best to shower everyone with sparks a few feet from the bride and groom. The DJ relays telephone messages from absent relatives to the room, and there is a very surreal moment where the local music is replaced with some English music, presumably for the benefit of some of the guests on the grooms side, and everyone sings along to “I will survive” followed by “YMCA”. Luckily for good taste the soundtrack returns to a more middle eastern beat within a few songs.

We even have alcohol – Taybeh beer, brewed locally in Ramallah and bearing the proud boast that it is “the finest beer in the middle east”. Now I suspect that there isn’t much competition for that accolade, but I sample a bottle and it is indeed good stuff. There is also an extremely potent spirit which I forget the name of but is very similar to ouzo. The food is excellent, and the people I meet are friendly and chatty so that I lose my ‘univited guest’ complex very swiftly.

Eventually the evening winds to an end and I leave to go back to Katie’s sharing a taxi with Neta and her children. If there was ever a day of contrasts then this was it – I went from the still grimness of Tel Rumeida in the morning to the noise and happiness of the party in the evening. The latter was a good antidote for the former, and I am glad I took part in it.

This was my last night in Ramallah. The next day would be my final day in Palestine.

“I pity you for having become murderers”

by Anna Baltzer, 5 May 2007

Five years ago, nine-month-old Mohammed and his grandmother were in their West Bank home when it began to fill with nerve gas from a nearby Israeli Occupation Forces military base. The Army had moved in on a hill near their home in the Skan Abu Absa suburb of Ramallah, and would frequently shoot all over the surrounding area, often retaliating against Palestinian gunfire from a hill away from the suburb. As the gas seeped into his living room, the baby Mohammed began to shake violently before suffering a stroke causing extensive paralysis. His grandmother ran to pick him up and also inhaled the gas, causing an intense burning sensation all over her body. When she realized her grandson had stopped moving, she pleaded with the soldiers outside to open the road out of her town and raced Mohammed to the hospital, where he was diagnosed with severe neurological deterioration resulting in a vegetative state. The Palestinian Ministry of Health and UNRWA conducted extensive tests on Mohammed and his parents to determine with certainty the cause of his condition. After a full genetic investigation, doctors confirmed that Mohammed’s state was neither hereditary nor due to a chromosomal abnormality, but a result of the poisonous gas.

I met Mohammed’s father Sami waiting at a checkpoint near Haris. He’d hesitated to publicize his son’s story for fear of harassment from the Army. He said his family was suffering enough – their personal tragedy only began with the gassing. After Mohammed’s injury, Sami’s father went from being a strong healthy 47-year-old to an emotional and physical wreck, and died one year later from stress and heart problems. Mohammed, now six, continues to suffer from severe neuro-developmental delay, poorly controlled seizure disorder, the loss of sight, and inability to eat normally. He eats via a G-tube (poking directly into his stomach) and is fed a special formula “Pediasure” that is not available in Israel/Palestine, so Sami travels to Jordan every three months to bring the formula and anti-convulsants that Mohammad requires. Each time Sami crosses back to the West Bank, he is forced to pay Israeli customs taxes on the formula, totaling hundreds of dollars a year. This is in addition to countless other expenses: land travel, adult diapers, maintaining his customized bed (to prevent bed sores), medicine, and round-the-clock care. Sami and his wife spend so much money taking care of Mohammed that they lack the remaining funds to take legal action against the Israeli Army for poisoning their son.

Tragic stories of Occupation-induced paralysis are common in the West Bank, so even if Mohammed’s family had the money for a lawsuit there’s little reason to believe it would be remarkable enough to bring the Israeli Army to justice. I recently interviewed Moussa, a young paraplegic who lost the use of his legs five years ago at the age of 19 when the Army shot him in the colon. One Monday in February, Moussa began experiencing severe pain from an infection in his wound, which a Red Crescent doctor warned could become systemic if not treated immediately. The infection risked reaching the bones in Moussa’s back, developing gangrene, and poisoning his blood, but even the best West Bank hospitals had sent him home because they were ill-equipped to treat such a serious condition. On Tuesday, Moussa’s doctor referred him to a hospital in Jordan, and in two days the family renewed Moussa’s passport and obtained a transfer from the Palestinian Ministry of Health to receive treatment in Amman. Then on Thursday, as the family was preparing to leave, Israel refused the sick wheelchair-bound young man permission to leave the West Bank for unspecified “security reasons.” When Moussa’s doctor explained that waiting could mean the difference between life and death, the Israeli DCO invited the family to appeal the decision, but only three days later, after the Jewish Sabbath.

