BBC: Hope flowers for West Bank school

By Raffi Berg

For the Palestinian children of Hope Flowers School, violence and conflict is a part of everyday life.

Just six km (four miles) from Jerusalem, their village has seen repeated Israeli incursions, shootings and demolitions by the army.

It is fertile breeding ground for militancy, but, at the hilltop school – a unique project in the West Bank and Gaza – concepts of hatred and retribution are shunned.

“Unfortunately we’re in a time when hate has escalated between the two sides,” says Ghada Ghabboun, the school’s co-director.

“For many Palestinians, Israelis are the enemy, and vice-versa, but here we work hard against this kind of stereotyping.”

Founded as a kindergarten in 1984, the institution places peace and democracy at the heart of its syllabus and extra-curricula activities, promoting non-violence and dialogue as means for conflict resolution.

As such, its methods and programmes have been groundbreaking.

Hope Flowers was the first school in the Palestinian territories to hold inter-faith lessons, instead of splitting its Christian and Muslim pupils into separate classes, and has invited rabbis from Israel to teach the pupils about Judaism.

It was also the first Palestinian school to teach Hebrew, to try to engender trust among the children towards Israelis.

The move did not go down well with local Palestinian militants, who accused the school’s founder, Hussein Issa, of being a collaborator and torched the school bus.

“There were so many challenges,” says Ms Ghabboun. “In the 1980s, it was a new idea. Back then, Palestinians rejected the idea of speaking to Israelis and the notion of co-existence.

“But after 23 years, the school has succeeded and managed to overcome the opposition of Palestinians.”

Firebombed

The vision of the school was born out of the grinding poverty and harsh conditions of the Deheishe refugee camp, just south of Bethlehem, to which Hussein Issa’s family fled during the 1948-49 Arab-Israeli war.

While many of his contemporaries harboured thoughts of revenge, he sought a different way to effect positive change for the Palestinians, by bringing Arabs and Israelis together.

To this end he established the al-Amal – or Hope – kindergarten, for Israeli and Palestinian children – the first such centre of its kind, embracing children from both sides of the conflict.

Some Palestinians, however, opposed the concept violently. Hussein Issa was a target of attack, his car was set on fire and the family home was firebombed.

It is precisely this fear of the unknown which the school aims to dispel.

“When you speak about ‘the enemy’ you don’t know him, you create an image of a monster, you deprive him of his humanity,” says Hussein Issa’s son, Ibrahim, also a co-director of the school.

“I have many Israeli friends and some I differ with, but we have one common ground, we are all human beings, and it’s important to see even your enemy in this way.”

Through the 1980s and 90s, as contacts between Israelis and Palestinians – politically and socially – began to grow, so the kindergarten began to take root.

It evolved into Hope Flowers school in 1989, and by the year 2000, some 600 students from Bethlehem, Hebron, Jerusalem and surrounding villages were on its register.

The school was recognised by the Palestinian Authority and there were even exchange programmes with Israeli schools in Netanya, Hadera and Tel Aviv.

Demolition threat

Hussein Issa lived to see his dream become a reality but died in March 2000.

Before the end of the year, the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada dealt the school a devastating blow.

The exchange programmes with Israeli schools ground to a halt when the Israeli government barred its citizens from travelling to Palestinian areas because of security risks.

As unemployment in the West Bank soared as a result of the closure of the territory, pupils’ parents lost their jobs and could no longer afford the US $550-a-year (UK £270) tuition fees.

With an increasing financial burden, the school was eventually forced to lay off 16 of its 30-strong staff.

Israeli road closures and other obstacles also meant many children could no longer reach the school, and the number of pupils fell by more than half.

But a more immediate threat to the future of Hope Flowers lies just beyond its peeling blue painted gates.

There the Israeli army is building part of its 700km-long West Bank barrier, which staff say will cut the school off from other parts of the West Bank.

Israel says the barrier is meant as protection against suicide bombers, while Palestinians see it as a device to grab land and the International Court of Justice has declared it illegal.

“It’s frightening. When the wall is finished, there will be surveillance cameras, trenches and watch-towers,” says Ms Ghabboun.

“For the Israelis, these are security measures, but for us they mean danger.”

