Palestine Center: A Barrier to Peace

By Samar Assad

October 1st, 2007

As Palestinians and the international community exert effort in order to guarantee a successful mid-November peace meeting, Israel has focused its attention on another matter. Ahead of the planned high-level talks, Israel has published maps that reveal a change in the route of its Separation Wall. The new maps, published on Israel’s Ministry of Defense website, show a significant increase in the length of the Wall to allow the annexation of large tracts of Palestinian land. According to a recent assessment report by the PLO’s Negotiations Affairs Department, the new route will annex 12 percent of the West Bank. The change to the Wall’s route and the planned expansion of settlements will place 46 percent of the West Bank under full Israeli control.

The Wall’s New Route

Israel claims the new route will annex “only” 8-7 percent of the West Bank. However, a study of the Israeli maps by the PLO’s Negotiations Affairs Department, which employs experienced experts in all fields, concluded that an additional 9 -12 percent of West Bank land will be annexed to Israel as a result of the new route. The Wall will stretch an additional 5 percent east of the Green Line in the area of the Modi’in Illit settlement bloc. The change in course will force 20,000 Palestinians in five villages to live between two walls creating another Palestinian ghetto.

The route will annex vast tracts of Palestinian land south of the West Bank, specifically in the Dead Sea area. The new route will put Ein Gedi Springs and the Mizpe Shalem settlement on the Israeli side of the wall, thus annexing approximately 2.6 percent of land near the Dead Sea to Israel.

In addition to the 2.6 percent of land in the Dead Sea area, the new route will encompass the Latrun Valley and East Jerusalem which comprise 2 percent of the West Bank; the Ariel and Kedumim Finger, which comprise 2.2 percent of the West Bank; and settlements east of the Wall which give Israel an additional 8 percent of the West Bank.

The Jordan Valley and West Bank Settler Population

The Jordan Valley sits on 26 percent of the West Bank, which Israel seeks to annex. Currently, Jewish settlements in the Jordan Valley have almost complete control of the area, which limits Palestinians use or development of the land.

The route change will allow 87 percent of settlers, more than 398,000 inhabitants, to remain in their settlements and become part of Israel. Furthermore, the new route will allow Israel to expand the illegal settlement blocs since they will be in “Israel” rather than in the Occupied Palestinian Territory after they have been annexed.

Percentage and Impact

Palestinian negotiators have long realized that negotiating over percentages does not guarantee the best outcome. As in all real estate deals, location is the prime rule. Although the Ariel and Kedumim Finger comprise 2.2 percent of the area, it contains the richest sources of water in the West Bank. And while East Jerusalem sits on 1.3 percent of the West Bank, it is the economic, cultural and religious center of Palestinian life. Furthermore, the new route reinforces the isolation of East Jerusalem from the West Bank. The Wall will separate 255,000 Palestinian Jerusalemites from the West Bank and more than 2 million Palestinians living on the “East side,” or the Palestinian side of the Wall, will be cut off from Jerusalem.

The new route reinforces the creation of Palestinian ghettos in the northern, central and southern West Bank. It also reinforces religious inaccessibility to holy sites in Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Mainly, the new route reinforces Israel’s race to create facts on the ground that further complicate efforts toward the creation of a viable Palestinian state.

Samar Assad is Executive Director of the Jerusalem Fund and its educational program, the Palestine Center. The above text does not necessarily reflect the views of The Jerusalem Fund.

http://ent.groundspring.org/EmailNow/pub.php?module=URLTracker&cmd=track&j=165667875&u=1638273

Settlers steal two more flags from Issa’s house

As part of the Jewish holiday of Sukkot, hundreds of religious visitors traveled to the West Bank city of Hebron on Sunday to view various religious sites and the settlements within the area. In previous years this event has coincided with incidences of violence towards local Palestinians and Human Rights Workers (HRWs), so efforts were made this year to provide a large international presence in an attempt to ensure that any aggression was documented and that the event passed peacefully. International HRWs accompanied local children to school before providing observation at check-points and outside a house recently illegally occupied by force by settlers, now protected by the Israeli Occupation Force (IOF).

Though the first day of the holiday passed reasonably peacefully, it was not without incident. Whilst international HRWs worked around the vicinity of Tel Rumeida, Israeli settlers managed to gain access to Issa’s house and steal the two Palestinian flags flying from the building. Previously occupied by both the IOF and Israeli settlers, the repossession of the property by its legal Palestinian owners has made Issa’s house a target of repeated aggressive action on behalf of the settler community.