We put Moussa’s family in touch with Physicians for Human Rights, who were successful in getting him to Jordan before his infection could become fatal. But Moussa will still never walk again, nor will my neighbor and friend Issa, who shot by soldiers outside his home in May 2001 as he ushered children in from the streets during an Army invasion. In spite of his handicap, Issa remains committed to working nonviolently against the Occupation. Last time we spoke, he quoted an Arabic saying: “You can’t clap with one hand.” He said Jews, Palestinians, and the world must work together to end injustice and oppression everywhere.

Almost three years ago, Issa wrote an open letter to the two anonymous soldiers who shot and paralyzed him. It was published in Haaretz and elsewhere and I’ve copied it below. It is worth reading:

“I remember you. I remember your confused face when you stood above my head and wouldn’t let people come to my aid. I remember how my voice grew weaker, when I said to you: `Be humane and let my parents help me.’ I keep all those pictures in my head. How I lay on the ground, trying to get up but unable. How I fought my shortness of breath, which was caused by the blood that was collecting in my lungs, and the voice that was weakened because my diaphragm was hurt. I won’t hide from you that despite this, I had pity for them. I felt that I was strong, because I had powers I didn’t know about before.

“That was exactly three years ago. I rushed out of the house in order to distance the village children from the danger of the teargas. They were used to playing their simple games on the dusty streets of the village while the pregnant women watched over them and chatted. I didn’t believe that your weapons contained live bullets or dum-dum bullets, which are prohibited under international law. I was able to protect the children and get them away from your fire, and I don’t regret that.

“I pity you for having become murderers. Since I was a boy, I have hated killing, hated weapons and hated the color red, just as I hate injustice and fight against it. That is how I have understood life since I was a boy, and that, in the same spirit, is what I have taught others. I gave all my strength for the sake of peace and justice and for reducing the suffering that is caused by injustice, whatever its origin. Yes, I pitied you, because you are sick. Sick with hate and loathing, sick with causing injustice, sick with egoism, with the death of the conscience and the allure of power. Recovery and rehabilitation from those illnesses, just as from paralysis, is very long, but possible. I pitied you, I pitied your children and your wives and I ask myself how they can live with you when you are murderers. I pitied you for having shed your humanity and your values and the precepts of your religion and even your military laws, which forbid breaking into homes and beating civilians, because that undermines the soldier’s morale, his strength and his manhood.

“I pitied you for saying that you are the victims of the Nazis of yesterday, and I don’t understand how yesterday’s victim can become today’s criminal. That worries me in connection with today’s victim – my people are those victims – and I am afraid that they too will become tomorrow’s criminals. I pity you for having fallen victim to a culture that understands life as though it is based on killing, destruction, sowing fear and terror, and lording it over others. Despite all that, I believe that there is a chance for atonement and forgiveness and a possibility that you will restore to yourselves something of your lost humanity and morality. You can recover from the illnesses of hatred and the lust for revenge, and if we should meet one day, even in my house, you can be certain that you won’t find me holding an explosive belt or concealing a knife in my pocket or in the wheels of my chair. But you will find someone who will help you get back what you lost.

“You will find a soft and delicate infant here, whose age is the same as the second in which you pulled the trigger and who will never see his father standing on his feet but who is full of pride and power, even if he has to push his father’s chair, having no other choice. Even though I have reasons to hate you, I don’t feel that way and I have no regrets.”

Issa is Arabic for Jesus, who is also revered as a prophet in the Muslim faith. Some would say it’s a suitable name for a man who believes in responding to injustice with passionate nonviolence and forgiveness. Mohammed and Moussa (which means Moses, also a prophet in Islam) never wrote a letter like Issa’s, but they and their families welcomed me, a Jewish American, into their homes with gentle kindness and openness. Struggling for peace and survival in spite of great personal tragedies, the three prophets’ namesakes and their families, like so many Palestinians paralyzed physically (as well as emotionally, spiritually, and economically) by the Occupation, are some of the true – albeit often forgotten – heroes of Palestine.

Global Day of Action, June 9-10

The World Says NO to Israeli Occupation!
from Stop the Wall, 7 May 2007

Global Day of Action – June 9-10, 2007

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In order to ensure that the local, regional and national actions will have the necessary global impact, we need your contribution and feedback:

Global Day of Action – June 9-10, 2007
The World Says NO to Israeli Occupation!

June 2007 marks the 40-year anniversary of Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the Syrian Golan Heights. On June 9-10, 2007, the people of Palestine and people of the world will join together to say NO! to Israeli occupation.