In the shadow of the wall lies the school’s unfinished cafeteria, under demolition order by the Israeli army since 1998. The order is frozen pending appeals.

The structure now also falls inside a 200m no-man’s-land on either side of the wall, within which construction is prohibited.

Officials say the order was issued because the cafeteria was built without a permit, but staff believe it is to make way for the expansion of the adjacent Jewish settlement of Efrat.

Nor does the school itself have a building permit from the Israeli authorities, which means it too could one day be pulled down.

Mr Issa says a permit would cost $60,000, which the school could not possibly afford.
But despite such obstacles, Ms Ghabboun is sanguine about the future.

“There have been worse times than this in our history,” she says. “Normal life is difficult for the Palestinians, but the name of the school is Hope, so we’ll never say we can’t go on.”

MuzzleWatch: Archbishop Tutu barred by U. of St Thomas because of criticism of Israel

by Cecilie Surasky

Rumors have been circulating for some time that Archbishop Desmond Tutu was banned by the University of St Thomas in Minnesota because of statements he made that some consider anti-Semitic. Now it’s official: winning the Nobel Peace Prize doesn’t protect you from charges of anti-Semitism if you criticize Israeli human rights violations. Neither, apparently, does being one of the most compelling voices for social justice in the world today, or even getting an honorary degree from and giving the commencement address at Brandeis.

Minneapolis/St.Paul’s City Pages just reported that members of the St Thomas Justice and Peace Studies program were thrilled when Bishop Tutu agreed to speak at the University– but administrators did a scientific survey of the Jews of Minneapolis, which included querying exactly one spokesperson for Minnesota’s Jewish Community Relations Council and several rabbis who taught in a University program– and concluded that Tutu is bad for the Jews and should therefore be barred from campus.

“…in a move that still has faculty members shaking their heads in disbelief, St. Thomas administrators—concerned that Tutu’s appearance might offend local Jews—told organizers that a visit from the archbishop was out of the question.

“We had heard some things he said that some people judged to be anti-Semitic and against Israeli policy,” says Doug Hennes, St. Thomas’s vice president for university and government relations. “We’re not saying he’s anti-Semitic. But he’s compared the state of Israel to Hitler and our feeling was that making moral equivalencies like that are hurtful to some members of the Jewish community.”

St. Thomas officials made this inference after Hennes talked to Julie Swiler, a spokeswoman for the Jewish Community Relations Council of Minnesota and the Dakotas.

“I told him that I’d run across some statements that were of concern to me,” says Swiler. “In a 2002 speech in Boston, he made some comments that were especially hurtful.””

Just to send the message home, Swiler says:

“I think there’s a consensus in the Jewish community that his words were offensive.”

To be clear here, Swiler and the other rabbis have the right to say whatever they think, though representing those opinions, as Swiler does, as a Jewish consensus, is laughable.

Ultimately, groups like Minnesota’s JCRC, the right wing fringe group Zionist Organization of America, and the increasingly embarrassing Anti-Defamation League, who have all attacked Tutu for his criticism of Israeli policies, will face the consequences of smearing Tutu –a hero to millions and leader of a movement that was known for the massively disproportionate involvement of numerous South African Jews.

But it’s the craven behavior of the administrators of St. Thomas that will likely be a mark of shame for years to come. While it’s understandable, given the Church’s history of virulent anti-Semitism, that a Catholic institution would be extra sensitive about relations with Jews, it’s not clear here that there was any real pressure to cave in to. Did groups threaten to picket? Who knows what administrators were thinking?

Regardless, the backlash has already begun. Marv Davidov, an adjunct professor within the Justice and Peace Studies program said:

“As a Jew who experienced real anti-Semitism as a child, I’m deeply disturbed that a man like Tutu could be labeled anti-Semitic and silenced like this,” he says. “I deeply resent the Israeli lobby trying to silence any criticism of its policy. It does a great disservice to Israel and to all Jews.”

To make matters worse, when Cris Toffolo, the chair of the Justice and Peace Studies program told Tutu what happened and warned him of a possible smear campaign, she was immediately demoted.

Davidov again:

“This is pure bullshit,” says Davidov. “As far as fighting for civil rights, I consider Tutu to be my brother. And I consider Cris Toffolo to be my sister. They’re messing with my family here. If Columbia permits a Holocaust denier [Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad] to speak at their university, why are St. Thomas officials refusing to let Tutu, an apostle of nonviolence, speak at ours?”