Later in the day two HRWs were detained by the Israeli police for about an hour and threatened with arrest for providing observation in an area which was being used by the religious visitors to walk up to the Tel Rumeida settlement, an area also busy with local Palestinian residents. Due to the history of settler aggression the HRWs informed the police that despite their request they would not vacate the area unless the correct, legal documents were shown. After two other HRWs managed to contact the Head of Hebron Police Department the two detainees were immediately released.

With the influx of visitors to Hebron expected to continue for the next two days local activists and international HRWs will continue to coordinate efforts to observe any acts of aggression towards the local Palestinian population and property.

Anti-wall Protests: army violence in Bil`in, relative restraint in Walaja

By Ghassan Bannoura/John Smith
IMEMC

September 28, 2007

http://www.imemc.org/article/50679
http://www.imemc.org/article/50677

Video coverage Bil`in at http://mishtara.org/blog/?p=250

Nine injured in the weekly non violent protest at Bil`in

At the weekly non violent protest at the village of Bil`in, located near the central West Bank city of Ramallah, nine civilians were injured due to Israeli army attacks on the protest.

Villagers, Internationals and Israelis marched after conducting the Friday prayers in the village towards the wall which Israel is building on the stolen village land.

Regardless of the fact that the Israeli high court of Justice, at the beginning of the month, ruled that the section of the wall built in Bil`in is an illegal structure and should be removed. The Israeli army nevertheless attacked the civilian protesters with batons, sound bombs and tear gas injuring nine of them.

Among those injured were Mustafa Al Khatib, Abdullah Abu Rahmah and Mohammed Khalil.

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Peaceful demonstration at al-Walaja village

One hundred Palestinian villagers, alongside Israeli and international supporters, on Friday conducted a non-violent protest at the construction site of the illegal Israeli Wall that is destroying the village lands of al-Walaja.

At Friday mid-day, the protestors gathered for prayers, shortly after which the demonstrators marched towards the wall`s construction site, holding flags and banners calling for the Wall to be torn down.

Israeli soldiers surrounded the demonstration, marching with it, but not intervening in protest`s progress.

Protestors remained at the site for one-and-a-half hours, while speeches were delivered by local organizers, shortly after which the demonstration peacefully dispersed.

Ha’aretz: Twilight Zone – The children of 5767

By: Gideon Levy

September 28th, 2007

It was a pretty quiet year, relatively speaking. Only 457 Palestinians and 10 Israelis were killed, according to the B’Tselem human rights organization, including the victims of Qassam rockets. Fewer casualties than in many previous years. However, it was still a terrible year: 92 Palestinian children were killed (fortunately, not a single Israeli child was killed by Palestinians, despite the Qassams). One-fifth of the Palestinians killed were children and teens – a disproportionate, almost unprecedented number. The Jewish year of 5767. Almost 100 children, who were alive and playing last New Year, didn’t survive to see this one.

One year. Close to 8,000 kilometers were covered in the newspaper’s small, armored Rover – not including the hundreds of kilometers in the old yellow Mercedes taxi belonging to Munir and Sa’id, our dedicated drivers in Gaza. This is how we celebrated the 40th anniversary of the occupation. No one can argue anymore that it’s only a temporary, passing phenomenon. Israel is the occupation. The occupation is Israel.

We set out each week in the footsteps of the fighters, in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, trying to document the deeds of Israel Defense Forces soldiers, Border Police officers, Shin Bet security service investigators and Civil Administration personnel – the mighty occupation army that leaves behind in its wake horrific killing and destruction, this year as every year, for four decades.

And this was the year of the children that were killed. We didn’t get to all of their homes, only to some; homes of bereavement where parents weep bitterly over their children, who were climbing a fig tree in the yard, or sitting on a bench in the street, or preparing for an exam, or on their way home from school, or sleeping peacefully in the false security of their homes.

A few of them also threw a rock at an armored vehicle or touched a forbidden fence. All came under live fire, some of which was deliberately aimed at them, cutting them down in their youth. From Mohammed (al-Zakh) to Mahmoud (al-Qarinawi), from the boy who was buried twice in Gaza to the boy who was buried in Israel. These are the stories of the children of 5767.