For 40 years Israel has constructed illegal settlements on stolen Palestinian land. For 40 years Israel has killed thousands of Palestinians, demolished 12,000 Palestinian homes, arrested 650,000 Palestinians, destroyed more than a million Palestinian olive trees.

Since 2002 the Apartheid Wall built on occupied Palestinian territory aims to encircle the Palestinian population, squeezing Palestinians into truncated Bantustans and cementing Israeli expansionism. The Wall divides farmers from their land, students from their schools, workers from their jobs, and people from their communities. Despite the International Court of Justice ruling it illegal, the Wall now encircles Palestinian towns and cities in the most massive land-grab in 40 years. In its recent war against Lebanon, Israel’s unilateralism and militarism have been exposed to the world. Israel continues to establish “facts on the ground” to maintain strategic control over the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and to annex land and get rid of the non-Jewish population.

For 40 years of occupation Israel has continued to deny Palestinians in the occupied territories their internationally guaranteed human rights to food, water, education, livelihood, and health care; imposes a system of checkpoints, closures, military fences, sieges and curfews that deny Palestinians freedom of movement within and between their own communities; and, again in violation of the Geneva Conventions, Israel imposes collective punishments on the entire Palestinian population. Mass arrests have included dozens of democratically elected Palestinian parliamentarians and government ministers. Since the year 2000, Israel’s “targeted” killings, often carried out by U.S.-provided F-16 bombers or Hellfire missiles have resulted in more than 337 dead Palestinians; 129 of them were not the “target” at all, and many of those killed were children.

In Jerusalem and inside Israel, Palestinians since 1948 face institutionalized discrimination and are denied equality and their full rights as citizens. And Israel continues to deny Palestinian refugees, who were forcibly exiled from their homeland in the 1947-48 war, their internationally guaranteed right of return.

Thirty years ago, the United Nations recognized, condemned and committed itself to oppose the international crime of apartheid wherever it appeared. Today, 12 years after the end of apartheid in South Africa, Israel continues to practice a system of apartheid. We call on the United Nations once again to join with us to identify, condemn and commit ourselves to opposing these heinous crimes. As we were in the past, we are again determined that the perpetrators of that crime be brought to justice.

Throughout its years of occupation, Israel continues to stand in violation of dozens of international laws and scores of UN resolutions. And the international community bears much of the responsibility for those violations. Led by the United States, many governments around the world have actively collaborated in providing support for Israel’s occupation and its denial of Palestinian rights. Others have stood mute, or spoken too quietly, failing to mobilize a serious global challenge to Israel’s global violations.

We are building nonviolent global campaigns of Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions, and we will work on a wide range of educational and cultural campaigns, all culminating in a:

Global Day of Action on June 9-10, 2007,
held under the banner, “The World Says No to Israeli Occupation.”

People across the globe will come together on those days to demand an end to occupation and the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination and the right to establish an independent, sovereign Palestinian state with its capital in Jerusalem. We will insist that our own governments stop providing military, economic, diplomatic and corporate support for Israel’s illegal occupation, and instead create new foreign policies that will support an end to occupation, equal rights for all, and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace

Join with us as THE WORLD SAYS ‘NO’ TO ISRAELI OCCUPATION!

Endorse the call with a mail to ICNPcall@gmail.com

1.If you plan actions, please send the following details to ICNPcall@gmail.com:

Country:
City and Location:
Time:
Type of initiative:
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Organizers:
Supporters:
Contact details (to be published):

2. If you have prepared any activist and info material (posters, stickers, leaflets etc.) that want to share with others so that they can adjust them to their local circumstances, please send them to ICNPcall@gmail.com. We will prepare a selection of material that we will publish and disseminate.

Setting Sail to Break the Siege of Gaza

Setting Sail to Break the Siege of Gaza
from Free Gaza, 6 May 2007

Free Gaza- Break the Siege

This summer – forty years after the Israeli seizure and occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip – international, Palestinian and Israeli civilians will sail to Gaza to challenge Israeli control and isolation of the 1.4 million Palestinians who live there. The project is intended to awaken the conscience of the nations of the world, who have turned their backs on a people whose human rights, welfare and very existence are being sacrificed to political expediency.

Israel says Gaza is no longer occupied, yet it denies Palestinians access to jobs, travel, visitors, commerce, education, health and medical care. Its military has turned the Gaza Strip into an open-air prison controlled by land, sea and air. As a result of draconian restrictions on access to the outside world, Palestinians live on the brink of humanitarian catastrophe. After 40 years of brutal Israeli occupation, it is time for Gaza to be free.