“What happened at the University of St. Thomas is not an isolated event,” says Toffolo. “Until we have an honest debate about U.S. policy related to Israel, and about Israeli policy in the Occupied Territories, the spiral of violence will continue.”

Why Tutu? Why now? Are his statements anti-Semitic?

Bishop Tutu is closely associated with Sabeel, a Jerusalem based Christian liberation theology organization started by Palestinian Anglican pastor Rev. Naim Ateek. Sabeel is “an international peace movement initiated by Palestinian Christians in the Holy Land who seek a just peace based on two states-Palestine and Israel-as defined by international law and existing United Nations resolutions.”The group, and founder Naim Ateek in particular, have come under considerable attack by mainstream Jewish organizations that see their influence on domestic Christian organizations as a threat.

Sabeel works with local Christian partners to hold conferences in major cities across the United States. To the consternation of many, Bishop Tutu will be the featured speaker in late October at the Boston Sabeel conference. The conference title? “The Apartheid Paradigm in Palestine-Israel:Issues of Justice and Equality.”

Members of my group, Jewish Voice for Peace, have spoken at a handful of Sabeel conferences, and our Boston chapter is sponsoring a peace walk at the Boston conference.

As one JVP colleague who participated in several Sabeel conferences told me, she believed that Naim Atteek was guilty, at most, at times of being unaware of Jewish sensitivities around using certain Christian theological language (in fact, she publicly challenged him on this issue), but that he is ultimately advocating for a nonviolent resolution that recognizes the humanity and rights of both Jews and Palestinians. Of that, she has no doubt. (There are, to be sure, plenty of Palestinian sensitivities around language as well, though there is little interest among leaders of a variety of faiths in learning what those might be.)

Interestingly, the same can perhaps be said for Bishop Tutu, whose 2002 Sabeel speech seems to be the primary evidence offered for the cancellation of his talk. It’s impossible to convey the spirit of his talk by quoting only bits and pieces, so read it. Read the whole thing, especially the part cited by St. Thomas’ Doug Hennes where he says Tutu compared Israel to Hitler.

The talk is notable for its philo-Semitism and its equally passionate condemnation of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian land and people. For anyone who has been to the Occupied Territories, let alone lived through it, his words of condemnation are impossible to argue with. His language is challenging in part because it is imbued with the disappointment of a Christian raised to look up to Jews, and the heartache of an anti-apartheid leader who was once buoyed by passionate Jewish support. He struggles to make sense of the checkpoints, the home demolitions, the land confiscations, done by a state that says it represents the very same people.

What is clear is that he at times uses language loosely without understanding how it might hurt or offend us Jews. Does that make him an anti-Semite? Of course not. Should he be banned for using a term like “Jewish lobby” that makes many of us uncomfortable? Are you kidding?

Tutu never wavers in expressing his love of and hope for peace and security for both peoples. “Peace based on justice,” Tutu says, “is possible. We will do all we can to assist you to achieve this peace, because it is God’s dream, and you will be able to live amicably together as sisters and brothers. ”

PACBI: Celebrating Peace or Camouflaging Apartheid?

Boycott the Jericho-Tel Aviv Public Events on October 18th!

On October 18th, One Million Voices, an organization led by Israelis and international figures with the support of some Palestinians, is organizing a public event in Jericho and Tel Aviv, simultaneously. The event will include performances by renowned artists Brian Adams and Ilham Madfa’i. As stated on the organization’s English webpage, the objective of the event is to “mark the first time that massive numbers of Israelis and Palestinians gather simultaneously to unite against violent extremism.”

According to the widely accepted boycott criteria advocated by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI), the event falls under the category of normalization projects and violates the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), endorsed by over 170 Palestinian civil society organizations, trade unions, political parties, and grassroots movements, for the following reasons:

1. Participants are required to join the One Voice Movement and sign a mandate — ostensibly based on a “two-state solution,” but without any commitment to international parameters — which assumes equal responsibility of “both sides” for the “conflict,” and suspiciously fails to call for Israel’s full compliance with its obligations under international law through ending its illegal military occupation, its denial of Palestinian refugee rights (particularly the right of return), and its system of racial discrimination against its own Palestinian citizens.