The first of them was buried twice. Abdullah al-Zakh identified half of the body of his son Mahmoud, in the morgue refrigerator of Shifa Hospital in Gaza, by the boy’s belt and the socks on his feet. This was shortly before last Rosh Hashanah. The next day, when the Israel Defense Forces “successfully” completed Operation Locked Kindergarten, as it was called, leaving behind 22 dead and a razed neighborhood, and left Sajiyeh in Gaza, the bereaved father found the remaining parts of the body and brought them for a belated burial.

Mahmoud was 14 when he died. He was killed three days before the start of the school year. Thus we ushered in Rosh Hashanah 5767. In Shifa we saw children whose legs were amputated, who were paralyzed or on respirators. Families were killed in their sleep, or while riding on donkeys, or working in the fields. Operation Locked Kindergarten and Operation Summer Rains. Remember? Five children were killed in the first operation, with the dreadful name. For a week, the people of Sajiyeh lived in fear the likes of which Sderot residents have never experienced – not to belittle their anxiety, that is.

The day after Rosh Hashanah we traveled to Rafah. Dam Hamad, 14, had been killed in her sleep, in her mother’s arms, by an Israeli rocket strike that sent a concrete pillar crashing down on her head. She was the only daughter of her paralyzed mother, her whole world. In the family’s impoverished home in the Brazil neighborhood, at the edge of Rafah, we met the mother who lay in a heap in bed; everything she had in the world was gone. Outside, I remarked to the reporter from French television who accompanied me that this was one of those moments when I felt ashamed to be an Israeli. The next day he called and said: “They didn’t broadcast what you said, for fear of the Jewish viewers in France.”

Soon afterward we went back to Jerusalem to visit Maria Aman, the amazing little girl from Gaza, who lost nearly everyone in her life to a missile strike gone awry that wiped out her innocent family, including her mother, while riding in their car. Her devoted father Hamdi remains by her side. For a year and a half, she has been cared for at the wonderful Alyn Hospital, where she has learned to feed a parrot with her mouth and to operate her wheelchair using her chin. All the rest of her limbs are paralyzed. She is connected day and night to a respirator. Still, she is a cheerful and neatly groomed child whose father fears the day they might be sent back to Gaza.

For now, they remain in Israel. Many Israelis have devoted themselves to Maria and come to visit her regularly. A few weeks ago, broadcast journalist Leah Lior took her in her car to see the sea in Tel Aviv. It was a Saturday night, and the area was crowded with people out for a good time, but the girl in the wheelchair attracted attention. Some people recognized her and stopped to say hello and wish her well. Who knows? Maybe the pilot who fired the missile at her car happened to be passing by, too.

Not everyone has been fortunate enough to receive the treatment that Maria has had. In mid- November, a few days after the bombardment of Beit Hanoun – remember that? – we arrived in the battered and bleeding town: 22 killed in a moment, 11 shells dropped on a densely packed town. Islam, 14, sat there dressed in black, grieving for her eight relatives that had been killed, including her mother and grandmother. Those disabled by this bombardment didn’t get to go to Alyn.

Two days before the shelling of Beit Hanoun, our forces also fired a missile that hit the minibus transporting children to the Indira Gandhi kindergarten in Beit Lahia. Two kids, passersby, were killed on the spot. The teacher, Najwa Khalif, died a few days later. She was wounded in clear view of her 20 small pupils, who were sitting in the minibus. After her death, the children drew a picture: a row of children lying bleeding, their teacher in the front, and an Israeli plane bombing them. At the Indira Gandhi kindergarten, we had to bid good-bye to Gaza, too: Since then, we haven’t been able to cross into the Strip.

But the children have come to us. In November, 31 children were killed in Gaza. One of them, Ayman al-Mahdi, died in Sheba Medical Center at Tel Hashomer, where he had been rushed in grave condition. Only his uncle was permitted to stay with him during his final days. A fifth-grader, Ayman had been sitting with friends on a bench on a street in Jabalya, right by his school. A bullet fired from a tank struck him. He was just 10 years old.