We choose to no longer wait for the United Nations to enforce its resolutions, for the world to do its humanitarian duty, or for Israel to respect human rights guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Fourth Geneva Convention. We choose to act upon those rights as free people, and declare our solidarity with the Palestinian people.

• We will not stand by while Israel besieges Gaza and denies Palestinians control over their own borders.

• We will not accept that the 1.4 million people of Gaza are trapped and starved, surrounded by 27-foot walls.

• We will not stand by as these civilians are daily terrorized by bombings, incursions, and abductions by Israeli armed forces.

We will not wait for Israel to allow Gaza to be free. We therefore choose to sail to this beleaguered territory and challenge Israel for imprisoning Palestinians, while pretending to the world that they are free. We choose nonviolent civil resistance against the unjust policies of occupation in order to show that everyone can participate in resisting injustice.

We therefore ask for your support and participation in this expression of caring and solidarity by joining us or by donating to this trip.

For online donations, or to send checks or wire transfers, click HERE And click on the SPONSOR A CHILD page

Write BREAKTHESIEGE on your donation. It will be held for the boat action: The Free Gaza Movement

Website: The Free Gaza Movement
Email: friends@freegaza.org

For more info, contact:

EU: Spain: +34.93.441.70.79
UK +44.77.39.14.70.95:
France: +33.60.73.74.512
US: Texas:01-512-779-6115
California: 01-510-236-5338
Midwest:01-816-805-7133

Military inspector to residents in Al Hadidiya: “The bulldozers are coming!”

Military inspector to residents in Al Hadidiya: “The bulldozers are coming!”
by the ISM Media Crew, 6 May 2007

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE


Photo: IWPS

This afternoon, Sunday May 6, Palestinians in Al Hadidiya received three threats. First, an officer from the nearby settlement of Ro’i entered the village. According to Fathy, a resident of the area, the settler threatened the Palestinians and said they must leave. Shortly after this, the army arrived. “Why have you not left yet? It is time for you to go,” one officer said, according to Fathy. “These are our homes. We are not going anywhere,” the Palestinians replied. Then, at around 7pm, the military housing inspector entered the village. Fathy said that after the visit it was clear that the bulldozers would come in the next day or two.

“We need internationals to come with their cameras to document this!” Fathy exclaimed.

At least four international solidarity activists have heeded the call and will be present to stand in solidarity with the Palestinian residents of Al Hadidiya to resist and document the home demolitions.

The residents of Al Hadidya have been awaiting army action since April 21st when a court ruling came into effect ordering them to leave and for the demolition of their homes. Al Hadidya is a collection of Bedouin Camps in an isolated area of countryside, deemed a military area by Israeli occupying forces, close to the illegal Israeli colony of Ro’i. Palestinians, Israelis, and international solidarity activists were maintaining a presence in the area to resist the demolitions.

When internationals arrived in Al Hadidya two weeks ago, many of the villagers were in the process of moving their tents to an area three kilometres away. The new camp is situated next to a fenced off settler water pumping station but Palestinians are forced to travel to Ein al Shibli by tractor to fetch water. The new camp is a further 3km away across rough terrain from this water supply, meaning an addional hours journey by tractor a day for some families.

Those families who have been forced to move are afraid that the army will issue them with another demolition order. Residents say that there is now nowhere else to go and that they will be forced out of the area if this happens.

Several families have chosen to stay in their homes despite the danger of demolition. One local farmer has said that he will not move and that even if they demolish his home he will rebuild again on the same spot. Most farmers in the area have had their homes demolished two or three times since in the last five years.

One resident, describing the previous time the Israeli military had come to demolish his house said ‘they came with ten vehicles, fifty soldiers and bulldozers to demolish my tent. During the demolition several of my sheep were run over by military vehicles, when my wife tried to protect them she was assaulted.’

Despite the threat of violence villagers will not give up their land, where many have lived since before 1967, and will stay to resist the demolitions and to rebuild again.

The Israeli policy of house demolitions in the Jordan Valley is intended to ethnically cleanse the region by marginalizing Palestinian access to land and pushing Palestinians out of areas where they can retain Jordan Valley IDs. The number of Jordan Valley permits, only given to permanent residents of the area, has significantly decreased since the Intifada while settler domination of the area has increased. 97% of the valley is either militarised, closed to civilians, or controlled by the settlements.


Video of Al Hadidiya and her residents

For more info, please contact:
Fathy0599-352-266
Omar, 0522-368-311
Angelika (IWPS), 0545-843-952, 0598-105-795
ISM Media Office, 0599-943-157, 0542-103-657