2. The event is sponsored by Israeli institutions (mostly from the private sector) and endorsed by mainstream Israeli political figures from parties including the Likud and Shas. These Israeli “partners” are unquestionably complicit in maintaining Israel ‘s occupation and other forms of oppression.

We believe this event is being organized to promote a “peace” agreement that is devoid of the minimal requirements of justice, and that will leave the Palestinian people as disenfranchised as previous agreements have. The unfortunate and harmful support of Palestinian businessmen, religious and political figures, among others, for this event indicates either ignorance of the hidden agenda inherent in the whole initiative, deceptively camouflaged as a collective call for peace, or willingness to forfeit the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people in return for advancing selfish interests.

We call on the Palestinian public and international supporters of a just peace in Palestine not to take part in this public relations charade that conceals a misleading political program that falls significantly short of international law tenets and the Palestinian national program.

We call on Arab and Palestinian artists, in particular, not to participate in this or any similar event whose real objectives have nothing to do with genuine peace.

We call on Palestinian board members of the One Million Voices to withdraw their support for this movement that only serves to blind the Palestinian public and sidetrack it from struggling, with the solidarity of its international supporters, for its UN-sanctioned rights, for justice, equality and freedom.

Machsom Watch: Huwara Checkpoint, September 29th, 7 pm

Observers: Vivi Suri, Tamar Goldschmidt, Hava Halevi, Aya Baker Kaniuk (reporting)

Saturday, the Ramadan month of fasting. The checkpoint is as it always is. Cruel and mean. The soldiers, as all soldiers are. Young, cruel and racist. Their minds poisoned in the name of their parents and country and needs of the herd, to check and curb people’s movement.

Huwara checkpoint checks. Movement. That is what it does. That is its essence. All the rest is variation. Whoever desires security does not impose closure upon Nablus and prevents people from entering and exiting it. These are the objectives of whoever wishes to strangle, starve and harass.

I shall tell especially one thing of this ugly and depressing afternoon, so similar and different and yet similar to everything that typifies occupation and oppression and incarceration and abuse as a method and a goal in itself.

In the denial of life, enclosing people in enclaves amongst which there are checkpoints and roads for Jews only, there are these junctions, checkpoints, ‘passages’ which attract various venders to try and sell things. Mostly these are people with different vocations who have been prevented from practicing their trade by the ever-worsening rules of separation and oppression. People who are trying to provide for their families, usually large ones, and earn a pittance. For the terrible economic situation does not enable them to charge much. No one can afford much. Still, in spite of everything, people sometimes do need a cup of coffee or some humus or diapers. And at the exit points from the checkpoints, before they board taxis on their way anywhere, they sometimes buy something. It’s good for the venders, of course, and good for the taxi drivers who usually have to wait around for hours, and good for the passers-by who have also been waiting for hours to be allowed through. What is wrong with this? Precisely for this reason, namely that this is a last meager resort to earn and provide some relief for the passers-by, and the possibility for drivers to relax over a cup of coffee once in a while – this is just the reason to inflict harm precisely upon this miserable population.

After all, if any of them were suspect in the eyes of the Occupation, they would long since be arrested and investigated. But they are not. They must not earn a living. This is the rule of Occupation. And the means – sending the young executors to take out their wrath on these poor. At all the checkpoints, by all the army units, for years now. It has become routine. It is not a whim, not a single incident perpetrated by some cruel individual soldier. It is policy. To prevent the venders from making a living.

Why? Because they are needy. That is the reason.

At points of need, the Jewish imagination is mobilized for prevention. Thus, too, the DCO (district coordination office), the very place that is supposed to provide answers to people under occupation, that acknowledges its duty to maintain the lives of occupied civilians, be driven by “relatively humane” and humanitarian motives, even in a state of war. It is the very center and brain of the prevention system. Of its sinister nature and terrifying stranglehold. And it is the very center for recruitment of collaborators.