IDF troops killed children in the West Bank, too. Jamil Jabaji, a boy who tended horses in the new Askar refugee camp, was shot in the head. He was 14 when he was killed, last December. He and his friends were throwing rocks at the armored vehicle that passed by the camp, located near Nablus. The driver provoked the children, slowing down and speeding up, slowing down and speeding up, until finally a soldier got out, aimed at the boy’s head and fired. Jamil’s horses were left in their stable, and his family was left to mourn.

And what did 16-year-old Taha al-Jawi do to get himself killed? The IDF claimed that he tried to sabotage the barbed-wire fence surrounding the abandoned Atarot airport; his friends said he was just playing soccer and had gone to chase after the ball. Whatever the circumstances, the response from the soldiers was quick and decisive: a bullet in the leg that caused him to bleed to death, lying in a muddy ditch by the side of the road. Not a word of regret, not a word of condemnation from the IDF spokesman, when we asked for a comment. Live fire directed at unarmed children who weren’t endangering anyone, with no prior warning.

Abir Aramin was even younger; she was just 11. The daughter of an activist in the Combatants for Peace organization, in January she left her school in Anata and was on the way to buy candy in a little shop. She was fired upon from a Border Police vehicle. Bassam, her father, told us back then with bloodshot eyes and in a strangled voice: “I told myself that I don’t want to take revenge. Revenge will be for this ‘hero,’ who was so ‘threatened’ by my daughter that he shot and killed her, to stand trial for it.” But just a few days ago the authorities announced that the case was being closed: The Border Police apparently acted appropriately.

“I’m not going to exploit my daughter’s blood for political purposes. This is a human outcry. I’m not going to lose my mind just because I lost my heart,” the grieving father, who has many Israeli friends, also told us.

In Nablus, we documented the use of children as human shields – the use of the so-called “neighbor procedure” – involving an 11-year-old girl, a 12-year-old boy and a 15-year-old boy. So what if the High Court of Justice has outlawed it? We also recorded the story of the death of baby Khaled, whose parents, Sana and Daoud Fakih, tried to rush him to the hospital in the middle of the night, a time when Palestinian babies apparently mustn’t get sick: The baby died at the checkpoint.

In Kafr al-Shuhada (the “martyrs’ village”) south of Jenin, in March, 15-year-old Ahmed Asasa was fleeing from soldiers who had entered the village. A sniper’s bullet caught him in the neck.

Bushra Bargis hadn’t even left her home. In late April she was studying for a big test, notebooks in hand, pacing around her room in the Jenin refugee camp in the early evening, when a sniper shot her in the forehead from quite far away. Her bloodstained notebooks bore witness to her final moments.

And what about the unborn babies? They weren’t safe either. A bullet in the back of Maha Qatuni, a woman who was seven months pregnant and got up during the night to protect her children in their home, struck her fetus in the womb, shattering its head. The wounded mother lay in the Rafidiya Hospital in Nablus, hooked up to numerous tubes. She was going to name the baby Daoud. Does killing a fetus count as murder? And how “old” was the deceased? He was certainly the youngest of the many children Israel killed in the past year.

Happy New Year.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/907708.html

New fence erected on anniversary of massacre

September 27th, 2007

The regeneration of Issa’s house in Tel Rumeida, Hebron, carried on in earnest on Thursday to mark the anniversary of the Ibrahimi Mosque massacre in 1994 by settler Baruch Goldstein, in which 29 Palestinians were murdered and 125 injured. Local activists together with international Human Rights Workers (HRWs) erected a wire fence around the front of the property to deter settlers from gaining access to the property. They were forced to carry all the materials through the nearby olive groves as the Israeli Occupation Force (IOF) have set up roadblocks and closed the main road near the house. This action was set amidst the backdrop of continuing violence towards local Palestinians by Israeli settlers in the Tel Rumeida area. On Friday afternoon, Haled, a Palestinian resident of Tel Rumeida, was punched in the face by a settler just ten meters away from an IOF checkpoint.

Issa’s house was previously illegally occupied by both the IOF and Israeli settlers respectively, both causing extensive damage, before being reclaimed via the courts by its original Palestinian owners. The repossesion of the house has been met by widespread discontent amongst the local settler population who have regularly attacked the property to the extent that continual surveillance of the property by HRWs is required, as well as the installation of a bullet proof door and protection for the windows.

Once the renovation is completed it is hoped that Issa’s House will be able to provide a centre for the training of young Palestinians by local activists in the principles and methods of non-violent resistance.