Through the cynical use of sweeping, targeted prevention, and the fact that it is the only venue where Palestinians are allowed to appeal to for their everyday needs, the DCO has turned into the perfect place to demand of people to betray their own, in order to obtain even the slightest minimum. The greater the need, the greater the possibility to pressure them. The DCO offices are synonymous with the GSS – General Security Service. That is where it sits. These are the inquisitors in a “humane” guise. Humaneness is only the non-essential language. What could be more sophisticated? If a person wants to apply for a permit to build a house, he must turn to the DCO, and of course not receive such a permit because he is Palestinian.

That is the root of it all. But then his address is already known so his house can be demolished as soon as it goes up. And if someone is ill with cancer and wants to go to another town where he is not allowed to go by the laws of separation, all the better.
Ample reason to ask of him one thing or the other. And then he will pass. For prevention is methodical control and pressure which has not a thing to do with security. It is the distilled embodiment of evil. The army’s “humanitarian” hotline is the DCO. The place that constitutes one of the centers of oppression, or organizing apartheid, of administering the destruction of Palestinian society – is the one and only place to which they are to turn. It is so cynical and sophisticated and so very awful.

And thus the juncture of need of the venders is the juncture of abuse.

This is an especially poor family, everyone say sit. (Judith Levin of Machsomwatch, too, knows them well. She is a good friend to them and can tell more about their situation and what they have been through). And in Huwara, where people are certainly not wealthy, they were given a shack without having to pay. There they spread their mattresses. According to Judith, that is all they have. They live in dire poverty. However impoverished everyone is, there are the poorer poor, and such is this family. Seven children. Originally from the Jenin area. The main bread-earners are the eldest son, 16-year old Nizar, and 12-year old Mu’atasssem. The livelihood of the entire family rests on the shoulders of these two children. They earn no more than 50 shekel a day, usually less than 20. If the two children earn nothing, then there is nothing to buy food with. It is extremely simple.

This – of course – is an excellent reason to hurt them.

Little terror squads of one-two-three soldiers venture out to hunt down the venders.
These children usually sell tea and coffee. That’s it. They have already been beaten before. Soldiers have spilt their sugar and water and coffee on the ground. Every soldier and his own special fancy…

In recent weeks, usually soldier Israel and soldier Alex have been starring in this program, but not only they. They are but the prominent ones. Israel sometimes comes around in a Hummer, and not just from the checkpoint itself. An especially industrious fellow, it seems.

There are those who beat, and those who keep silent, and those who are detained in the concrete cell for hours or placed in the sun on purpose or just yelled at that if they don’t get the hell out their wares will end up on the ground, and those who listen to their i-pod as though there is no world around them.

I don’t usually harbor feelings of vengeance. It is not my nature. Not even against the bad guys. But I do admit that at times I need for all of them, down to the last one, everyone partaking in this sinister regime, all these young executioners, “our soldiers”, to be denied entry when they will be boarding the plane on their way to the standard post-army treks in India and South America. And that no university will ever admit whoever took part in this sinister war against another people only because it is another people. At least this.

Saturday was such a day. We did not see anyone get shot, nor beaten, nor shackled. There were only young men with helmets and guns who prevented people from moving in their land and home for their everyday needs, from going to school or the doctor or the garage to visiting their elderly sister. Only if they fit today’s passage criteria. And even so, not everyone.

What criteria can be worthy to not allow someone to breathe, to live, to raise children, to eat? Why can a person who dwells elsewhere not be allowed to visit his father who lives here? Why?

Very simply, for hurt is the purpose and not the symptom. And so that at the juncture points of permit applications needed for the most trivial, minimal thing, it will be possible to recruit collaborators. The first and foremost method of destroying life texture, is to poison people’s ability to trust each other. Under such dreadful conditions of pressure, the likelihood that a neighbor or friend has been pushed into acting against his people is enormous. It is also human. And thus, you can no longer let go with one another, for who knows, perhaps the other has already received his permit and more than anything that arouses suspicion… And he, the one who receives his permit, is sometimes more suspect than everyone else, for how did he do it? What did he tell the ‘captain’? Who knows… And so even receiving permits is problematic, and without them nothing is possible…

A few days ago the brothers sold diapers, for during the Ramadan fast there is no demand for coffee. Again, Nizar and Mu’atassem. Soldier Israel took the bag of diapers and hit 16-year old, epileptic Nizar on the head. Then soldier Alex took skinny little Mu’atassem and said, I’ll cut off your head and tongue. He has a voice creeping with worms, say the others of Alex. They say he also speaks Arabic. And that he said all of this to the frightened boy in Arabic. They spent four and a half hours in the holding cell, standing for there is no room to sit. Then they were allowed to leave.

Another time, recently, can’t say exactly when for it happens all the time, they were selling in the taxi park. Soldiers came along and took them, stood them in the sun behind what they call the “Humanitarian Point”. Behind the shack. So they would not be seen. Some time. Hours. And their mother came. People told her they were there. And she began to cry and said that they are the family’s bread-winners. Then a jeep came along, listened, and released them.

“Two days ago,” says N., the taxi coordinator, “soldiers threw down the water and diapers they were selling. So I came and gathered the stuff, and the soldier who threw it came to me, he knows my face, and he looked at me, hard. That’s how he remembers me, I think.

Today on my way from Nablus, while waiting in line, I sat down on a concrete slab, and that same soldier came up to me, he must have remembered me, and he said ‘I think today you’re not going to be allowed through’. Why? I ask. I’m no terrorist. It’s because you’re getting back at me for helping the children. So the soldier said, ‘you’ll get to the line, but you won’t be allowed to pass.’ So I told him, you want a fight? I’m strong. But I did nothing. We both know it’s because I helped those children. That’s why you want to give me a hard time.

He spoke no more. Then I got to the head of the line, and he came and said ‘go home!’
I said, check me. I’m clean. I know the law. It didn’t help. They told me to go back. I yelled, and then they said, ‘come and bring your ID. You’re not getting in.’ I yelled at them that this is unlawful, and I know it. Then the officer came along and I told him we’re not fighting. You are responsible for this order of the soldiers. That’s what an officer is here for, to be smarter. If I get to the DCO you’ll have a problem here. So he said, ‘take your ID back. You’re not crossing before 12 o’clock.” I said, why? I lose money like this. And he said, ‘you’re not crossing.” Some officer.

So I crossed in a cab. The officer caught me. I told him again that I’m right by the law. He said, ‘you yelled!” I did not, I said. I said the soldier had tried to get me into an argument. That it was all in order to get back at me. Because I helped the children. I told him they’re behaving as if we he and I are at war. And that I want to go to work.

“Give me your ID” he said and I did. He gave it back to me and said, ‘just don’t yell.’

And I got through.

All because I helped the children. They’re getting back at me.

Today the mother was on her way back from Nablus and happened to be there just as her sons’ cart was being kicked over. Soldier Israel and another. Three cartons, each containing 72 glasses made of glass. It’s Ramadan so they’re not selling food or beverages. Everything fell and broke. All the money was gone. She came running, crying, gripped the soldier, and one of the soldiers threatened her face with his M-16, the other pushed her from the side with his rifle butt, and she said to him: “Shoot me. Death’s better”, and they continued pushing her with their rifle butts, and she took the children and went off.

And they did not shoot her.

Some of us, friends, thought we’d try to do something for them, says N. the taxi dispatcher. They’re not from around here, I told you. They’re from the Jenin area. No work. Nothing. Not even bread and oil and thyme. I’m ashamed of the money I earn, you see? What is 20 shekels a day, do you get it?

Later the mother took her sick son, Muntasser, to Nablus for a medical examination and walked on the paved lane and not through the turnstile. The soldiers yelled at her, and she told them ‘my child is ill’. God take you, said the soldier. And she passed.

These children are not the only children venders at Huwara checkpoint whom the Israeli army brutes harass. There are also adults. We have written about them again and again. For as I said, this is what the soldiers were sent here to do. And do with zest. Some have dashed the venders’ bread on the ground into the dirt. Poured out cooled drinks. Not all soldiers beat them. Some only say, “Git! Split! Get out of here!” Some draw a line in the dirt and say, ‘Don’t cross this line!” Some kick. And some do it with their rifle butts. On that day at the checkpoint some people were detained in the concrete cell because their name bingo-ed on the computer list. Some tried to bypass and some were “cheeky”, meaning they did not look submissively at the ground while being checked. Some we re caught leaning “too long” on the concrete side ledge. And there was a taxi carrying an ailing, invalid father whose son was driving, on their way home to Nablus. And the soldier said no. You don’t drive in. Because the taxi is registered under the father’s name and not the son’s. Because.

But the father is here, by me, says the son. And he is now crippled. And they’re on their way home. And he’s not feeling well. And after residents of Nablus are “allowed” by “law” to come and go. But alas, the son is driving his father’s taxi who, true, is sitting right there beside him and is, true, a cripple now, but he’s not driving so git! Go away! So the man turned back. And came back alone and said again, but I should be allowed in, and him too, and the cab, I’m not on my way to Tel Aviv.

The soldier gestured him to go away, split! The man said one more thing, pleaded, and the soldier gestured shackled, as if saying I’ll shackle you if you don’t get out of here, and said “to the concrete cell!” And the man, angry and frustrated and worried, rushing off to his father, raised his hands skywards as if saying, this is my fate, our fate… And the soldier told him “come here!” and he’ll probably shackle him now because he is a soldier with a gun, and because this young man is only a Palestinian.

And this is no metaphor.

Our summary of this Saturday shift, as any other day, is that the soldiers of the Israeli army stood there according to their nature and the instructions of the day and abused the Palestinian people because it is Palestinian. That is more or less all.

Ha’aretz: Democracy is more than going to the polls

By: Amira Hass

October 2nd, 2007

“The protest wave has calmed down,” some Israeli journalists said Friday of the Burmese military junta’s success in driving thousands of demonstrators off the streets, using excessive violence.

Despite the natural sympathy for the uprisers, several editors chose the word “calm,” which embodies the rulers’ point of view: The norm is “calm,” even if it means constant government violence. The mass protest against the oppression is a disruption of order and calm.

The word “calm” was an automatic reflection of how most Israeli Jews and their media see the constant, 40-year Israeli oppression of the Palestinians. This is the norm one thinks of when the Palestinians disrupt the calm.

The oppression of the Palestinian people is intended to perpetuate its banishment from its land and the infringement on its rights there. But on the other side of the regime of oppression is democracy for Jews, even those who oppose the occupation.

Generally, Jewish dissidents are not risking their life, livelihood, freedom or rights. However, the demonstration against the separation fence does involve certain risks – a few hours in detention, soldiers’ fire, tear gas, or a blow from a gun. Therefore, each protester makes his or her own courageous decision to take part in the demonstration. Assisting the Palestinian olive harvest also requires courage, because it could end in an attack by the settlers (while the government’s representatives, the soldiers, stand idly by). And yet there are dozens of anti-oppression activities that do not endanger the hundreds of devoted activists (mostly women) who take part in them.

Potentially, hundreds of thousands of Jewish Israelis could have taken part in activities against the multi-faceted Israeli oppression – the apartheid laws and orders, military attacks, hidden
information, economic siege, land expropriation, expanding settlements, and more. Not a hair on their head would be touched. These are people who say they support peace, with a Palestinian state beside Israel. But apparently their interpretation of participation in democracy is going to the polls once every few years, and faint protest in their living room.

However, democracy also is displaying civic responsibility, by constantly supervising the political decisions and acts between elections, thus ensuring that democracy’s essence has not been eroded. Those who say they support a two-state solution are ignoring the other facet of the democracy-for-Jews – the military regime that it imposes on the Palestinians. This regime creates faits accomplis all the time, foiling the last chance for a solution (i.e. full withdrawal with slight changes to the June 4, 1967 lines and establishing a Palestinian state).

The Jewish citizens who enjoy their democracy are not personally harmed by its other facet. On the contrary, they gain from it – cheap land and quality housing, additional water sources, a cadre of security professionals in demand worldwide, and thriving defense industries. This is the “calm” that even self-defined peace supporters refrain from disrupting.

In the Soviet empire and racist South Africa – like in today’s Burma (Myanmar) – objecting to oppression involved a high personal price. Therefore, one could understand the objectors who chose not to act. In Israel, because it is a democracy for Jews, all those who sit idle, ignoring what is being done in their name, bear a heavy responsibility.

Chiefs of staff, prime ministers, ministers and generals are not the only ones responsible. Anyone who theoretically objects to oppression, discrimination and expulsion, but does not actively take part in the struggle and in creating a constant popular resistance to topple the apartheid regime we have created here, is responsible.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/908880.html